- 


Entered  according  to  the  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1833, 

BY  S.  G.  GOODRICH, 
in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  Massachusetts. 


PREFACE. 


IN  writing  the  Lives  of  the  Presidents  of  the  United  States,  i 
has  been  difficult  to  preserve  the  strict  impartiality  which  the 
nature  of  the  work  requires,  and  avoid  running  either  into 
eulogy  or  abuse.  The  circumstances  of  their  administration  are 
so  recent,  that  one  who  has  lived  through  the  greater  portion  of 
them,  and  entered  into  all  the  excited  feelings  of  party  strife,  can 
hardly  be  supposed  capable  of  divesting  himself  of  prejudices, 
and  passions,  however  much  he  may  desire  to  be  an  honest 
chronicler  of  the  times.  We  can  only  say,  that  it  has  been  our 
sincere  aim  and  endeavor  to  see  near  events  with  the  eye  of  a 
distant  spectator,  and  to  anticipate  the  dispassionate  judgment 
which  posterity  will  pass  upon  the  great  men  who  have  admi- 
nistered our  Government.  The  affairs  of  the  last  twenty  years 
are  yet  hardly  ripe  for  the  biographer,  and  the  materials  for  their 
history  are  scattered  in  various  directions,  and  to  be  drawn  from 
many  different  sources.  That  all  those  sources  should  be  pure, 
is  more  than  can  be.  expected ;  but  we  have  uniformly  endeavored 
to  resort  only  to  those  least  exposed  to  suspicion. 

For  the  materials  of  our  work,  we  owe  much  obligation  to 
many  distinguished  writers.  To  the  Lives  of  the  Signers  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  by  a  gentleman  who  has  done  a 
great  deal  for  the  illustration  of  American  history,  we  have  been 
much  indebted  in  the  course  of  the  volume,  and  particularly  in 
our  summary  of  their  biographies.  To  the  eloquent  eulogist 
of  Mr.  Monroe,  to  Marshall,  Bancroft,  Ramsay,  Thacher,  Tudor, 
Wirt,  Lee,  Jefferson,  Irving,  Knapp,  the  author  of  a  Biographical 
Sketch  of  J.  Q.  Adams,  Goodrich,  Hinton,  the  editor  of  Ame- 


IV  PREFACE. 

lican  Anecdotes,  the  author  of  the  History  of  the  United  States, 
published  in  Lardner's  Cyclopaedia,  to  Eaton,  Goodwin,  the 
editors  of  the  Annual  Register  and  North  American  Review,  and 
many  others,  of  whose  labors  we  have  had  occasion  to  avail 
ourselves,  we  take  this  opportunity  of  noticing  our  repeated 
obligations.  It  is  idle,  in  a  work  of  this  description,  to  pretend 
to  originality,  and  unfair  not  to  acknowledge  the  sources  to 
which  we  have  been  indebted. 

We  hope  that  our  readers  will  find  in  this  work  all  that  has 
been  promised,  and  indeed  more.  Of  its  imperfections  no  one 
can  be  more  aware  than  ourself;  but  of  its  impartiality  and 
honesty  we  believe  that  no  one  will  have  reason  to  doubt. 

R.  W.  LINCOLN. 

NEW-YORK,  JULY  20,  1833. 


CONTENTS. 


Page 

LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 1 

George  Washington 1 

John  Adams 71 

Thomas  Jefferson      ....• 97 

James  Madison 131 

James  Monroe 178 

John  Quincy  Adams      .......;..        .  237 

Andrew  Jackson .• 273 

Martin  Van  Buren 325 

LIVES  OF  THE  SIGNERS 347 

Samuel  Adams     .        . «...  347 

Josiah  Bartlett  ...;... 849 

Carter  Brazton      ............  351 

Charles  Carroll 352 

Samuel  Chase 358 

Abraham  Clarke 360 

George  Clymer 361 

"William  Ellery 363 

William  Floyd      ........ 364 

Benjamin  Franklin 364 

Elbridge  Gerry      .........        i  .  367 

Button  Gwinnett 371 

Lyman  Hall 372 

John  Hancock 373 

Benjamin  Harrison 375 

John  Hart         .        ; 376 

Joseph  Hewes 377 

Thomas  Heyward 379 

William  Hooper 380 

Stephen  Hopkins 381 

Francis  Hopkinson .  ...  382 

Samuel  Huntington  ......        */^"".        •        •        •       383 

Francis  Lightfoot  Lee 384 

Richard  Henry  Lee 386 

Francis  Lewis  ; .  388 


vi  CONTENTS. 

Pate. 

Philip  Livingston 

Thomas  Lynch ....391 

Thomas  M'Kean 392 

Arthur  Middleton 393 

Lewis  Morris 394 

Robert  Morris 395 

John  Morton     .  .397 

Thomas  Nelson,  Jon 398 

William  Paca 399 

Robert  Treat  Paine • 399 

JohnPenn 401 

George  Read 401 

Caesar  Rodney 402 

George  Ross 403 

Benjamin  Rash 404 

Edward  Rutledge 406 

Roger  Sherman 406 

James  Smith 408 

Richard  Stockton 409 

Thomas  Stone «...  410 

George  Taylor 410 

Matthew  Thornton 411 

George  Walton 412 

William  Whipple .413 

William  Williams 414 

James  Wilson •        * 415 

John  Witherspoon ;        .        .        .       416 

Oliver  Wolcott 417 

George  Wythe 418 

EARLY  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA    ..........  419 

Early  Adventures  in  North  America        . 441 

Settlement  of  the  Southern  States 447 

North  and  South  Carolina 457 

Settlement  of  the  Northern  States 463 

FRENCH  WARS 473 

AKECPOTES  OF  THE  REVOLUTION .  489 

GENERAL  VIEW  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  497 


LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS. 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

THERE  is  no  individual  whose  life  is  more  completely  identified  with 
the  history  of  his  country,  than  is  that  of  George  Washington.  Notwith- 
standing the  order,  dignity,  and  beauty  of  his  private  character,  there  are 
many  whose  private  life  would  furnish  much  more  interesting  subjects  to 
the  pen  of  a  biographer.  The  interest  of  his  life  depends  upon  more  im- 
portant circumstances  than  personal  adventure,  or  romantic  incident.  It 
rests  upon  his  connexion  with  the  great  events,  which  led  to  the  indepen- 
dence of  his  country,  and  which,  in  their  still  spreading  and  accumulating 
effects,  may  break  up  the  institutions  of  tyranny  all  over  the  globe. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON  was  born  at  Bridge's  Creek,  in  Westmoreland 
county,  Virginia,  on  the  twenty-second  of  February,  1732.  He  was  the 
son  of  Augustine  Washington,  a  descendant  of  one  of  the  earliest  settlers 
of  the  first  English  colony  in  America,  who  died  when  his  son  George  was 
about  ten  years  of  age.  The  education  of  the  orphan  devolved  upon  his 
mother,  who  devoted  herself  to  the  task  with  a  zeal  and  industry,  for 
which  she  afterwards  reaped  an  ample  reward.  The  means  of  education 
at  that  period  were  of  course  very  limited,  and  a  grammatical  knowledge 
of  the  English  language,  mathematics,  history,  natural  and  moral  philoso- 
phy, formed  the  course  of  his  youthful  studies.  Of  this  education,  mathe- 
matics formed  by  far  the  most  important  part.  This  was  of  great  advan- 
tage to  him  in  early  life,  in  qualifying  him  for  the  office  of  practical  sur- 
veyor, and  in  later  years  in  its  connexion  with  military  science.  At 
the  age  of  fifteen,  he  was  desirous  to  enter  into  active  life,  and  obtained 
the  birth  of  a  midshipman  in  the  British  navy ;  but  the  anxiety  of  an  af- 
fectionate mother  dissuaded  him  from  the  adoption  of  this  course  of  life. 

Of  the  early  youth  of  Washington,  no  authentic  anecdotes  have  been 
preserved.  He  has  been  described  by  his  contemporaries  as  grave,  silent, 
and  thoughtful ;  diligent  in  his  business ;  correct  in  his  deportment,  and 
strictly  honorable  in  all  his  conduct.  His  patrimony  was  small,  but  ma- 
naged with  prudent  industry.  Of  the  estimation  in  which  he  was  held, 
even  when  quite  young,  we  may  judge,  from  his  being  appointed  one  of 
the  adjutants  general  of  Virginia,  at  the  age  of  nineteen.  When  hardly 
twenty-one,  he  was  employed  by  the  government  of  his  native  colony  in  an 
enterprise  of  very  considerable  importance. 
1 


1  WASHINGTON. 

The  French  were  the  first  European  discoverers  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
claimed  all  those  extensive  regions  whose  waters  emptied  into  that  river. 
They  had  just  formed  a  plan  of  connecting  their  possessions  in  America, 
by  the  union  of  Louisiana  with  Canada.  In  pursuance  of  this  design,  a 
line  of  military  posts  from  the  lakes  to  the  Ohio  had  been  commenced  in 
the  year  1753.  This  territory  was  situated  within  the  boundaries  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  the  governor  of  that  province  deemed  it  his  duty  to  remonstrate 
against  encroachments,  which  he  considered  in  violation  of  previous 
treaties.  He  determined  to  send  an  agent  to  the  French  commandant  on 
the  Ohio,  to  convey  his  views  upon  this  important  and  delicate  subject. 
For  this  purpose  Mr.  Washington  was  the  person  selected. 

In  discharge  of  this  trust,  he  set  out  about  the  middle  of  November, 
from  Wills'  Creek,  then  an  extreme  frontier  settlement,  and  pursued  his 
course  over  an  unexplored  tract  of  morasses  and  forests,  over  rivers  of  diffi- 
cult passage,  and  among  tribes  of  hostile  Indians.  Reaching  the  Monon- 
gahela  on  the  twenty-second,  he  there  learned  that  the  French  general  was 
dead,  and  that  the  greater  part  of  the  army  had  retired  into  winter  quarters. 
He  spent  a  few  days  among  the  Indians,  and  very  wisely  secured  the  ser- 
vices of  some  of  their  chiefs,  who  guided  him  to  the  fort  at  French  Creek, 
where  he  found  the  commanding  officer  on  the  Ohio.  Delivering  his  let- 
ters, in  three  or  four  days  he  received  an  official  reply,  and  immediately  set 
out  on  his  return.  Finding  the  snow  deep,  and  his  horses  weakened  with 
fatigue,  he  determined  to  pursue  his  way  on  foot.  He  took  his  necessary 
papers,  a  gun  and  a  pack,  and  wrapping  himself  in  his  watch-coat,  set  out 
with  a  single  companion.  On  the  day  following,  they  i'cil  in  with  a  party 
of  French  Indians,  one  of  whom  fired  upon  them.  They  took  this  Indian 


WASHINGTON. 

prisoner,  and  kept  him  until  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening,  when  they  re- 
leased him,  and  walked  without  stopping  all  the  rest  of  the  night,  in  order 
to  be  out  of  the  reach  of  pursuit. 

As  the  answer  of  the  French  commandant  indicated  no  disposition  to 
withdraw  from  the  disputed  territory,  the  Assembly  of  Virginia  determin- 
ed to  maintain  by  force  the  rights  of  the  British  crown.  A  regiment  was 
immediately  raised  of  three  hundred  men.  The  command  of  this  body 
was  given  to  Mr.  Fry,  and  Washington  was  appointed  lieutenant  colonel. 
Desirous  to  engage  in  active  service,  and  take  as  early  measures  as  possi- 
ble in  defence  of  the  colony,  Washington  obtained  permission  to  march  in 
advance  of  the  other  troops,  to  Great  Meadows.  On  reaching  this  place, 
he  learned  from  the  friendly  Indians  that  a  party  of  the  French  were  en- 
camped in  a  valley  a  few  miles  to  the  west.  The  night  was  dark  and 
rainy,  and  entirely  concealed  the  movements  of  the  troops.  They  sur- 
rounded the  French  camp,  and  took  it  completely  by  surprise.  The  com- 
manding officer  was  killed,  one  person  escaped,  and  all  the  rest  immedi- 
ately surrendered. 

Soon  after  this  affair,  Colonel  Fry  died,  and  the  command  of  the  regiment 
devolved  upon  Washington,  who  speedily  collected  forces  at  Great  Mea- 
dows, to  the  number  of  four  hundred  men.  A  small  stockade  was  erected, 
called  Fort  Necessity,  in  which  a  few  soldiers  were  stationed  to  guard  the 
horses  and  provisions,  while  the  main  body  moved  forward  to  dislodge  the 
French  from  Fort  Du  Q-uesne.  They  had  not  proceeded  more  than  thir- 
teen miles,  when  they  were  informed  by  friendly  Indians,  "that  the 
French,  as  numerous  as  pigeons  in  the  woods,  were  advancing  in  an 
hostile  manner  towards  the  English  settlements,  and  also,  that  Fort  Du 
Q,uesne  had  been  recently  and  strongly  reinforced."  In  this  critical  situ- 
ation it  was  resolved  to  retreat  to  the  Great  Meadows,  and  every  exertion 
was  made  to  render  Fort  Necessity  tenable.  Before  the  completion  of  the 
works  erecting  for  that  purpose,  the  fort  was  attacked  by  a  considerable 
force.  The  assailants  were  protected  by  trees  and  high  grass.  The 
Americans  received  them  with  great  intrepidity,  and  Washington  distin- 
guished himself  by  his  coolness  and  address.  The  engagement  continued 
from  ten  in  the  morning  until  dark,  when  the  French  general  demanded 
a  parley,  and  offered  terms  of  capitulation.  These  were  refused,  but  in 
the  course  of  the  night  other  proposals  were  accepted.  The  fort  was  sur- 
rendered on  condition  that  the  garrison  should  march  out  with  the  honors 
of  war,  should  be  permitted  to  retain  their  arms  and  baggage,  and  to  pro- 
ceed without  molestation  into  the  inhabited  parts  of  Virginia.  A  public 
vote  of  thanks  was  given  to  Washington  and  the  officers  under  his  com- 
mand, for  their  conduct  in  this  affair  ;  and  three  hundred  pistoles  were 
distributed  among  the  soldiers. 

The  controversy  in  respect  to  the  Ohio  lands,  which  commenced  in 
Virginia,  was  taken  up  with  much  zeal  in  Great  Britain,  and  two  regiments 
were  sent  to  America  to  support  the  pretensions  of  his  Britannic  majesty. 
They  arrived  early  in  1755,  under  the  command  of  General  Braddock,  who 
invited  Washington  to  serve  the  campaign  as  a  volunteer  aid-de-camp. 
This  invitation  he  at  once  accepted,  and  joined  the  regiment  on  its  march 
to  Fort  Cumberland.  Here  the  army  was  detained  till  the  twelfth  of  June, 


4  WASHINGTON 

waiting  for  wagons,  horses  and  provisions.  Soon  after  resuming  their 
march,  Washington  was  seized  with  a  violent  fever,  but  re'fusing  to  re- 
main behind  the  army,  was  conveyed  with  them  in  a  covered  wagon. 

The  object  of  the  campaign  was  the  capture  of  Fort  Du  duesne. 
Washington^  advised  the  general  to  leave  his  heavy  artillery  and  baggage 
behind,  and  to  press  forward  with  a  chosen  body  of  troops  as  expeditiously 
as  possible.  This  advice  was  adopted,  and  twelve  hundred  men  were  se- 
lected, to  be  commanded  by  General  Braddock  in  person,  and  to  advance 
with  the  utmost  despatch.  This  corps  immediately  commenced  it? 
march,  but  did  not  move  with  the  celerity  that  had  been  expected.  "  I 
found,"  said  Washington,  in  a  letter  to  his  brother,  "  that  instead  of  push- 
ing on  with  vigor,  without  regarding  a  little  rough  road,  they  were  halting 
to  level  every  mole  hill,  and  to  erect  bridges  over  every  brook."  They 
were  four  days  in  passing  over  the  first  nineteen  miles  from  the  Little 
Meadows.  Here  the  sickness  of  Washington  made  it  impossible  for  him 
to  proceed  on  the  march.  General  Braddock  ordered  him  to  stay  behind 
with  a  small  guard,  till  the  arrival  of  Colonel  Dunbar,  with  the  rear  di- 
vision of  the  army.  As  soon  as  his  strength  would  permit,  he  rejoined  the 
general,  and  immediately  entered  on  the  duty  of  his  office. 

The  next  day  was  an  eventful  one  in  our  early  history.  It  was  the  ninth 
of  July.  General  Braddock  had  crossed  the  Monongahela,  and  was  pressing 
forward,  with  no  apprehension  of  danger,  to  Fort  Du  Q-uesne.  He  was 
already  within  a  few  miles  of  his  destination,  marching  on  an  open  road 
thick  set  with  grass,  when  on  a  sudden  a  heavy  and  well  directed  fire  was 
opened  upon  his  troops  by  an  invisible  enemy,  consisting  of  the  French 
and  Indians.  From  their  sheltered  retreats  they  were  able  to  take  a  safe 
and  steady  aim,  and  the  officers  of  the  British  troops  were  slain  in  great 
numbers.  In  a  short  time  Washington  was  the  only  aid-de-camp  left 
alive  and  unwounded.  He  was  obliged  consequently  to  carry  all  of  the 
general's  orders,  to  every  part  of  the  battle-field  in  person.  In  performing 


WASHINGTON.  5 

this  duty,  he  had  two  horses  killed  under  him,  and  four  balls  passed 
through  his  coat.  "  I  expected  every  moment,"  says  an  eyewitness,  "  to 
see  him  fall.  Nothing  but  the  superintending  care  of  Providence  could 
have  saved  him  from  the  fate  of  all  around  him." 

During  the  whole  course  of  the  battle  Braddock  displayed  the  utmost 
intrepidity  and  firmness.  He  encouraged  his  men  to  keep  their  ground ; 
but  valor  was  useless,  and  he  saw  his  army  falling  around  him  like  grass 
under  the  scythe,  without  being  able  to  render  them  any  assistance.  Un- 
acquainted with  the  Indian  mode  of  fighting,  his  efforts  to  form  his  broken 
troops  only  exposed  them  more  surely  to  the  galling  fire  of  the  enemy. 
The  action  continued  for  three  hours,  in  the  course  of  which  the  general 
had  three  horses  killed  under  him,  and  received  himself  a  mortal  wound. 
His  troops  immediately  fled  in  great  confusion.  It  was  impossible  to  rall^ 
them,  until  they  had  crossed  the  Monongahela,  and  placed  a  river  between 
themselves  and  their  enemy.  The  Indians  were  too  much  occupied  with 
the  plunder,  to  think  of  continuing  the  pursuit.  Braddock  was  carried  to 
the  camp  of  Dunbar,  where  in  a  few  days  he  died. 

On  this  occasion  the  British  officers  behaved  with  admirable  bravery, 
but  the  common  soldiers  broke  into  confusion  in  spite  of  every  effort  to 
rally  them,  and  fled  like  sheep  before  hounds.  The  three  Virginia  com- 
panies, on  the  contrary,  conducted  with  great  spirit,  and  fought  with  such 
disregard  of  danger,  that  there  were  scarcely  thirty  men  left  alive  from 
their  whole  number.  This  defeat  did  not  injure  the  reputation  of  Wash- 
ington. His  countrymen  praised  his  conduct,  and  it  was  well  understood 
that  the  disasters  of  the  day  originated  in  a  neglect  of  his  advice. 

Intelligence  of  the  defeat  of  Braddock,  and  of  the  withdrawal  of  the 
regular  forces  from  Virginia,  arrived  while  the  Assembly  of  that  colony 
were  still  in  session.  It  was  at  once  resolved  to  raise  a  regiment  of  sixteen 
companies  to  protect  the  frontier  settlements.  The  command  of  this  was 
given  to  Washington,  with  authority  to  name  the  field  officers. 

In  executing  the  duties  of  his  office,  Washington  visited  the  frontiers, 
and  made  the  best  disposition  of  the  few  soldiers  he  found  in  the  various 
posts.  On  his  way  to  Williamsburg,  he  was  overtaken  by  an  express, 
with  information  that  the  back  settlements  had  been  broken  up  by  the 
French  and  Indians,  who  were  burning  their  houses,  devastating  their 
crops,  murdering  and  leading  into  captivity  the  men,  women  and  children. 
The  few  troops  stationed  on  the  frontiers  were  unable  to  render  them  any 
assistance,  but  retired  for  their  own  safety  to  the  stockade  forts.  Alarm 
and  confusion  prevailed  on  all  sides.  Before  any  sufficient  force  could  be 
collected  to  repel  the  assailants,  they  had  retreated  beyond  the  Alleghany 
mountains,  and  were  out  of  the  reach  of  punishment.  Irruptions  of  this 
kind  were  repeatedly  made  into  the  frontier  settlements  during  the  years 
.  1756,  1757,  and  1758.  The  distresses  of  the  inhabitants  were  extreme. 
In  the  forts  they  suffered  from  hunger,  and  were  often  besieged  and  mur- 
dered. In  their  farms  and  villages  they  lay  down  every  night  with  the 
fear  of  a  cruel  death,  or  a  more  cruel  bondage,  continually  before  them. 

The  people  looked  to  Washington  for  the  protection  he  was  unable  to 
give.  The  difficulty  of  raising  a  large  number  of  men,  and  the  inability 
of  a  small  number  to  protect  the  extensive  frontiers  of  Virginia,  were 


0 


WASHINGTON. 


continual  sources  of  anxiety  and  distress.  The  savages  made  no  distinc- 
tions in  their  warfare.  They  slew  the  women  and  children,  the  aged 
and  the  helpless,  as  well  as  the  men  whom  they  found  in  arms.  Wash- 
ington, in  a  letter  written  during  this  period  to  the  governor,  observed — 
"  The  supplicating  tears  of  the  women  and  moving  petitions  of  the  men, 
melt  me  with  such  deadly  sorrow,  that  I  solemnly  declare,  if  I  know  my 
own  mind,  I  could  offer  myself  a  willing  sacrifice  to  the  butchering  enemy, 
provided  that  would  contribute  to  the  people's  ease."  He  was  indefati- 
gable in  representing  to  the  governor  the  wretched  condition  of  the  inha- 
bitants, and  the  great  defects  of  the  existing  mode  of  defence.  He  ad- 
vised the  reduction  of  Fort  Du  Q,uesne,  the  lurking-place  and  strong  hold 
of  these  predatory  bands,  as  the  only  means  of  effectually  restoring  secu- 
rity to  the  frontier  settlements.  In  case  this  measure  was  not  adopted,  he 
advised  that  twenty-two  forts,  extending  in  a  line  of  three  hundred  and 
sixty  miles,  should  be  erected  and  garrisoned  by  two  thousand  men,  in 
constant  pay  and  service.  In  the  autumn  of  1758,  to  the  great  joy  of 
Washington,  an  expedition  was  fitted  out  against  Fort  Du  Quesne ;  but  on 
reaching  the  post,  they  found  that  the  garrison  had  deserted  it  and  re- 
treated down  the  Ohio.  A  treaty  of  peace  was  soon  after  concluded 
with  the  Indian  tribes.  Fort  Du  Q-uesne  received  the  name  of  Fort  Pitt, 
was  repaired  and  garrisoned  with  two  hundred  men  from  Washington's 
regiment.  Henceforward  it  was  a  source  of  as  much  advantage  to  the 
English  settlements,  as  it  had  before  been  of  detriment.  The  remains 
of  this  fort  presented  the  following  appearance  in  the  year  1831. 


The  great  object  of  his  wishes  having  been  thus  happily  accomplished, 
Washington  resigned  his  commission,  and  thus  ended  his  career  as  a 
provincial  officer.  Soon  after  this  resignation,  he  married  Mrs.  Martha 


WASHINGTON. 

Custis,  a  young  and  beautiful  lady,  of  great  accomplishments,  and  an 
amiable  character.  Retiring  to  the  estate  at  Mount  Vernon,  which  he 
had  acquired  a  few  years  before  by  the  death  of  his  elder  brother,  he 
devoted  himself  assiduously  to  the  business  of  agriculture  He  became 
one  of  the  greatest  landholders  in  North  America.  His  Mount  Vernon 
estate  alone  consisted  of  nine  thousand  acres,  and  his  domestic  and 
farming  establishments  were  composed  of  nearly  a  thousand  persons. 

From  the  close  of  the  frontier  war  to  the  commencement  of  the  revolu- 
tion, Washington  acted  as  judge  of  a  county  court,  and  as  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Burgesses  of  his  native  province.  In  this  body  he  was  never 
distinguished  as  a  speaker,  yet  he  secured  the  esteem  and  confidence  of 
all  who  knew  him,  by  the  firmness  and  propriety  of  his  conduct,  and  the 
uniform  good  sense  of  his  counsels.  While  in  this  situation,  he  took  an 
active  part  in  opposition  to  the  principle  of  the  British  parliament,  to  tax 
the  American  colonies.  He  was  elected  a  representative  to  the  first 
Congress,  which  met  at  Philadelphia,  in  1774,  and  was  the  active  mem- 
ber of  all  the  committees  on  military  affairs.  When  the  commencement 
of  hostilities  made  it  necessary  to  appoint  a  commander-in-chief  of  the 
American  forces,  George  Washington  was  unanimously  elected  to  the 
office.  On  receiving  from  the  President  of  Congress  official  notice  of 
this  appointment,  he  thus  addressed  him :  "  Mr.  President,  although  I 
am  truly  sensible  of  the  high  honor  done  me  in  this  appointment,  yet  I 
feel  great  distress  from  a  consciousness  that  my  abilities  and  military 
experience  may  not  be  equal  to  the  extensive  and  important  trust.  How- 
ever, as  the  Congress  desire  it,  I  will  enter  upon  the  momentous  duty, 
and  exert  every  power  I  possess  in  their  service,  and  for  support  of  the 
glorious  cause.  I  beg  they  will  accept  my  most  cordial  thanks,  for  this 
distinguished  testimony  of  their  approbation. 

"  But,  lest  some  unlucky  event  should  happen,  unfavorable  to  my 
reputation,  I  beg  it  may  be  remembered  by  every  gentleman  in  the  room, 
that  I  this  day  declare,  with  the  utmost  sincerity,  I  do  not  think  myself 
equal  to  the  command  I  am  honored  with. 

"  As  to  pay,  Sir,  I  beg  leave  to  assure  the  Congress  that  as  no  pecunia- 
ry consideration  could  have  tempted  me  to  accept  this  arduous  employ- 
ment, at  the  expense  of  my  domestic  ease  and  happiness,  I  do  not  wish 
to  make  any  profit  from  it.  I  will  keep  an  exact  account  of  my  expenses; 
those  I  doubt  not  they  will  discharge,  and  that  is  all  I  desire." 

A  special  commission  was  made  out  for  him,  and  at  the  same  time  an 
unanimous  resolution  was  adopted  by  Congress,  "  that  they  would  main- 
tain and  assist  him,  and  adhere  to  him  with  their  lives  and  fortunes,  for 
the  maintenance  and  preservation  of  American  liberty  " 

He  prepared  to  enter  immediately  on  the  duties  of  his  high  station. 
Having  passed  a  few  days  in  New-York,  and  making  some  arrangement 
with  General  Schuyler  who  commanded  there,  he  proceeded  to  Cambridge, 
which  was  the  headquarters  of  the  American  army.  On  his  way  thither, 
he  received  from  individuals  and  public  bodies,  the  most  flattering  atten- 
tion and  the  strongest  promises  of  support  and  assistance.  A  committee 
of  the  Massachusetts  Congress  met  him  at  Springfield,  about  one  hun- 
dred miles  from  Boston,  and  conducted  him  to  the  army 


a  WASHINGTON. 

Immediately  after  his  arrival,  the  Congress  presented  him  an  address, 
in  which  they  expressed  their  approbation  of  his  appointment,  and  the 
great  respect  and  affection  they  entertained  for  him.  His  reply  was  well 
calculated  to  increase  these  sentiments.  He  returned  the  warmest  ac- 
knowledgments of  their  kindness,  and  promised  ever  to  retain  it  in 
grateful  remembrance.  In  the  course  of  this  reply,  he  observed,  "In 
exchanging  the  enjoyments  of  domestic  life  for  the  duties  of  my  present 
honorable,  but  arduous  situation,  I  only  emulate  the  virtue  and  public 
spirit  of  the  whole  province  of  Massachusetts,  which,  with  a  firmness  and 
patriotism  without  example,  has  sacrificed  all  the  comforts  of  social  and 
political  life,  in  support  of  the  rights  of  mankind,  and  the  welfare  of  our 
common  country.  My  highest  ambition  is  to  be  the  happy  instrument 
of  vindicating  these  rights,  and  to  see  this  devoted  province  again  restor- 
ed to  peace,  liberty  and  safety." 

On  reaching  the  camp,  the  first  movements  of  the  commander-in-chief 
were  directed  to  an  examination  of  the  strength  and  situation  of  his 
forces.  They  amounted  to  about  fourteen  thousand  and  five  hundred 
men ;  occupying  several  posts  in  an  extent  of  about  twelve  miles.  Some 
were  stationed  at  Roxbury,  some  at  Cambridge,  and  some  on  Winter  and 
Prospect  Hills  in  front  of  Bunker's  Hill.  A  few  companies  were  posted 
in  the  towns  about  Boston  Bay,  which  were  most  exposed  to  attacks  from 
British  armed  vessels.  The  troops  were  not  sufficiently  numerous  to 
defend  so  large  an  extent  of  country,  but  it  was  difficult  to  make  a  more 
compact  arrangement.  The  British  army  were  posted  in  three  divisions. 
The  main  body,  under  General  Howe,  was  intrenching  itself  on  Bunker's 
Hill,  in  Charlestown.  Another  division  was  stationed  on  Copp's  Hill, 
and  the  third  was  strongly  entrenched  and  fortified  on  Roxbury  Neck. 
There  were  three  floating  batteries  in  Mystic  river,  and  a  small  body 
of  infantry  and  light  horse  stationed  in  Boston. 

The  American  army  was  very  badly  provided  with  the  necessaries 
of  war.  Of  military  stores,  they  were  almost  entirely  destitute.  All 
the  powder  in  New-England  would  not  have  furnished  nine  rounds 
to  each  soldier.  In  this  condition,  the  army  remained  for  a  fortnight. 
There  was  no  discipline  among  the  troops,  owing  to  their  being  enlisted 
only  for  short  periods.  The  appointment  of  general  officers  by  Congress 
gave  great  dissatisfaction,  and  induced  several  of  those  who  thought 
themselves  injured,  to  quit  the  service.  To  remedy  all  these  evils,  to 
form  an  uniform  mass  of  discordant  materials,  and  subject  men  striving 
for  independence  to  the  rigid  discipline  of  a  camp,  required  patience, 
firmness,  and  a  spirit  of  conciliation. 

General  Gage  had  received  a  small  reinforcement  from  New- York,  so 
that  the  whole  number  of  the  British  army  now  amounted  to  about  eight 
thousand  men.  Their  plans  were  principally  directed  to  self-defence.  With 
little  interruption,  both  armies  were  employed  in  strengthening  their  re- 
spective fortifications.  But  few  skirmishes  took  place,  and  those  without 
much  bloodshed.  This  state  of  things  did  not  satisfy  the  mind  of  Wash- 
ington. He  was  eager  for  some  active  measures  to  destroy  the  British 
army  in  Boston,  before  it  should  receive  additional  reinforcements ;  and 
before  the  resources  of  the  colonies  should  be  entirely  exhausted. 


WASHINGTON. 

The  situation  of  the  enemy  was  frequently  reconnoitered,  and  every 
effort  made  to  ascertain  their  strength.  To  carry  their  works  by  storm 
was  a  dangerous  project,  but  it  appeared  to  Washington  practicable,  and 
he  determined  to  suggest  it  to  his  general  officers.  A  council  of  war  was 
called,  and  the  measure  proposed.  It  was  decided  that  the  attempt  ought 
lot  to  be  at  that  time  made.  The  original  plan  of  continuing  the  block- 
ade appeared  the  most  advisable,  and  Washington  acquiesced  in  the 
decision  of  the  council. 

The  scarcity  of  fresh  provisions  in  Boston,  induced  the  enemy  to  sen*1, 
small  parties  to  forage  along  the  shores  of  the  continent,  under  the  pro- 
tection of  their  armed  vessels.  The  defence  of  their  property  imposed 
such  a  heavy  burden  upon  the  seaboard  towns,  that  the  governors  of 
several  colonies  applied  to  Washington  to  send  detachments  to  their 
assistance.  Repeated  applications  of  this  nature  were  very  embarrass- 
ing, till  Congress  passed  a  resolution  "  that  the  army  before  Boston  was 
designed  only  to  oppose  the  enemy  in  that  place,  and  ought  not  to  be 
weakened  by  detachments  for  the  security  of  other  parts  of  the  country." 

In  the  course  of  the  autumn,  gradual  approaches  were  made  towards 
the  British  posts.  The  army  was  also  reinforced  by  the  arrival  of  more 
than  fourteen  hundred  riflemen,  from  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland. 
Through  the  season,  the  most  active  exertions  of  the  commander-in- 
chief  were  directed  to  procuring  arms  and  ammunition  for  his  troops.  A 
voyage  was  made  to  Africa,  and  every  pound  of  gunpowder  for  sale  in 
the  British  factories  along  the  coast,  was  obtained  by  the  exchange  of 
New-England  rum.  A  British  ordnance  ship,  completely  Isden  with 
military  stores,  \yas  captured  by  a  privateer  under  the  command  of  Cap- 
tain Manly.  On  the  fifth  of  September,  a  committee  of  Congress  was 
appointed  to  visit  the  camp  at  Cambridge,  and  confer  with  the  chief 
magistrates  of  the  northern  colonies,  and  the  Council  of  Massachusetts, 
on  the  continuance  and  regulation  of  the  continental  army.  The  result 
of  their  conference  was,  that  the  new  army  should  consist  of  twenty  thou 
sand  three  hundred  seventy-two  men,  to  serve  till  the  last  day  of  Decem- 
ber, 1776.  This  short  term  of  enlistment  proved  a  very  serious  and 
almost  a  fatal  evil. 

In  the  execution  of  this  resolve,  Washington  called  upon  the  soldiers 
and  officers  to  make  their  election,  whether  to  retire  or  remain  with  the 
army.  Great  difficulties  occurred  in  effecting  the  re-enlistment.  Many 
were  unwilling  to  continue  in  the  army  on  any  terms;  some  required 
leave  of  absence  to  visit  their  families,  and  others  were  in  doubt,  and 
uncertain  what  course  to  pursue.  In  his  general  orders,  Washington 
appealed  directly  to  the  pride  and  patriotism  of  both  officers  and  men 
"The  times,"  he  observed  in  the  orders  of  October  twentieth,  "and  the 
importance  of  the  great  cause  we  are  engaged  in,  allow  no  room  for  hesi- 
tation and  delay.  When  life,  liberty  and  property  are  at  stake  ;  when  our 
country  is  in  danger  of  being  a  melancholy  scene  of  bloodshed  and  deso- 
lation ;  when  our  towns  are  laid  in  ashes,  innocent  women  and  children 
driven  from  their  peaceful  habitations,  exposed  to  the  rigors  of  an  incle- 
ment season,  to  depend,  perhaps,  on  the  hand  of  charity  for  support ;  when 
calamities  like  these  are  staring  us  in  the  face,  and  a  brutal,  savage  enemy 
2 


10  WASHINGTON. 

threatens  us,  and  every  thing  we  hold  dear,  with  destruction  from  foreign 
troops,  it  little  becomes  the  character  of  a  soldier  to  shrink  from  danger, 
and  condition  for  new  terms.  It  is  the  general's  intention  to  indulge 
both  officers  and  soldiers,  who  compose  the  new  army,  with  furloughs  for 
a  reasonable  time;  but  this  must  be  done  in  such  a  manner  as  not  to 
injure  the  service,  or  weaken  the  army  too  much  at  once." 

The  new  regiment  did  not  fill  so  rapidly  as  had  been  expected.  The 
old  troops,  whose  term  of  service  had  expired,  were  eager  to  return 
home ;  the  new  troops  were  slow  in  coming  in.  From  this  circumstance, 
the  lines  were  often  in  a  defenceless  state.  "  It  is  not,"  says  General 
Washington,  in  a  communication  to  Congress,  "  in  the  pages  of  history 
to  furnish  a  case  like  ours.  To  maintain  a  post  within  musket  shot 
of  the  enemy,  for  six  months  together,  without  ammunition,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  disband  one  army  and  recruit  another,  within  that  dis- 
tance of  twenty  odd  British  regiments,  is  more,  probably,  than  ever  was 
attempted." 

About  the  middle  of  February,  1776,  the  waters  about  Boston  had 
become  sufficiently  frozen  to  bear  the  troops.  Washington  was  now 
desirous  to  execute  his  plan  of  attacking  the  enemy.  A  council  of  war 
was  again  called,  and  was  again  almost  unanimous  against  the  measure. 
It  was  therefore  reluctantly  abandoned.  The  regular  force  engaged  for 
the  year,  now  amounted  to  more  than  fourteen  thousand  men,  and  the 
militia  to  about  six  thousand.  With  these  troops,  Washington  determin- 
ed to  take  possession  of  the  heights  of  Dorchester  ;  a  step  which  he 
thought  must  certainly  bring  on  a  general  action.  To  favor  the  execu- 
tion of  this  plan,  a  heavy  bombardment  on  the  town,  and  lines  of  the 
enemy,  was  commenced,  on  the  evening  of  the  second  of  March,  and  con- 
tinued on  the  two  succeeding  nights.  On  the  night  of  the  fourth,  a 
detachment,  under  the  command  of  General  Thomas,  crossed  the  neck 
from  Roxbury,  and  took  possession  of  the  heights.  The  ground  was 
deeply  frozen,  and  it  was  with  great  labor  that  the  party  were  able, 
during  the  night,  to  raise  works  which  nearly  covered  them  from  the 
shot  of  the  enemy. 

The  British  were  very  much  surprised  at  the  first  view  of  these  works, 
and  immediately  commenced  a  tremendous  cannonade  from  their  ship- 
ping in  the  harbor,  and  their  forts  in  Boston.  This  scene  has  been  very 
vividly  described  by  Dr.  Thacher.  "Cannon  shot  are  continually  rolling 
and  rebounding  over  the  hill ;  and  it  is  astonishing  to  observe  how  little 
our  soldiers  are  terrified  by  them.  During  the  forenoon,  we  were  in 
momentary  expectation  of  witnessing  an  awful  scene  ;  nothing  less  than 
the  carnage  of  Breed's  hill  battle  was  expected.  The  royal  troops  arc 
perceived  to  be  in  motion,  as  if  embarking  to  pass  the  harbor,  and  land 
on  Dorchester  shore,  to  attack  our  works.  The  hills  and  elevations  in 
this  vicinity  are  covered  with  spectators  to  witness  deeds  of  horror  in  the 
expected  conflict.  His  Excellency,  General  Washington,  is  present,  ani- 
mating and  encouraging  the  soldiers,  and  they,  in  their  turn,  manifest 
their  joy,  and  express  a  warm  desire  for  the  approach  of  the  enemy  : 
each  man  knows  his  place,  and  is  resolute  to  execute  his  duty."  General 
Howe  determined  to  attack  the  heights,  and  ordered  three  thousand  men 


WASHINGTON.  11 

on  this  service.  These  were  embarked,  and  fell  down  to  the  Castle  with 
the  intention  of  proceeding  up  the  river  to  the  attack,  but  were  dispersed 
by  a  tremendous  storm.  Before  they  could  be  in  readiness  to  proceed,  the 
American  works  were  in  such  a  state  of  security  as  to  discourage  any 
attempt  against  them.  • 

The  British  now  resolved  to  evacuate  Boston  as  soon  as  possible.  A 
paper  signed  by  four  of  the  selectmen  was  sent  out  with  a  flag  of  truce, 
containing  a  proposition,  which  purported  to  come  from  General  Howe, 
that  the  town  should  be  left  uninjured  if  the  troops  were  allowed  to  em- 
bark without  molestation.  This  letter  was  directed  to  the  commander-in- 
chief,  but  did  not  bear  the  signature  of  General  Howe.  Washington 
therefore  declined  taking  any  notice  of  it,  but  at  the  same  time  he  "  inti- 
mated his  good  wishes  for  the  security  of  the  town."  On  the  seventeenth, 
the  royal  army  commenced  their  embarkation  on  board  of  the  transports. 
They  were  suffered  to  depart  without  annoyance. 

Immediately  after  their  departure,  Washington  ordered  a  part  of  his 
army  to  New- York,  to  defend  that  town  against  the  expected  invasion 
of  the  enemy.  On  entering  Boston,  the  commander-in-chief  was  wel- 
comed on  all  sides  with  the  warmest  gratulations.  Congress  passed  a 
vote  of  thanks,  to  express  the  public  approbation  of  his  conduct ;  and 
ordered  the  striking  of  a  medal,  with  suitable  devices,  to  perpetuate  the 
remembrance  of  the  event.  The  town  had  received  much  less  injury 
than  was  at  first  anticipated.  During  the  siege,  the  Old  South  Church, 
a  brick  building  near  the  centre  of  the  town,  had  been  converted  into  a 
riding  school  for  Burgoyne's  dragoons.  The  pulpit  and  pews  were  re- 
moved, and  the  floor  covered  with  earth,  to  make  it  suitable  for  exercising 
their  horses  upon.  A  beautiful  pew,  ornamented  with  silk  and  carved 
work,  was  broken  up,  and  its  pieces  taken  for  a  fence  to  a  hog-stye.  The 
North  Church  was  torn  down,  and  consumed  for  fuel. 

After  providing  for  the  security  of  Boston,  Washington  marched  with 
the  main  army  to  New- York,  and  made  every  preparation  for  the  defence 
of  this  very  important  position.  In  these  labors,  the  American  army 
was  incessantly  occupied,  until  Lord  and  General  Howe  arrived  at  Sandy 
Hook  with  their  naval  and  land  forces.  Before  the  commencement  of 
hostilities,  an  attempt  was  made  at  negociation.  General  Howe  sent  a 
letter  by  a  flag,  directed  to  "  George  Washington,  Esq."  This  the 
general  refused  to  receive,  as  it  did  not  recognise  the  public  character 
with  which  he  had  been  invested  by  Congress.  His  conduct  on  this 
occasion  met  with  the  approbation  of  this  body,  and  they  resolved,  "  that 
he  had  acted  with  the  dignity  becoming  his  character."  The  British 
general  was  very  anxious  to  obtain  an  interview  with  the  commander-in- 
chief,  but  was  unwilling  to  adopt  his  military  address.  He  accordingly 
sent  Colonel  Patterson  to  the  American  headquarters,  with  a  letter  to 
"  George  Washington,  &c.  &,c.  &,c."  The  general  still  declined  receiv- 
ing it.  He  said  it  was  true,  the  etceteras  implied  every  thing  ;  they  also 
implied  any  thing :  and  a  letter  directed  to  a  public  character  should  have 
an  address  descriptive  of  that  character. 

Colonel  Patterson  then  said  that  General  Howe  would  not  urge  his 
delicacy  any  further  ;  repeating  his  assertion  that  not  the  slightest  disre- 


12  WASHINGTON. 

spect  was  intended  in  the  form  of  the  address.  Some  conversation  ensued 
in  respect  to  the  treatment  of  prisoners ;  when  the  colonel  observed  that 
Lord  and  General  Howe  had  been  appointed  commissioners  by  the  king, 
and  were  very  desirous  of  arranging  the  difficulties  that  had  so  unfortu- 
nately arisen.  General  Washington  observed  that  he  was  vested  with  no 
power  of  treating  upon  the  subject.  He  had  read  the  act  of  parliament, 
and  found  Lord  and  General  Howe  only  authorized  to  grant  pardons. 
The  Americans,  having  committed  no  fault,  desired  no  pardon ;  they 
were  only  defending  their  rights.  Colonel  Patterson  seemed  confused, 
and  said  this  would  open  a  wide  field  for  argument.  After  some  few 
remarks,  he  was  invited  to  a  small  collation,  and  introduced  to  the  general 
officers.  With  many  polite  expressions  at  taking  leave,  he  observed — 
"  Has  your  Excellency  no  commands  to  my  Lord  or  General  Howe?" 
"  None,  Sir,"  replied  Washington,  "  but  my  particular  compliments  to 
both  of  them." 

On  the  arrival  of  General  Howe  at  Staten  Island,  the  American  army 
did  not  exceed  ten  thousand  men,  but  before  the  end  of  August  they 
amounted  to  twenty-seven  thousand.  This  force  was  distributed  so  judi- 
ciously, .that  the  enemy  were  doubtful  in  what  quarter  to  commence  their 
operations.  Every  probable  point  of  debarkation  was  guarded.  From  the 
arrival  of  the  army,  the  Americans  were  in  daily  expectation  of  being  at- 
tacked, and  Washington  .was  actively  engaged  in  preparing  their  minds 
for  action.  In  general  orders  he  called  upon  the  officers  to  be  deliberate, 
and  upon  the  soldiers  to  be  firm,  courageous  and  obedirnt.  llo  directed 
that  any  soldier  who  deserted  his  ranks  in  time  oi  Luuie  sl.ouid  be  im- 
mediately shot  down.  "  The  time,"  he  observed,  "  is  now  at  hand,  which 
must  probably  determine  whether  Americans  are  to  be  freemen  or  slaves  ; 
whether  they  are  to  have  any  property  they  can  call  their  own  ;  whether 
their  houses  and  farms  are  to  be  pillaged  and  destroyed,  and  themselves 
consigned  to  a  state  of  wretchedness,  from  which  no  human  efforts  will 
deliver  them.  The  fate  of  unborn  millions  will  now  depend,  under  God, 
on  the  courage  and  conduct  of  this  army.  Our  cruel  and  unrelenting 
enemy  leaves  us  only  the  choice  of  a  brave  resistance,  or  the  most  abject 
submission.  We  have  to  resolve  to  conquer  or  die.  Our  own,  our  coun- 
try's honor,  call  upon  us  for  a  vigorous  and  manly  exertion  ;  and  if  we 
now  shamefully  fail,  we  shall  become  infamous  to  the  whole  world.  Let 
us  then  rely  on  the  goodness  of  our  cause,  and  on  the  aid  of  the  Supreme 
Being,  in  whose  hands  victory  is,  to  animate  and  encourage  us  to  great 
and  noble  actions.  The  eyes  of  all  our  countrymen  are  now  upon  us,  and 
we  shall  have  their  blessings  and  praises,  if  happily  we  are  the  instruments 
of  saving  them  from  the  tyranny  meditated  against  them.  Let  us  therefore 
animate  and  encourage  each  other,  and  show  the  whole  world,  that  a 
freeman,  contending  for  liberty  on  his  own  ground,  is  superior  to  any 
slavish  mercenary  on  earth." 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  August,  the  enemy  attacked  the  American 
forces  under  the  command  of  General  Sullivan,  on  Long  Island.  The 
variety  of  ground  and  the  number  of  different  parties  engaged  on  both 
sides,  occasioned  a  succession  of  small  engagements,  pursuits,  and 
slaughters,  which  lasted  for  many  hours.  The  Americans  were  defeated 


WASHINGTON.  13 

in  every  quarter.  They  suffered  exceedingly  from  the  want  of  discipline, 
and  the  means  of  ready  transmission  of  intelligence.  The  troops  retired 
within  their  line,  discouraged  and  fatigued,  with  a  victorious  army  in 
front,  and  a  powerful  fleet  about  to  enter  East  river,  for  the  purpose  of 
cutting  off  their  retreat.  Washington  immediately  determined  to  evacuate 
the  island  with  all  his  forces.  For  this  purpose,  he  crossed  over  to  the 
island  on  the  night  of  the  twenty-ninth,  to  conduct  the  retreat  in  person. 

It  so  happened,  that,  about  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  a  heavy  fog 
enveloped  the  whole  of  Long  Island.  Under  this  cover,  an  army  of  nine 
thousand  men,  with  their  baggage,  provision,  horses,  and  military  stores, 
crossed  a  river  more  than  a  mile  wide,  and  landed  at  New- York  with  no 
material  loss.  It  was  done  in  such  silence,  that  the  enemy,  who  were  so 
near  that  they  were  heard  at  work  with  their  pickaxes,  knew  nothing 
about  the  matter,  till  the  clearing  up  of  the  fog.  In  conducting  this 
difficult  movement,  Washington  was  incessantly  active.  For  forty-eight 
hours  he  did  not  close  his  eyes,  and  much  of  that  time  he  was  on  horse- 
back. Notwithstanding  the  entreaties  of  his  officers,  he  remained  among 
the  last  upon  the  shore,  refusing  to  embark  till  he  saw  his  troops  safely  on 
board  the  transports. 

The  unfavorable  issue  of  this  engagement  led  to  the  most  alarming 
consequences.  Hitherto  the  soldiers  had  possessed  such  confidence  in 
themselves  and  their  officers,  from  being  engaged  in  the  cause  of  their 
country  and  liberty,  that  it  outweighed  all  their  apprehensions  from  the 
skill  and  discipline  of  the  enemy.  But  on  this  occasion  they  found  them- 
se'ves  encompassed  with  difficulties  and  dangers,  from  which  their  valor 
could  not  extricate  them.  They  exaggerated  the  adroitness  and  military  dis- 
cipline of  the  enemy,  and  in  every  movement  were  apprehensive  of  some 
new  surprise  or  skilful  stratagem.  "  Our  situation,"  said  Washington  in 
his  letter  to  Congress,  "  is  truly  distressing.  The  check  our  detachment 
received  on  the  twenty-seventh  ultimo  has  dispirited  too  great  a  propor- 
tion of  our  troops,  and  filled  their  minds  with  apprehension  and  despair. 
The  militia,  instead  of  calling  forth  their  utmost  efforts  to  a  brave  and 
manly  opposition,  in  order  to  repair  our  losses,  are  dismayed,  intractable, 
and  impatient  to  return." 

Washington  had  recourse  to  entreaty,  to  persuasion,  and  to  promises,  to 
arrest  the  progress  of  these  evils.  In  his  communication  to  Congress,  he 
urged  the  necessity  of  making  enlistments  for  a  longer  period.  The  de- 
fence of  the  public  lib^ties  was  to  be  entrusted  only  to  a  permanent  army, 
regularly  disciplined.  It  required  time  to  reduce  men  who  had  been  sub- 
ject to  no  control,  to  the  requisite  military  strictness.  In  a  few  days  after 
this  remonstrance,  Congress  resolved  to  raise  eighty-eight  battalions  to 
serve  during  the  war.  It  was  important,  therefore,  to  wear  away  the  pre- 
sent campaign  with  as  little  loss  as  possible,  in  order  to  take  the  field  in 
the  ensuing  year  with  a  well  organized  army.  The  evacuation  of  New- 
York  was  accordingly  determined  on,  as  soon  as  events  might  make  it 
necessary  for  the  preservation  of  the  troops. 

While  Washington  was  taking  measures  to  preserve  his  troops  and 
stores  by  evacuating  the  city,  the  British  commander  was  pursuing  his 
plan  of  bringing  about  a  general  action.  On  the  fourteenth  of  September, 


WASHINGTON. 


General  Clinton  landed  with  four  thousand  men,  three  miles  above  New- 
York.  This  landing  was  effected  under  cover  of  five  men  of  war.  Works 
had  been  thrown  up  at  this  place  by  the  Americans,  and  they  were  capa- 
ble of  defence ;  but  the  troops  posted  there,  on  the  firing  of  the  ships,  im- 
mediately abandoned  them.  Two  brigades  were  detached  from  the  main 
body  to  support  them.  Washington  rode  promptly  to  the  scene  of  action, 
and  to  his  great  mortification  found  the  whole  retreating.  While  attempt- 
ing to  rally  them  and  with  some  success,  they  again  broke  and  retreated 
in  great  confusion,  on  the  appearance  of  a  very  small  body  of  the  enemy. 
At  this  shameful  conduct,  Washington  entirely  lost  his  self-command.  He 
thought  of  the  ruin,  which  this  miserable  cowardice  might  bring  upon  the 
cause  in  which  his  whole  soul  was  engaged.  In  despair  he  turned  his 
horse's  head  towards  the  enemy,  with  the  intention  of  seeking  an  honora- 
ble death ;  and  it  was  only  by  the  friendly  violence  of  his  aids  that  he  was 
compelled  to  retire,  and  his  life  saved  for  his  country. 

The  issue  of  this  day  hastened  the  evacuation  of  New- York.  This  was 
effected  with  the  loss  of  very  few  men,  though  all  the  heavy  artillery,  the 
tents,  and  most  of  the  military  stores,  were  left  behind.  The  British  gene- 
ral immediately  stationed  a  detachment  in  the  city,  and  posted  his  main 
army  in  front  of  the  American  lines,  in  encampments  across  York  Island. 
The  flanks  of  the  army  from  front  to  rear  were  protected  by  the  shipping. 
The  strongest  post  of  the  Americans  was  at  Kingsbridge,  and  this  post 
secured  their  communication  with  the  country.  A  detachment  was  also 
posted  on  the  heights  of  Haerlem?  within  a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  enemy. 
This  disposition  of  the  two  armies  would  naturally  lead  to  frequent  skir- 
mishes, and  it  was  on  this  account  very  desirable,  as  it  might  accustom 
the  undisciplined  troops  to  military  service. 

On  the  very  day  after  the  retreat  from  New- York,  a  body  of  the  enemy 
appeared  in  the  open  plain  between  the  two  camps.  The  general  detach- 
ed some  troops,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Knowlton  and  Major 
Leitch,  to  attack  them.  After  leading  their  men  into  action,  in  the  most 
soldierlike  manner,  both  these  officers  were  brought  mortally  wounded 
from  the  field.  Their  troops  bravely  continued  the  attack,  and  drove  the 
enemy,  though  superior  in  numbers,  from  their  position.  The  success  of 
this  skirmish  had  a  great  influence  upon  the  army.  In  his  general 
orders,  Washington  applauded  the  courage  of  the  officers  and  men  on  this 
occasion,  and  contrasted  it  with  the  cowardly  conduct  of  the  troops  the 
day  before.  He  called  upon  the  whole  army  to  f  emember  and  imitate 
this  brave  example.  He  gave  out  on  the  next  day  "  Leitch,"  for  the 
parole.  In  filling  the  vacancy  occasioned  by  the  death  of  the  colonel,  he 
observed  that  "  the  officer  succeeded  the  gallant  and  brave  Colonel 
Knowlton,  who  would  have  been  an  honor  to  any  country,  and  who  had 
fallen  gloriously  fighting  at  his  post."  This  was  the  method  which  he 
adopted  to  animate  the  spirits  of  the  army.  General  Howe  continued  to 
prosecute  his  scheme  for  cutting  off  Washington's  communication  with 
the  eastern  states,  and  compelling  him  to  a  general  engagement.  Failing 
however  in  this  design,  he  adopted  a  new  plan  of  operations,  and  directed 
his  attention  to  the  invasion  of  New-Jersey.  Washington  penetrated  his 
design,  crossed  the  North  river,  and  wrote  to  the  governor  of  New-Jersey, 


WASHINGTON.        ,  15 

urging  him  to  put  the  militia  of  that  state  in  a  condition  to  defend  it. 
About  this  time  Fort  Washington  was  taken  by  storm,  and  the  garrison, 
consisting  of  more  than  two  thousand  men,  surrendered  themselves  pri- 
soners of  war.  The  loss  on  this  occasion  was  very  heavy.  Tents  and 
military  stores  were  taken  by  the  enemy,  which  could  not  be  replaced. 
The  conquest  of  Fort  Washington  made  the  immediate  evacuation  of 
Fort  Lee,  on  the  opposite  Jersey  shore,  a  necessary  measure.  This  was 
effected  with  little  loss  of  men,  but  with  great  loss  of  baggage  and  artillery. 

When  General  Howe  passed  into  New-Jersey,  Washington  posted  his 
army  along  the  Hackensack  ;  and  as  the  British  forces  advanced,  he  retreat- 
ed towards  the  Delaware.  It  often  happened,  that  the  front  guard  of  one 
army  entered  a  village,  as  the  rear  guard  of  the  other  was  quitting  it  at 
the  opposite  end.  Whenever  it  could  be  done  with  prudence,  Washington 
took  a  stand  and  made  a  show  of  resistance  ;  sometimes  advancing  a  small 
detachment  as  if  to  engage  the  enemy.  At  Brunswick,  Lord  and  General 
Howe  issued  a  proclamation  as  commissioners,  commanding  all  persons  in 
arms  against  the  king  to  return  peaceably  to  their  homes,  and  offering  a 
full  pardon  to  all  who  would  subscribe  a  submission  to  the  royal  authority. 
This  was  the  darkest  period  of  the  whole  war.  The  American  army  were 
reduced  in  numbers,  worn  out  with  fatigue,  disheartened  by  defeat,  bare- 
foot, without  tents  or  clothing,  and  flying  before  a  numerous  and  disci- 
plined body  of  well  armed  and  well  provided  troops.  A  general  spirit  of 
despondency  prevailed  through  New-Jersey,  and  most  of  the  families  of 
fortune  and  influence  were  inclined  to  return  to  their  allegiance  to  the 
king.  A  few,  however,  maintained  their  political  integrity,  and  nearly  a 
thousand  of  the  militia  of  the  state  bravely  kept  the  field.  In  the  worst 
of  times  Congress  remained  unshaken,  roused  only  to  new  and  more  vigo- 
rous exertions  by  the  public  danger. 

A  retreat  beyond  the  Delaware  became  necessary,  and  this  was  effected 
on  the  eighth  of  December.  The  boats  on  the  Jersey  shore  were  all  se- 
cured, the  bridges  broken  down,  and  parties  stationed  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  guard  the  different  fording  places  over  which  it  was  possible  for  the 
enemy  to  pass.  General  Howe,  after  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  obtain 
boats  to  pass  the  river,  posted  his  army  in  New-Jersey ;  intending  to  wait 
till  the  ice  should  furnish  him  with  a  passage  to  Philadelphia.  During 
this  retreat,  when  affairs  were  taking  their  most  gloomy  aspect,  Washing- 
ton observed  to  Col.  Reed,  passing  his  hand  over  his  throat :  "  My  neck 
does  not  feel  as  if  it  were  made  for  a  halter  ;  we  must  retire  to  Augusta 
county,  in  Virginia,  and  if  overpowered,  we  must  pass  the  Alleghany 
mountains." 

On  the  thirteenth  of  this  month,  a  disaster  of  much  importance  happen- 
ed in  the  capture  of  Major  General  Lee.  While  marching  at  the  head 
of  his  division  to  join  the  main  army,  he  very  imprudently  took  up  his 
lodgings  for  the  night  at  a  house  three  or  four  miles  distant  from  his  troops. 
In  this  situation  he  was  made  prisoner,  and  conveyed  to  New- York. 

Such  was  now  the  gloomy  state  of  affairs,  that  the  whole  country  took 
the  alarm  ;  and  strong  apprehensions  were  entertained  that  the  continental 
army  would  be  entirely  broken  up.  The  term  of  service  of  many  of  the 
troops  had  nearly  expired,  and  no  sufficient  number  of  recruits  arrived  to 


16  WASHINGTON. 

supply  their  places.  Under  all  these  circumstances  of  doubt  and  distress, 
Washington  was  undismayed.  He  remained  firm,  self-possessed,  and 
serene,  omitting  nothing  that  could  animate  his  own  soldiers  or  embarrass 
the  enemy.  Laying  before  Congress  the  state  of  the  army,  he  pointed 
out  the  impolicy  of  short  enlistments,  and  urged  the  establishment  of  corps 
of  cavalry,  artillerists,  and  engineers.  "  We  find,"  he  observed,  "  that 
the  enemy  are  daily  gathering  strength  from  the  disaffected.  This 
strength,  like  a  snow-ball  by  rolling,  will  increase,  unless  some  means 
can  be  devised  to  check,  effectually,  the  progress  of  the  enemy's  arms. 
Militia  may  possibly  do  it  for  a  little  while  ;  but  in  a  little  while,  also,  the 
militia  of  these  states,  which  have  frequently  been  called  upon,  will  not 
turn  out  at  call ;  or  if  they  do,  it  will  be  with  so  much  reluctance  and 
sloth,  as  to  amount  to  the  same  thing." 

He  also  hinted  at  the  propriety  of  enlarging  his  own  powers,  so  as  to 
enable  him,  in  urgent  cases,  to  act  without  application  to  Congress,  and 
thus  execute  important  measures  in  the  most  effectual  manner.  "  I  have 
no  lust,"  he  added,  "  after  power,  but  wish  with  as  much  fervency  as  any 
man  upon  the  wide  extended  continent  for  an  opportunity  of  turning  the 
sword  into  the  ploughshare.  But  my  feelings  as  an  officer,  and  a  man, 
have  been  such  as  to  force  me  to  say,  that  no  person  ever  had  a  greater 
choice  of  difficulties  to  contend  with  than  I  have." 

The  American  forces  now  amounted  to  about  seven  thousand  men ; 
though  during  their  retreat  through  the  Jerseys  they  seldom  amounted  to 
half  that  number.  The  two  armies  were  separated  by  the  Delaware.  In 
the  security  of  conquest,  the  British  had  cantoned  their  troops  n,  a  very 
loose  and  uncovered  manner,  being  in  daily  expectation  to  pass  over  into 
Pennsylvania  by  means  of  the  ice,  which  is  generally  formed  about  that 
time.  On  receiving  information  of  the  number  of  the  different  canton- 
ments, Washington  exclaimed,  "  Now  is  the  time  to  clip  their  wings, 
when  they  are  so  spread."  He  formed  the  bold  design  of  re-crossing  the 
Delaware,  and  attacking  the  British  posts  on  its  eastern  banks. 

In  the  evening  of  Christmas  day,  he  made  arrangements  to  pass  over  in 
three  divisions  ;  two  of  these  parties  failed  in  their  attempt  from  the  quan- 
tity of  ice  by  which  their  passage  was  obstructed.  The  main  body,  of 
about  two  thousand  four  hundred  men,  began  to  cross  very  early  in  the 
evening,  during  a  severe  storm  of  snow  and  rain.  Having  landed  on  the 
Jersey  shore,  they  had  still  a  march  of  nine  miles  before  they  reached  the 
village  of  Trenton,  where  a  party  of  about  fifteen  hundred  Hessians  and 
British  light  horse  was  stationed.  This  party  was  taken  altogether  by 
surprise.  A  smart  firing  ensued,  but  in  a  few  minutes  the  enemy,  finding 
themselves  surrounded,  threw  down  their  arms  and  surrendered.  Colonel 
Rahl,  the  commanding  officer,  was  mortally  wounded  ;  and  of  the  other 
officers  and  soldiers  nine  hundred  and  forty-eight  were  taken  prisoners. 
Of  the  American  troops,  two  privates  were  killed,  an  officer  and  five  or 
six  privates  wounded,  and  two  frozen  to  death.  On  the  same  day,  General 
Washington  recrossed  the  Delaware  with  his  prisoners,  six  pieces  of  ar- 
tillery, a  thousand  stand  of  arms,  and  some  military  stores.  These  being 
secured,  and  his  men  having  enjoyed  two  or  three  days  of  rest,  he  returned, 
and  took  possession  of  Trenton.  On  the  next  day  Lord  Cornwallis  moved 


WASHINGTON.  17 

forward  with  a  numerous  force,  and  reached  Trenton  about  four  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon.  General  Washington  drew  up  his  army  behind  a  creek 
which  runs  through  the  town,  and  in  this  position  waited  for  the  move- 
ments of  the  enemy.  After  having  attempted  to  cross  this  creek,  and 
finding  the  passes  guarded,  the  British  general  halted  his  troops,  and  de- 
termined to  defer  the  attack  till  the  following  morning.  The  situation  of 
the  American  troops  was  critical.  Washington  called  a  council  of  his 
officers,  and  laid  before  them  the  different  plans  that  they  might  adopt. 
A  retreat  across  the  Delaware  was  impracticable,  on  account  of  the  ice. 
A  defeat,  if  they  risked  an  engagement,  would  be  entire  destruction.  It 
was  determined  to  quit  their  present  position,  and  get  in  the  rear  of  the 
British  army  at  Princeton. 

On  the  next  morning,  Lord  Cornwallis  discovered  that  his  enemy  had 
disappeared.  Soon  after  dark,  Washington  had  given  orders  for  the  re- 
moval of  the  baggage  to  Burlington.  Guards  were  stationed  to  perform 
the  usual  rounds,  and  to  keep  the  watch  fires  burning  throughout  the 
night.  At  one  o'clock,  the  army  silently  left  the  camp,  and  gained  the 
rear  of  the  enemy.  They  reached  Princeton  early  in  the  morning,  and 
would  have  completely  surprised  the  British,  if  they  had  not  been  met  by 
an  advance  of  three  regiments,  which  were  on  their  way  to  join  the  main 
army.  The  centre  of  the  American  troops  was  severely  charged  by  this 
party,  and  gave  way  in  disorder.  In  his  effort  to  rally  them,  General 
Mercer  was  mortally  wounded.  At  this  moment,  Washington  advanced 
at  the  head  of  his  troops,  and  plunged  into  the  hottest  fire  of  the  enemy. 
He  was  bravely  supported  by  his  men,  and  the  British  were  obliged  to 
retreat.  One  party  of  them  fled  to  the  colleges,  but  after  a  few  discharges 
from  the  American  fieldpieces,  they  came  out  and  surrendered  them- 
selves. More  than  an  hundred  of  the  British  were  left  dead  upon  the 
battle  ground,  and  three  hundred  were  made  prisoners. 

These  victories  led  to  the  most  important  consequences.  Philadelphia 
was  saved  for  the  winter  ;  Jersey  was  recovered  ;  and  the  depressed  spirits 
of  the  Americans  were  again  revived.  The  character  of  the  commander- 
in-chief  rose  still  higher  in  public  estimation ;  and  the  soldiers  began  to 
entertain  confidence  in  themselves  and  each  other.  After  the  campaign 
had  been  thus  carried  into  the  month  of  January,  Washington  retired  into 
winter  quarters  at  Morristown.  His  forces  were  small  in  comparison 
with  those  of  the  enemy,  but  public  report  had  much  exaggerated  their 
number,  and  this  deception  was  carefully  continued.  The  remainder  of 
the  season  passed  over  in  a  war  of  skirmishes,  which  generally  terminated 
in  favor  of  the  Americans.  Arranging  the  army  in  spring  gave  the 
commander-in-chief  inconceivable  trouble.  A  difficulty  arose  in  as- 
sembling the  troops  from  the  different  states  in  which  they  had  been 
enlisted.  The  state  regulations,  in  respect  to  pay  and  bounty,  were 
different,  and  occasioned  petty  and  vexatious  jealousies  among  the  troops. 
Each  state,  that  conceived  itself  exposed  to  invasion,  was  desirous  of 
retaining  a  part  of  its  force  for  its  own  security.  All  these  embarrass- 
ments, however,  were  finally  removed  by  the  authority  and  great  personal 
influence  of  Washington. 

The  treatment  of  American  prisoners,  by  the  British  officers,  was  a 
3 


18  WASHINGTON. 

source  of  great  vexation  and  difficulty.  They  were  viewed  as  rebels,  and 
confined  in  prisons  with  common  felons.  General  Washington  had  written 
to  General  Gage  on  this  subject  early  in  the  war.  In  this  letter  he  de- 
clared the  intention  to  regulate  his  conduct  towards  prisoners  in  his  own 
hands,  by  the  treatment  which  those  should  receive  in  the  power  of  the 
British  general.  To  this  communication  an  insolent  reply  was  received, 
in  which  General  Gage  retorted  the  charge,  and  stated,  as  a  mark  of 
British  clemency,  that  the  cord  was  not  applied  to  their  prisoners.  Gene- 
ral Washington  rejoined  in  a  manner  worthy  of  his  character,  with  a 
communication  which,  he  observed,  was  "  to  close  their  correspondence, 
perhaps  forever."  In  conclusion  he  remarked,  "  if  your  officers,  our  pri- 
soners, receive  from  me  a  treatment  different  from  what  I  wished  to  show 
them,  they  and  you  will  remember  the  occasion  of  it."  Accordingly,  all 
the  British  officers  in  his  power  were  put  into  close  jail,  and  the  soldiers 
were  confined  in  places  of  security.  When  Howe  succeeded  to  the  com- 
mand, the  treatment  of  prisoners  became  more  humane  on  both  sides. 

The  capture  of  General  Lee  opened  new  sources  of  irritation  on  this 
subject.  As  he  had  formerly  been  a  British  officer,  General  Howe 
pretended  to  consider  him  as  a  traitor,  and  at  first  refused  to  consider  him 
as  a  subject  of  exchange.  Congress  directed  the  commander-in-chief  to 
propose  to  exchange  six  fieldofficers  for  General  Lee ;  and  in  case  of 
the  rejection  of  this  proposal,  they  resolved  that  these  officers  should  be 
closely  confined  and  receive  in  every  respect  the  treatment  that  General 
Lee  did.  This  plan  of  retaliation  Washington  considered  unjust  and 
impolitic,  and  he  was  reluctant  to  execute  it.  He  remonstrated  against  it, 
and  Congress  eventually  adopted  the  measures  he  recommended. 

In  the  approach  of  active  operations,  Congress  determined  to  form  an 
encampment  on  the  western  side  of  Philadelphia.  Washington  had  made 
his  arrangements  for  the  campaign,  with  the  expectation  that  the  British 
would  attempt  to  obtain  possession  of  Philadelphia,  or  the  Highlands  on 
the  Hudson.  To  prevent  this,  the  northern  troops  were  divided  between 
Ticonderoga  and  Peeksk'1] ;  while  those  from  the  south  were  posted  at 
Middle  brook,  near  the  Raritan.  This  position  was  fortified  by  intrench- 
ments.  The  force  of  the  Americans,  collected  at  this  strong  encampment, 
was  nominally  between  nine  and  ten  thousand  men  ;  but  the  effective 
force  was  about  six  thousand.  A  large  portion  of  these  consisted  of  raw 
recruits,  and  a  considerable  number  of  those  enlisted  in  the  southern 
states  were  foreigners.  To  encourage  their  desertion,  General  Howe 
offered  a  bounty  to  every  soldier  who  would  come  over  to  his  army  ;  and, 
to  counteract  this  measure,  Washington  recommended  Congress  to  grant 
full  pardon  to  all  Americans  who  would  relinquish  the  British  service. 

On  the  part  of  the  British,  the  campaign  opened  early  in  June.  Their 
forces  advanced  toward  Philadelphia  as  far  as  Somerset  County  in  New- 
Jersey,  but  they  soon  fell  back  to  New-Brunswick.  The  whole  of  this 
month  was  wasted  in  alternate  advance  and  retreat,  without  any  deter- 
minate action.  Apprehensive  that  Sir  William  Howe  would  ultimately 
move  up  the  North  river,  and  that  his  movements  southwardly  were 
merely  feints,  Washington  detached  a  brigade  to  reinforce  the  northern 
division  of  his  army.  Further  advices  favored  the  idea  that  a  junction  of 


WASHINGTON.  19 

the  royal  armies  near  Albany  was  intended ;  but  still  the  whole  affair  was 
embarrassed,  and  made  doubtful  by  the  future  movements. 

About  the  middle  of  August,  certain  accounts  were  received  that  the 
British  had  taken  possession  of  the  Chesapeake,  and  landed  as  near  Phila- 
delphia as  was  practicable.  As  soon  as  this  was  known,  Washington 
ordered  the  divisions  of  his  army  to  unite  in  the  neighborhood  of  Phila- 
delphia, and  the  militia  of  the  surrounding  states  to  take  the  field.  He 
had  previously  written  very  pressing  letters  to  the  governors  of  the  eastern 
states  to  strengthen  the  northern  army  opposed  to  Burgoyne ;  and  even 
detached  some  of  the  best  of  his  own  forces  on  that  important  service. 
The  effective  American  army  did  not  exceed  eleven  thousand  men. 
With  these  troops  Washington  marched  through  Philadelphia,  that  the 
sight  of  them  might  make  an  impression  on  the  minds  of  the  wavering 
and  disaffected. 

The  two  armies  approached  each  other  on  the  third  of  September.  As 
the  British  troops  advanced,  Sir  William  Howe  endeavored  to  gain  the 
right  wing  of  the  American  army.  General  Washington  continued  to 
fall  back,  until  he  crossed  the  Brandywine  river.  He  here  posted  his 
troops  on  the  high  ground,'  near  Chadd's  Ford.  The  light  corps,  under 
General  Maxwell,  was  advanced  in  front,  and  placed  on  the  hills  south 
of  the  river,  in  order  to  assail  the  enemy  if  they  should  approach  in  that 
direction.  Troops  were  also  posted  at  a  ford  two  miles  below,  and  at 
several  passes  some  miles  above.  The  opinion  of  Congress,  and  the 
general  wish  of  the  country,  made  it  necessary  for  Washington  to  risk 
a  general  action  at  this  place. 

On  the  morning  of  the  eleventh,  the  British  army  advanced  in  tu'o 
columns  to  the  attack.  One  column  took  the  direct  road  to  Chadd's 
Ford,  and  soon  forced  Maxwell's  corps  to  cross  the  river,  with  very  Ltlie 
loss  on  either  side.  General  Knyphausen,  the  commander  of  this  body, 
continued  to  parade  on  the  heights,  to  reconnoitre  the  American  army, 
and  was  apparently  preparing  to  attempt  the  passage  of  the  river. 

The  other  column,  led  by  Lord  Cornwallis,  moved  up  on  the  west  side 
of  the  Brandywine,  making  a  circuit  of  about  seventeen  mile-i.  On  com- 
ing within  view  of  the  American  troops,  it  instantly  formed  the  line  of 
battle,  and  at  about  half  after  four  the  action  began.  It  was  continued 
with  great  spirit  for  some  time.  The  American  right  first  fell  into  dis- 
order and  gave  way.  They  attempted  to  rally,  but  on  being  vigorously 
charged  by  the  enemy,  again  broke.  The  flight  now  became  common. 
General  Washington,  who  had  hastened  towards  the  scene  of  action  as 
soon  as  the  firing  commenced,  only  arrived  in  season  to  cover  the  retreat. 

When  the  right  wing  was  engaged  with  Lord  Cornwallis,  the  works  at 
Chadd's  Ford  had  been  assaulted  and  carried  by  General  Knyphausen. 
The  whole  army  retreated  that  night  to  Chester,  and  on  the  next  day,  to 
Philadelphia.  The  Americans  lost  in  this  battle  about  nine  hundred 
men  ;  three  hundred  of  whom  were  slain,  and  the  rest  wounded  and  taken 
prisoners.  This  defeat  occasioned  no  dejection  either  among  the  citi- 
zens, or  in  the  army.  Measures  were  immediately  taken  to  procure 
reinforcements.  Fifteen  hundred  men  were  marched  from  Peekskill, 
and  large  detachments  of  militia  ordered  into  the  field.  It  was  determin- 


20  WASHINGTON. 

ed  to  risk  a  second  engagement,  for  the  security  of  Philadelphia.  The 
enemy  sought  it,  and  Washington  was  willing  to  meet  it. 

The  commander-in-chief  was  empowered  to  impress  all  horses,  v.  agons, 
and  provisions,  requisite  for  the  use  of  the  army.  Perceiving  that  the 
enemy  were  moving  into  the  Lancaster  road,  towards  the  city,  Washing- 
ton took  possession  of  ground  on  the  left  of  the  British,  and  about  twenty- 
three  miles  from  Philadelphia.  On  the  next  morning,  the  approach  of 
the  British  was  announced.  He  immediately  put  his  troops  in  motion, 
and  a  skirmish  had  already  commenced,  when  a  violent  rain  storm  oblig- 
ed them  to  separate.  The  retreat  of  the  Americans  was  now  unavoida- 
ble. Their  gun  locks  and  cartridge  boxes  were  badly  made,  and  the 
storm  rendered  most  of  the  arms  unfit  for  use.  The  exposure  of  the 
army  was  still  greater,  from  their  being  entirely  destitute  of  bayonets. 

Washington  continued  his  retreat  through  the  day,  and  most  of  the 
night,  amidst  a  very  cold  storm,  and  through  very  bad  roads.  On  a  full 
discovery  of  the  damage  that  had  been  done  the  ammunition  and  arms, 
the  general  ascended  the  Schuylkill,  and  crossed  it  at  Warwick  Furnace, 
that  the  army  might  refit  their  muskets  and  replenish  their  cartridge 
boxes.  He  still  resolved  to  risk  a  general  engagement.  Recrossing  the 
Schuylkill  at  Parker's  Ferry,  he  encamped  on  the  east  side,  posting  de- 
tachments at  the  different  fords  at  which  the  enemy  might  attempt  to 
force  a  passage.  Instead  of  urging  an  action,  the  British  moved  rapidly 
on  their  march  towards  Reading.  To  save  the  military  stores  which  had 
been  deposited  in  that  place,  Washington  took  a  new  position,  and  left 
the  enemy  in  undisturbed  possession  of  the  road  which  led  to  the  city. 
Sir  William  Howe  availed  himself  of  this  advantage,  and  on  the  twenty- 
sixth  of  the  month  entered  Philadelphia  in  triumph. 

Washington  had  taken  seasonable  measures  to  remove  the  public 
stores  from  the  city,  and  to  secure  the  most  necessary  articles  for  the  use 
of  the  army.  Though  failing  in  his  plan  to  save  Philadelphia,  he  retain- 
ed the  undiminished  confidence  of  the  people,  and  of  Congress.  Instead 
of  now  going  into  winter  quarters,  he  approached  and  encamped  near 
the  enemy. 

Four  regiments  of  grenadiers  were  posted  in  Philadelphia,  and  the 
other  corps  of  the  British  army  were  cantoned  at  Germantown.  The 
first  object  of  Sir  William  Howe  was  to  effect  an  open  communication 
through  the  Delaware  with  the  British  fleet.  General  Washington  was 
desirous  to  cut  off  this  source  of  supplies,  and  erected  forts  on  both  banks 
of  this  river,  near  its  junction  with  the  Schuylkill,  and  about  seven  miles 
below  Philadelphia.  In  the  channel  between  the  forts,  large  pieces  of 
timber  strongly  framed  together  and  pointed  with  iron,  were  sunk  in  two 
ranges,  to  obstruct  the  passage  of  the  ships.  These  works  were  covered 
by  floating  batteries  and  armed  ships. 

A  considerable  number. of  British  troops  having  been  despatched  to 
destroy  these  works,  it  was  thought  a  favorable  time  to  attack  their  main 
body.  The  American  forces  now  amounted  to  about  eight  thousand 
regular  troops  and  three  thousand  militia.  The  plan  formed  was,  to 
attack  the  enemy  in  front  and  rear  at  the  same  time ;  and,  on  the  fourth 
of  October,  the  army  was  moved  near  the  scene  of  action.  The  line  of 


WASHINGTON.  21 

the  British  encampment  crossed  Germantown  at  right  angles.  At  sun- 
rise, on  the  next  morning,  the  attack  was  commenced.  The  American 
troops  were  at  first  successful.  They  routed  the  enemy  at  two  different 
quarters,  and  took  a  number  of  prisoners.  But  the  morning  was  extreme- 
ly foggy,  and  the  Americans  were  unable  to  take  advantage  of  theii 
success.  They  could  not  perceive  the  situation  of  the  enemy,  nor  under- 
stand their  own  situation.  The  field  was  hastily  abandoned,  and  Wash- 
ington was  obliged  to  resign  a  victory  of  which  he  had  thought  himself 
secure.  The  loss  of  the  Americans,  including  the  wounded,  and  four 
hundred  prisoners,  was  about  eleven  hundred.  A  retreat  was  made 
twenty  miles  to  Perkioming,  with  the  loss  of  a  single  piece  of  artillery. 

The  plan  of  the  battle  of  Germantown  was  judicious,  and  its  com- 
mencement well  conducted  ;  unavoidable  circumstances  prevented  a 
fortunate  issue.  Congress  voted  their  unanimous  thanks  "  to  General 
Washington,  for  his  wise  and  well  concerted  attack,  and  to  the  officers 
and  soldiers  of  the  army,  for  the  brave  exertions  on  that  occasion." 
From  the  time  that  the  British  obtained  possession  of  the  city,  every  aid 
was  given  to  the  forts  constructed  on  the  Delaware,  to  close  the  naviga- 
tion of  that  river.  Troops  were  sent  out,  to  prevent  the  farmer  from 
carrying  provisions  to  the  market,  and  to  cut  off  the  foraging  parties. 
The  British  soon  after  broke  up  their  encampment  at  Germantown,  con- 
centrated all  their  forces  at  Philadelphia,  and  directed  their  attention 
principally  to  opening  the  navigation  of  the  Delaware.  This  opera- 
tion employed  them  about  six  weeks,  and  after  a  great  display  of  valor  on 
both  sides,  was  successfully  accomplished. 

In  this  state  of  public  affairs,  a  long  and  very  singular  letter  was  ad- 
dressed to  V^ashington,  by  the  Rev.  Jacob  Duche,  late  chaplain  of  Con- 
gress, and  a  clergyman  of  rank  and  character.  The  purport  of  this 
communication  was,  to  persuade  him  that  farther  resistance  to  Great 
Britain  was  hopeless,  and  would  only  increase  the  calamities  of  their 
common  country ;  and  to  urge  him  to  make  the  most  favorable  terms, 
and  give  up  the  contest.  Such  a  letter,  from  a  man  of  eminence,  worth, 
and  patriotism,  corresponding  also  with  the  views  of  very  many  respecta- 
ble citizens,  would  have  produced  considerable  effect  on  a  mind  less 
firm  and  resolute  than  that  of  Washington.  He  took  no  further  notice 
of  the  letter,  than  merely  to  send  a  verbal  message  to  the  writer,  "that 
if  the  contents  of  his  letter  had  been  known,  it  should  have  been  return- 
ed unopened." 

While  Sir  William  Howe  was  successful  in  all  his  enterprises  in  Penn- 
sylvania, the  intelligence  arrived  that  General  Burgoyne  and  his  whole 
army  had  surrendered  prisoners  of  war.  A  portion  of  the  northern  army 
soon  after  joined  Washington,  and  with  this  reinforcement  he  took  a  posi- 
tion at  and  near  White  Marsh.  Sir  William  Howe  marched  out  of  Phila- 
delphia, with  the  expectation  of  bringing  on  a  general  engagement.  On 
the  next  morning  he  took  a  position  upon  Chesnut  Hill,  about  three  miles 
in  front  of  the  Americans,  and  spent  several  days  in  reconnoitering  their 
camp.  He  changed  his  ground,  and  made  every  appearance  of  an  inten- 
tion to  commence  an  attack.  Several  severe  skirmishes  took  place,  and  a 
general  action  was  hourly  expected.  But  Sir  William  Howe  was  too  well 


22 


WASHINGTON. 


aware  of  the  advantage  of  the  enemy's  position,  and   returned  to  Phila- 
delphia without  coming  to  an  engagement. 

Three  days  after  the  retreat  of  the  British  army,  Washington  made  pre- 
parations to  retire  into  winter  quarters.  He  expressed  in  his  general 
orders  strong  approbation  of  the  conduct  of  his  troops.  Presenting  them 
with  a  favorable  view  of  their  country's  situation,  he  exhorted  them  to 
bear  with  firmness  the  sufferings  to  which  they  must  be  exposed  in  the  po- 
sition they  were  about  to  occupy.  Valley  Forge,  about  twenty-five  miles 
back  of  Philadelphia,  was  fixed  upon  for  winter  quarters.  This  position 


was  preferred  to  distant  and  more  comfortable  villages,  as  it  was  calculated 
to  give  the  most  extensive  security  to  the  country.  The  American  army 
might  have  been  tracked,  by  the  blood  of  their  bare  feet,  from  White 
Marsh  to  their  new  position.  They  were  badly  clothed  and  badly  pro- 
vided with  food.  Many  were  obliged  to  go  almost  naked,  suffering  at  the 
same  time  from  famine.  In  this  situation  the  men  behaved  with  great  for- 
titude. They  felled  trees,  and  built  log  huts,  which  were  covered  with 
straw  and  earth,  and  afforded  but  very  poor  shelter  from  the  severity  of 
the  season. 

Washington  was  now  obliged  to  pursue  a  course,  which  he  adopted  with 
the  greatest  reluctance.  The  army  suffered  exceedingly  from  hunger.  It 
was  necessary  that  they  should  be  allowed  to  satisfy  their  wants  by  force. 
In  obedience  to  the  commands  of  Congress,  the  general  issued  a  procla- 
mation, calling  on  "  the  farmers,  within  seventy  miles  of  headquarters, 
to  thresh  out  one  half  of  their  grain  by  the  first  of  February,  and  the  resi- 
due by  the  first  of  March,  under  the  penalty  of  having  the  whole  seized 
as  straw." 

While  these  transactions  had  been  going  on  in  the  middle  states,  the 
northern  campaign  had  terminated  in  the  capture  of  the  army  of  General 
Burgoyne.  This  event  had  very  highly  raised  the  reputation  of  General 
Gates,  the  commander  in  that  department.  The  different  issue  of  affairs 
under  General  Washington,  afforded  the  ignorant  and  discontented  an 


WASHINGTON.  23 

occasion  to  murmur  and  complain.  Several  members  of  Congress,  and  a 
few  general  officers  of  the  army,  were  engaged  in  a  plan  to  supplant  him 
in  his  office,  and  raise  General  Gates  to  the  chief  command. 

In  the  prosecution  of  this  scheme,  every  effort  was  made  to  injure  the 
character  of  General  Washington.  The  conspiracy  did  not  escape  his 
notice  ;  but  love  of  country  was  superior  to  every  consideration.  He  re- 
pressed his  indignation,  to  prevent  an  appearance  of  disunion  and  dissen- 
sion, that  might  ruin  the  cause  in  which  he  was  engaged.  His  private 
letters  at  this  period  exhibit  the  state  of  his  feelings,  and  the  honorable 
motives  which  directed  his  conduct. 

In  a  communication  to  the  President  of  Congress,  Mr.  Laurens,  he  ob- 
serves upon  this  subject: — "  My  enemies  take  an  ungenerous  advantage 
of  me.  They  know  the  delicacy  of  my  situation,  and  that  motives  of  po- 
licy deprive  me  of  the  defence  I  might  otherwise  make  against  their  in- 
sidious attacks.  They  know  I  cannot  combat  their  insinuations,  however 
injurious,  without  disclosing  secrets  it  is  of  the  utmost  moment  to  conceal. 
But  why  should  I  expect  to  be  exempt  from  censure,  the  unfailing  lot  of 
an  elevated  station.  Merit  and  talents  which  I  cannot  pretend  to  rival, 
have  ever  been  subject  to  it.  My  heart  tells  me  it  has  been  my  unremitted 
aim  to  do  the  best  which  circumstances  would  permit ;  yet  I  may  have 
been  very  often  mistaken  in  my  judgment  of  the  means,  and  may,  in  many 
instances,  deserve  the  imputation  of  error. 

About  this  time  it  was  rumored  that  Washington  had  determined  to 
resign  his  command.  On  this  occasion  he  wrote  to  a  gentleman  in  New- 
England  as  follows :  "  I  can  assure  you  that  no  person  ever  heard  me  drop 
an  expression  that  had  a  tendency  to  resignation.  The  same  principles 
that  led  me  to  embark  in  the  opposition  to  the  arbitrary  claims  of  Great 
Britain,  operate  with  additional  force  at  this  day ;  nor  is  it  my  desire  to 
withdraw  my  services  while  they  are  considered  of  importance  in  the  pre- 
sent contest :  but  to  report  a  design  of  this  kind,  is  among  the  acts  which 
those  who  are  endeavoring  to  effect  a  change,  are  practising  to  bring  it 
to  pass.  I  have  said,  and  I  still  do  say,  that  there  is  not  an  officer  in  the 
service  of  the  United  States,  that  would  return  to  the  sweets  of  domestic 
life  with  more  heart-felt  joy  than  I  should.  But  I  would  have  this  decla- 
ration accompanied  by  these  sentiments,  that  while  the  public  are  satis- 
fied with  my  endeavors,  I  mean  not  to  shrink  from  the  cause.  But  the 
moment  her  voice,  not  that  of  faction,  calls  upon  me  to  resign,  I  shall  do 
it  with  as  much  pleasure  as  ever  the  wearied  traveller  retired  to  rest." 

Washington  now  devoted  himself  to  preparations  for  an  active  cam- 
paign in  1778.  He  labored  to  convince  Congress  of  the  necessity  of  en- 
listing a  regular  army,  at  least  equal  to  that  of  the  enemy.  Congress 
deputed  a  committee  from  their  body  to  reside  in  the  camp,  and  act 
in  concert  with  the  commander-in-chief,  in  reforming  the  condition 
of  the  forces.  This  committee  repaired  to  Valley  Forge  in  January, 
1778.  Washington  laid  before  them  a  minute  view  of  the  army,  in  which 
he  minutely  pointed  out  what  he  deemed  necessary  for  the  correction  of 
abuses,  and  for  the  advancement  of  the  service.  He  recommended,  "  as 
essentially  necessary,  that,  in  addition  to  present  compensation,  provision 
should  be  made  by  half  pay,  and  a  pensionary  establishment,  for  the  future 


WASHINGTON. 

support  of  the  officers,  so  as  to  render  their  commissions  valuable.'*  He 
pointed  out  "  the  insufficiency  of  their  pay  (especially  in  its  present  state 
of  depreciation)  for  their  decent  subsistence  ;  the  sacrifices  they  had  al- 
ready made,  and  the  unreasonableness  of  expecting  that  they  would  con- 
tinue patiently  to  bear  such  an  over  proportion  of  the  common  calamities 
growing  out  of  the  necessary  war,  in  which  all  were  equally  interested  ; 
the  many  resignations  that  had  already  taken  place,  and  the  probability 
that  more  would  follow,  to  the  great  injury  of  the  service ;  the  impossi- 
bility of  keeping  up  a  strict  discipline  among  officers  whose  commissions, 
in  a  pecuniary  view,  were  so  far  from  being  worth  holding,  that  they  were 
the  means  of  impoverishing  them."  These  and  other  weighty  considera- 
tions were  accompanied  by  a  declaration  from  Washington,  "  that  he 
neither  could  nor  would  receive  the  smallest  benefit  from  the  proposed 
establishment,  and  that  he  had  no  other  inducement  in  urging  it,  but  a 
full  conviction  of  its  utility  and  propriety." 

Congress  acted  upon  the  proposed  reforms  with  a  general  concurrence 
of  sentiment.,  but  before  the  army  could  receive  the  benefit  of  them,  their 
distresses  had  reached  the  most  alarming  height.  Of  seventeen  thousand 
men  in  the  camp,  but  five  thousand  were  able  to  discharge  effective  duty. 
Several  times  during  the  winter,  they  experienced  little  less  than  famine ; 
and  a  total  dissolution  of  the  army  was  often  threatened  in  consequence. 
"  It  was  on  this  occasion,"  observes  br.  Thacher,  "  that  a  foreigner  of 
distinction  said  to  a  friend  of  mine,  that  he  despaired  of  our  independence  ; 
foi  wfcsle  walamg  with  General  Washington  along  the  soldiers'  huts,  he 
heard  from  many  voices  echoing  through  the  open  crevices  between  the 
logs,  '  no  pay,  no  clotties,  n>)  provisions,  no  rum,'  and  when  a  miserable 
being  was  seen  flitting  from  one  hut  to  another,  his  nakedness  was  only 
covered  by  a  dirty  blanket.  It  will  be  difficult  to  fjrm  a  just  conception 
of  the  emotions  of  grief  and  sorrow,  which  must  have  harrowed  up  the 
soul  of  our  illustrious  patriot  and  philanthropist.  In  this  darkening  hour 
of  adversity,  any  man  who  possesses  less  firmness  than  Washington,  wtuld 
despair  of  our  independence." 

It  was  at  this  period  that  the  British  government  were  disposed  to  make 
conciliatory  proposals.  The  first  certain  intelligence  of  these  offers  was 
received  by  Washington  in  a  letter  from  the  British  governor  of  New- 
York,  enclosing  the  proposals,  and  recommending  "  that  they  should  be 
circulated  by  General  Washington  among  the  officers  and  privates  of  his 
army."  These  proposals  were  immediately  forwarded  to  Congress,  and 
on  the  day  after  their  rejection  an  order  was  adopted,  in  which  it  was 
urged  upon  the  different  states  to  pardon,  under  certain  limitations,  such 
of  their  misguided  citizens  as  had  levied  war  against  the  United  States. 
This  resolution  was  transmitted  to  the  British  Governor,  with  a  request, 
by  way  of  retort,  that  he  would  circulate  it  among  the  Americans  in  the 
British  army.  The  proposals  of  the  British  government  had  been  made 
in  consequence  of  a  treaty  which  had  just  been  concluded  between  France 
and  the  United  States. 

Sir  William  Howe  had  resigned  the  command  of  the  British  army,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton.  This  officer  received  immediate 
orders  to  evacuate  Philadelphia.  Washington  was  uncertain  what  course 


WASHINGTON.  25 

he  would  probably  pursue.  Deciding  on  a  march  to  New- York,  the 
British  general  crossed  the  Delaware  about  the  middle  of  June.  When 
this  was  known,  a  council  of  war  was  immediately  called  in  the  Ameri- 
can camp.  There  was  a  great  difference  of  opinions.  Since  the  recent 
alliance  with  France,  independence  was  considered  secure,  unless  the 
army  should  be  defeated.  Under  such  circumstances  a  general  engage- 
ment was  not  to  be  hazarded,  without  a  fair  prospect  of  success.  This 
was  the  opinion  of  a  majority  of  the  general  officers.  Washington,  how- 
ever, was  very  desirous  to  risk  an  action. 

When  Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  advanced  to  Allentown,  instead  of  pur- 
suing the  direct  course  to  Staten  Island,  he  drew  towards  the  sea  coast. 
On  learning  that  he  was  marching  in  this  direction,  towards  Monmouth 
court-house,  Washington  sent  Brigadier  Wayne  with  a  thousand  men  to 
reinforce  his  advanced  troops.  The  command  of  this  body  was  offered 
to  General  Lee,  who  in  the  exchange  of  prisoners  had  been  restored  to 
the  army.  This  officer  was  opposed  to  any  engagement  with  the  enemy 
at  that  time,  and  declined  the  service.  It  was  accordingly  given  to  the 
Marquis  de  La  Fayette. 

The  whole  army  followed  at  a  proper  distance  for  supporting  the  ad- 
vanced corps,  and  reached  Cranberry  the  next  morning.  Washington 
increased  his  advanced  corps  with  two  brigades,  and  sent  General  Lee, 
who  was  now  desirous  of  assuming  the  command,  to  take  charge  of  the 
whole,  and  followed  with  the  main  army  to  give  it  support.  On  the  next 
morning,  orders  were  sent  to  Lee  to  move  forward  and  attack  the  enemy, 
unless  there  should  be  very  strong  objections  to  the  measure.  When 
Washington  had  marched  about  five  miles  to  support  the  advance  corps, 
he  found  it  retreating,  by  Lee's  orders,  and  without  having  offered  any 
opposition.  He  immediately  rode  up  to  Lee  and  requested  an  explana- 
tion ;  the  reply  was  unsuitable  and  insolent.  Orders  were  then  given  to 
form  on  a  piece  of  ground  which  seemed  to  offer  advantages  as  a  position 
to  check  the  enemy.  Lee  was  asked  if  he  would  command  on  that 
ground  ;  he  consented,  and  replied  "  your  orders  shall  be  obeyed,  and  I 
will  not  be  the  first  to  leave  the  field." 

Washington  returned  to  the  main  army,  which  was  soon  formed  for 
action.  After  several  unsuccessful  movements  of  the  British  troops,  they 
retired  and  took  the  ground  that  had  been  before  occupied  by  General 
Lee.  Washington  determined  to  attack  them,  and  ordered  two  detach- 
ments to  move  round,  upon  their  right  and  left  sides.  They  did  not  ar- 
rive at  their  ground  in  season  to  commence  the  attack  that  night.  They 
remained  in  that  position  till  morning,  General  Washington  reposing  on 
his  cloak  under  a  tree  in  the  midst  of  his  troops.  Before  dawn,  the  British 
moved  away  in  great  silence.  Nothing  was  known  of  their  march  till  the 
next  day.  They  left  behind  four  officers,  and  forty  privates,  so  severely' 
wounded  that  it  was  not  safe  to  remove  them.  Including  prisoners,  the 
whole  loss  of  the  British  army  was  about  three  hundred  and  fifty.  They 
pursued  their  march  to  Sandy  Hook  without  farther  interruption  and 
without  any  loss  of  baggage.  The  Americans  lost  about  two  hundred 
and  fifty  men.  Declining  pursuit  of  the  royal  troops,  they  retired  to  the 
borders  of  the  North  river. 
4 


26  WASHINGTON. 

Shortly  after  the  action,  Congress  resolved  on  a  vote  of  thanks  to  Gene- 
ral Washington,  for  the  activity  with  which  he  marched  from  the  camp  at 
Valley  Forge  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy  ;  for  his  distinguished  exertions  in 
forming  the  line  of  battle  ;  and  for  his  great  good  conduct  in  leading  on 
the  attack,  and  gaining  the  important  victory  of  Monmouth.  General 
Lee  followed  up  his  passionate  language  on  the  day  of  the  battle,  by  writ- 
ing two  violent  letters  to  Washington,  which  occasioned  his  being  arrested 
and  brought  to  trial.  After  a  protracted  hearing  before  a  court-martial, 
of  which  Lord  Stirling  was  president,  Lee  was  found  guilty,  and  sentenced 
to  be  suspended  from  any  command  in  the  armies  of  the  United  States  for 
the  term  of  one  year. 

Soon  after  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  the  American  army  took  post  at 
the  White  Plains,  and  remained  there  and  in  the  vicinity  till  autumn  was 
far  advanced,  and  then  retired  to  Middlebrook,  in  New  Jersey.  During 
this  period,  nothing  occurred  of  greater  importance  than  an  occasional 
skirmish.  The  French  fleet  arrived  too  late  to  attack  the  British  in  the 
Delaware.  It  was  determined,  therefore,  that  a  joint  expedition,  with  the 
sea  and  land  forces,  should  be  made  against  the  British  posts  in  Rhode 
Island.  General  Sullivan  was  appointed  to  the  conduct  of  the  American 
troops ;  Count  D'Estaing  commanded  the  French  fleet.  The  preparations 
for  commencing  the  attack  had  been  nearly  completed,  when  a  British 
fleet  appeared  in  sight.  The  French  commander  immediately  put  out  to 
sea,  to  come  to  an  engagement.  A  violent  storm  arose,  and  injured  both 
fleets  to  such  an  extent,  that  it  was  necessary  for  the  one  to  sail  for 
Boston,  and  the  other  to  New- York,  to  refit. 

General  Sullivan  had  commenced  the  siege,  in  the  expectation  of  being 
shortly  seconded  by  the  French  fleet.  The  determination  of  D'Estaing 
to  return  to  Boston  excited  general  alarm.  It  left  the  harbors  of  Rhode 
Island  open  for  reinforcements  to  the  British,  from  their  headquarters  in 
New- York.  The  very  safety  of  the  American  army  was  endangered  by 
it.  Every  effort  was  made'  to  induce  the  French  commander  to  change 
his  intentions,  but  without  effect.  This  affair  produced  a  great  deal  of 
discontent  and  irritation,  among  the  American  officers,  and  was  likely  to 
lead  to  very  serious  difficulties.  With  his  usual  prudence  and  good 
judgment,  General  Washington  exerted  his  influence  to  quiet  the 
wounded  feelings  of  both  parties.  He  was  powerfully  assisted  in  this 
attempt,  by  the  Marquis  de  La  Fayette,  who  was  very  much  beloved  by 
the  Americans  as  well  as  the  French,  and  gladly  rendered  his  services  to 
bring  about  a  reconciliation.  Washington  wrote  on  the  subject  to  the 
several  general  officers  of  his  army,  and  took  the  first  opportunity  of 
recommencing  his  correspondence  with  Count  D'Estaing.  His  letter 
took  no  notice  of  the  angry  dispute  that  had  occurred,  and  good  humor 
and  cordial  good-will  were  speedily  restored. 

W7ith  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  active  operations  closed  in  the  middle 
states.  On  the  approach  of  winter,  the  American  army  went  into 
quarters  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Highlands.  Being  better  clothed 
and  better  fed  than  in  the  preceding  winter,  their  situation  was  greatly 
ameliorated.  At  the  close  of  1778,  except  the  possession  of  New- York 
by  the  British,  the  local  situation  of  the  hostile  armies  did  not  much 


WASHINGTON.  27 

differ  from  that  of  the  commencement  of  the  campaign  of  1776.  "  It  is 
not  a  little  pleasing,"  observed  Washington  in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  "  nor 
less  wonderful  to  contemplate,  that  after  two  years'  manoeuvring,  and 
undergoing  the  strangest  vicissitudes,  both  armies  are  brought  back  to 
the  very  point  they  set  out  from,  and  the  offending  party  in  the  beginning 
is  now  reduced  to  the  use  of  the  pickaxe  and  the  spade  for  defence.  The 
hand  of  Providence  has  been  so  conspicuous  in  all  this,  that  he  must  be 
worse  than  an  infidel  that  lacks  faith,  and  more  than  wicked  that  has  not 
gratitude  to  acknowledge  his  obligations." 

In  the  last  months  of  the  year  1778,  when  the  active  operations  of  the 
campaign  were  over,  Congress  decided  on  a  magnificent  plan  for  the 
conquest  of  Canada.  This  plan  was  to  be  carried  into  effect  by  the  joint 
operations  of  distinct  detachments  of  Americans,  acting  in  different 
points,  and  co-operating  with  a  French  fleet  and  army  on  the  river  St. 
Lawrence.  The  scheme  was  not  communicated  to  Washington,  till  it 
had  been  adopted  by  Congress.  He  was  then  consulted,  and  requested 
to  write  to  Dr.  Franklin,  then  minister  at  Paris,  to  interest  him  in 
securing  the  proposed  co-operation  of  France.  Doubtful  of  the  success 
of  the  operation,  even  with  the  assistance  of  the  French,  Washington 
was  urgent  to  obtain  its  rejection.  Congress  persisted  in  the  measure, 
and  a  committee  of  their  body  was  chosen  to  confer  with  the  general  on 
this  business,  and  on  the  state  of  the  army.  His  objections  were  then 
found  to  be  insurmountable,  and  the  expedition  was  laid  aside. 

The  alliance  with  France  had  seemed  to  many  to  secure  our 
independence.  It  was  supposed  that  Great  Britain  would  despair  of  final 
success,  and  relinquish  farther  prosecution  of  the  war.  Washington  was 
very  busy  in  opposing  the  progress  of  this  dangerous  delusion.  In  his 
correspondence  with  members  of  Congress,  and  influential  men  throughout 
the  state,  he  represented  the  fallacy  of  this  opinion,  and  the  impolicy  of 
indulging  it.  He  was  anxious  that  early  and  vigorous  measures  should 
be  taken  for  the  next  campaign.  Yet  it  was  not  till  the  twenty-third  of 
January,  1779,  that  Congress  passed  resolutions  for  re-enlisting  the  army; 
and  not  till  the  ninth  of  March,  that  the  states  were  called  upon  to  furnish 
their  proportion  of  the  general  forces.  This  state  of  affairs  greatly  alarmed 
Washington,  and  his  apprehensions  at  the  time  may  be  gathered  from  the 
following  extract  of  a  letter  to  one  of  his  confidential  friends. 

"  To  me  it  appears  no  unjust  simile,  to  compare  the  affairs  of  this  great 
continent  to  the  mechanism  of  a  clock,  each  state  representing  some  one 
or  other  of  the  small  parts  of  it,  which  they  are  endeavoring  to  put  in  fine 
order,  without  considering  how  useless  and  unavailing  their  labor  is, 
unless  the  great  wheel,  or  spring,  which  is  to  set  the  whole  in  motion,  is 
also  well  attended  to  and  kept  in  good  order.  I  allude  to  no  particular 
state,  nor  do  I  mean  to  cast  reflections  upon  any  one  of  them,  nor  ought 
I,  as  it  may  be  said,  to  do  so  upon  their  representatives ;  but  as  it  is  a  fact 
too  notorious  to  be  concealed,  that  Congress  is  rent  by  party ;  that  much 
business  of  a  trifling  nature  and  personal  concernment  withdraws  their 
attention  from  matters  of  great  national  moment,  at  this  critical  period  ; 
when  it  is  also  known  that  idleness  and  dissipation  take  place  of  close 
attention  and  application ;  no  man  who  wishes  well  to  the  liberties  of  his 


28  WASHINGTON. 

country,  and  desires  to  see  its  rights  established,  can  avoid  crying  out — 
Where  are  our  men  of  abilities  ?  Why  do  they  not  come  forth  to  save 
their  country  1  Let  this  voice,  my  dear  sir,  call  upon  you,  Jefferson,  and 
others.  Do  not,  from  a  mistaken  opinion  that  we  are  to  sit  down  under 
our  own  vine  and  our  own  figtree,  let  our  hitherto  noble  struggle  end  in 
ignominy.  Believe  me,  when  I  tell  you,  there  is  danger  of  it.  I  have 
pretty  good  reasons  for  thinking  that  the  administration,  a  little  while  ago, 
had  resolved  to  give  the  matter  up,  and  negotiate  a  peace  with  us  upon 
almost  any  terms  ;  but  I  shall  be  much  mistaken,  if  they  do  not  now,  from 
the  present  state  of  our  currency,  dissensions,  and  other  circumstances, 
push  matters  to  the  utmost  extremity.  Nothing,  I  am  sure,  will  prevent 
it,  but  the  interruption  of  Spain,  and  their  disappointed  hope  from 
Prussia." 

The  depreciation  of  the  paper  currency  had  so  reduced  the  pay 
of  the  American  officers,  as  to  render  it  inadequate  to  their  support. 
This  led  to  serious  troubles  and  discontents.  Early  in  May,  the  Jersey 
brigade  was  ordered  to  march  by  regiments  to  join  the  western  army. 
In  answer  to  this  order,  a  letter  was  received  from  General  Maxwell, 
stating  that  the  officers  of  the  first  regiment  had  addressed  a  remonstrance 
to  the  legislature  of  the  state,  in  which  they  professed  a  determination  to 
resign  their  commissions,  unless  that  body  immediately  attended  to  their 
pay  and  support.  General  Washington  knew  the  sufferings  to  which  the 
army  had  been  exposed,  and  the  virtue  and  firmness  with  which  they  had 
supported  them.  He  knew  the  truth  and  justice  of  the  complaints  now 
made  by  the  Jersey  regiment ;  but  saw  and  felt  the  evils  that  would  result 
from  the  measures  they  had  adopted.  Relying  on  their  patriotism  and 
personal  attachment  to  himself,  he  immediately  wrote  to  G;_a>_rai  Maxwell 
a  letter  to  be  communicated  to  the  officers. 

In  this  address,  he  adopted  the  language  of  a  friend  as  well  as  of  an  of- 
ficer. He  acknowledged  the  inconvenience  and  distress  to  which  the 
army  were  exposed ;  and  expressed  the  hope  that  they  had  done  him  the 
justice  to  believe,  that  he  had  been  incessant  in  endeavors  to  procure  them 
relief.  The  limited  resources  of  the  government  were  mentioned,  and 
their  embarrassment  in  procuring  money.  He  then  alluded  to  the  pro- 
gress of  the  cause,  the  probability  of  soon  attaining  the  object  of  their 
struggles,  and  the  meanness  of  a  shameful  desertion,  and  forgetfulness  of 
what  was  due  to  their  country.  "Did  I  suppose  it  possible,"  he  observed, 
"  this  could  be  the  case,  even  in  a  single  regiment  of  the  army,  I  should  be 
mortified  and  chagrined  beyond  expression.  I  should  feel  it  as  a  wound 
given  to  my  own  honor,  which  I  consider  as  embarked  with  that  of  the 
army  at  large.  But  this  I  believe  to  be  impossible.  Any  corps  that  was 
about  to  set  an  example  of  the  kind,  would  weigh  well  the  consequences  ; 
and  no  officer  of  common  discernment  and  sensibility  would  hazard  them. 
If  they  should  stand  alone  in  it,  independent  of  other  consequences,  what 
would  be  their  feelings,  on  reflecting  that  they  had  held  themselves  out  to 
the  world  in  a  point  of  light  inferior  to  the  rest  of  the  army.  Or  if  their 
example  should  be  followed,  and  become  general,  how  could  they  console 
themselves  for  having  been  the  foremost  in  bringing  ruin  and  disgrace 
upon  their  country.  They  would  remember,  that  the  army  would  share  a 


WASHINGTON.  29 

double  portion  of  the  general  infamy  and  distress,  and  that  the  character 
of  an  American  officer  would  become  as  despicable  as  it  is  now  glorious." 

The  officers  did  not  expressly  recede  from  their  claims,  but  they  were 
prevailed  upon  by  the  representations  of  the  letter  to  continue  in  service. 
In  an  address  to  General  Washington,  they  expressed  regret  that  any  act 
of  theirs  should  have  given  him  pain,  and  proceeded  to  justify  the  measures 
they  had  taken.  They  stated  that  their  repeated  memorials  to  the  legislature 
had  been  neglected,  and  that  they  had  lost  all  confidence  in  that  body. 
"  Few  of  us,"  they  said,  "  have  private  fortunes  ;  many  have  families  who 
already  are  suffering  every  thing  that  can  be  received  from  an  ungrateful 
country.  Are  we,  then,  to  suffer  all  the  inconveniences,  fatigues,  and 
dangers  of  a  military  life,  while  our  wives  and  our  children  are  perishing 
for  want  of  common  necessaries  at  home  ;  and  that  without  the  most 
distant  prospect  of  reward,  for  our  pay  is  now  only  nominal  ?  We  are 
sensible  that  your  Excellency  cannot  wish  or  desire  this  from  us. 

"  We  beg  leave  to  assure  your  Excellency,  that  we  have  the  highest 
sense  of  jour  ability  and  virtues;  that  executing  your  orders  has  ever 
given  us  pleasure ;  that  we  love  the  service,  and  we  love  our  country  ; 
but  when  that  country  is  so  lost  to  virtue  and  to  justice  as  to  forget  to 
support  its  servants,  it  then  becomes  their  duty  to  retire  from  its  service." 

Washington,  with  his  usual  prudence,  resolved  to  take  no  further  notice 
of  this  address,  than  to  notify  the  officers  through  General  Maxwell,  that, 
as  long  as  they  continued  to  do  their  duty,  he  should  only  regret  the  step 
they  had  taken,  and  hope  that  they  themselves  would  perceive  its  impro- 
priety. The  occasion  was  a  favorable  one  for  the  commander-in-chief,  to 
urge  upon  Congress  the  necessity  of  making  suitable  provision  in  behalf 
of  his  officers.  "  The  distresses  in  some  corps,"  he  observed,  "  are  so 
great,  either  where  they  were  not  until  lately  attached  to  any  particular 
state,  or  where  the  state  has  been  less  provident,  that  officers  have  solicited 
even  to  be  supplied  with  the  clothing  destined  for  the  common  soldiers, 
coarse  and  unsuitable  as  it  was.  I  had  not  power  to  comply  with  the 
request.  The  patience  of  men,  animated  by  a  sense  of  duty  and  honor, 
will  support  them  to  a  certain  point,  beyond  which  it  will  not  go.  I  doubt 
not  Congress  will  be  sensible  of  the  danger  of  an  extreme  in  this  respect, 
and  will  pardon  my  anxiety  to  obviate  it."  The  legislature  of  New-Jersey 
were  alarmed,  and  at  length  induced  to  notice  the  situation  of  their 
soldiers  ;  the  remonstrance  was  withdrawn,  and  the  officers  continued  to 
perform  their  duty  as  usual. 

The  American  army,  in  these  years,  was  destitute,  not  only  of  food, 
but  of  clothing.  The  seasons  of  1779  and  1780,  were  unfruitful ;  the 
labors  of  the  farmers  had  been  interrupted  by  the  calls  of  war ;  paper 
money  was  no  equivalent,  in  its  present  value,  for  the  produce  of  the  soil; 
and,  consequently,  no  provisions  could  be  obtained  but  by  measures 
of  compulsion.  The  soldiers  were  demanding  food,  the  inhabitants  de- 
manded protection,  and,  distracted  by  the  wrongs  of  the  one,  and  the 
wants  of  the  other,  Washington  was  in  a  state  of  the  deepest  embarrass- 
ment and  anxiety.  At  length,  even  force  began  to  fail ;  the  neighboring 
country  was  drained  of  all  its  produce,  and  absolute  famine  appeared  to 
threaten  the  army.  In  this  situation,  the  conduct  of  the  commander-in- 


30  WASHINGTON. 

chief  was  of  the  most  prudent,  wise,  and  conciliating  character  ;  and  it 
was  indeed  a  crisis  which  called  for  all  his  address,  popularity,  and  firm- 
ness, to  carry  him  through  it.  He  succeeded  in  keeping  the  army  to- 
gether, and  in  retaining,  not  only  their  approbation,  but  that  of  his 
fellow  citizens. 

The  effective  force  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  in  1779,  strongly  fortified 
in  New- York  and  Rhode  Island,  amounted  to  about  sixteen  thousand 
five  hundred  men  ;  that  of  the  Americans  did  not  exceed  thirteen  thou- 
sand. The  British  were  supported  by  a  powerful  fleet,  which  enabled 
them  to  move  with  expedition  and  facility,  and  when  on  the  Hudson,  to 
concentrate  their  forces  on  either  side  of  it.  West  Point  was  the  chief 
post  of  the  Americans,  on  this  river ;  and  the  preservation  of  this  place 
and  its  dependencies,  was  an  object  of  primary  importance.  For  this 
purpose,  Washington  concentrated  his  forces  here,  and  all  the  efforts  of 
the  British  to  allure  him  from  this  position  by  attacking  and  burning  the 
towns  on  the  coast  of  Connecticut,  proved  unavailing.  The  American 
army  limited  its  operations  to  securing  the  passes  of  the  North  river,  and 
protecting  the  country  as  far  as  was  consistent  with  this  important  object. 
While  the  British  devastations  were  going  on,  Washington  planned  an 
expedition  against  Stony  Point,  a  bold  hill,  projecting  into  the  Hudson, 
on  the  top  of  which  a  fort  had  been  erected  and  garrisoned  by  six  hun- 
dred men.  The  enterprise  was  entrusted  to  General  Wayne,  and  was 
completely  successful.  It  was  soon  followed  by  the  surprise  of  the  British 
garrison  at  Paules  Hook,  concluded  on  the  eighteenth  of  August,  by 
Major  Henry  Lee.  With  three  hundred  soldiers,  he  entered  the  fort 
about  three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and,  with  very  inconsiderable  loss, 
carried  away  one  hundred  and  fifty-nine  prisoners. 

It  was  thought  desirable  to  avoid  all  hazardous  movements,  from  the 
expected  arrival  of  a  French  fleet,  with  which  the  army  might  success- 
fully co-operate.  This  fleet,  under  Count  D'Estaing,  reached  the  vicinity 
of  Georgia,  with  a  body  of  troops,  and,  in  conjunction  with  the  southern 
army,  under  General  Lincoln,  made  an  attack  on  the  British  post  at 
Savannah.  The  united  forces  were  led  to  the  lines  of  the  enemy  with 
great  valor  and  firmness,  but  after  standing  a  very  severe  fire  for  about 
an  hour,  they  were  repulsed  with  loss. 

The  campaign  terminated  in  the  northern  states  without  any  decisive 
efforts  on  either  side.  The  British  attempts  upon  the  posts  in  the  High- 
lands had  been  defeated.  The  Indians  had  been  reduced  to  peace  by 
an  expedition  sent  against  them,  under  the  command  of  General  Sulli- 
van. Winter  quarters  for  the  American  army  were  chosen  at  Morris- 
town.  On  their  march  to  this  place,  and  after  their  arrival,  they  suffered 
exceedingly.  The  snow  was  two  feet  deep,  and  the  soldiers  were  desti- 
tute, both  of  tents  and  blankets,  some  of  them  barefooted  and  almost 
naked.  At  night,  their  only  defence  against  the  weather,  was  in  piles 
of  brushwood.  After  reaching  the  place  that  had  been  chosen  for  winter 
quarters,  they  found  it  very  difficult  to  pitch  their  tents  in  the  frozen 
ground.  They  built  up  large  fires,  but  could  hardly  keep  from  freezing. 
Besides  the  sufferings  from  cold,  they  were  without  necessary  food.  For 
seven  or  eight  days  together,  they  had  no  other  provision  than  miserable 
fresh  beef,  without  bread,  salt,  or  vegetables. 


WASHINGTON.  31 

The  weather  in  January,  1780,  was  remarkably  cold  and  severe.  On 
the  third  of  the  month,  there  was  a  most  violent  snow  storm.  Several 
of  the  marquees  were  blown  down  over  the  officers'  heads,  and  some  of 
the  soldiers  were  actually  buried  under  the  snow  in  their  tents.  The 
officers  of  the  army  had  a  sufficient  supply  of  straw,  over  which  they 
could  spread  their  blankets,  and,  with  their  clothes  and  large  fires,  keep 
themselves  from  extreme  suffering.  But  the  common  soldiers  on  duty, 
during  all  the  violence  of  the  storm,  and  at  night,  with  but  a  single  blan- 
ket, were  exposed  to  great  distress.  They  were  so  enfeebled  by  cold  and 
hunger,  as  to  be  unable  to  labor  in  the  erection  of  their  log  huts.  The 
sufferings  of  the  soldiers,  from  the  unusual  severity  of  the  winter,  and 
the  privation  of  food,  were  extremely  severe;  but  though  desertions  were 
frequent,  not  a  single  mutiny  was  excited.  Notwithstanding  the  situa- 
tion of  his  army,  Washington  was  active  in  seeking  opportunities  for  a 
favorable  attack ;  and  planned  an  expedition  against  the  British  works 
on  Staten  Island.  A  detachment  of  twenty-five  hundred  men,  under 
the  command  of  Lord  Stirling,  was  despatched  on  this  service. 

The  party  passed  over  from  Elizabethtown,  at  night,  on  the  ice.  The 
British  troops,  however,  had  received  intelligence  of  their  design,  and 
withdrawn  into  their  fortifications.  All  the  benefit  of  the  expedition  con- 
sisted in  procuring  a  quantity  of  blankets  and  military  stores,  with  a  few 
casks  of  wine  and  spirits.  The  snow  was  three  or  four  feet  deep,  and 
the  troops  remained  on  the  island  twenty-four  hours  without  covering ; 
about  five  hundred  of  them  were  slightly  frozen,  and  six  were  killed  ; 
the  retreat  was  effected  with  no  other  loss. 

Soon  after  this  event,  Washington  received  intelligence  of  the  loss 
of  Charleston,  and  the  surrender  of  that  detachment  of  the  southern 
army,  under  General  Lincoln.  When  the  news  of  this  disaster  reached 
the  northern  states,  the  American  army  was  in  the  greatest  distress. 
The  officers  had  been  for  some  time  dissatisfied  with  their  situation ; 
they  had  been  exposed  to  great  distress,  and  had  made  great  sacrifices, 
for  small  wages,  paid  with  no  punctuality.  The  paper  money  had  dimi- 
nished so  much  in  value,  that  it  was  difficult  to  procure  supplies  with  it, 
even  at  the  reduced  rates.  Forty  dollars  in  these  bills  were  worth  less 
than  one  dollar  in  silver.  A  number  of  officers  were  compelled,  by 
necessity,  to  give  up  their  commissions.  General  Washington  was  un- 
wearied in  his  efforts  to  procure  from  Congress  a  more  generous  provi- 
sion for  them,  and  at  length  succeeded. 

The  disaffection  of  the  troops  at  length  broke  out  into  actual  mutiny. 
/Two  of  the  Connecticut  regiments  paraded  under  arms,  announcing  their 
intention  of  returning  home,  or  obtaining  a  subsistence  by  their  arms. 
By  the  prudent  and  spirited  conduct  of  their  officers,  however,  the 
ringleaders  were  secured,  and  the  regiments  brought  back  to  their  duty. 

Soon  after  the  surrender  of  the  southern  army,  the  commanding  officer 
of  the  enemy,  in  New- York,  thought  to  take  advantage  of  the  discontent 
and  distress  prevailing  among  the  northern  troops.  General  Knyphausen 
crossed  over  from  Staten  Island  with  about  five  thousand  men.  Orders 
were  immediately  given  in  the  American  camps,  to  be  in  readiness  to 
march  at  a  moment's  notice.  The  enemy  advanced  to  Springfield,  and 


32  WASHINGTON. 

set  fire  to  the  village ;  burning  the  church,  and  twenty  or  thirty  dwelling 
houses.  They  then  made  a  rapid  retreat  to  Staten  Island.  The  object 
of  this  expedition  was  supposed  to  have  been  the  destruction  of  the  stores 
at  Morristown.  The  first  months  in  the  year  were  spent  in  these  desul- 
tory operations.  No  disposition  to  give  up  the  contest,  was  produced  in 
the  north,  by  the  disasters  in  the  south  ;  but  the  weakness  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  the  depreciation  of  the  paper  currency,  deprived  Washington 
of  all  power  to  act  on  the  offensive. 

When  affairs  were  in  this  condition,  the  Marquis  de  La  Fayette  arrived 
from  France,  with  the  assurance  that  the  French  army  and  fleet  might 
soon  be  expected  upon  our  coast.  This  roused  the  Americans  from  their 
lethargy,  and  Washington  was  very  active  in  his  extensive  correspond- 
ence through  the  states,  to  stimulate  the  public  mind  to  the  exertions  the 
crisis  demanded.  The  resolutions  of  Congress  were  slowly  executed, 
and  from  the  want  of  their  efficient  assistance,  the  operations  of  Wash- 
ington were  very  much  embarrassed.  Some  relief  was  obtained  from 
private  sources,  and  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia  formed  an  association 
to  procure  a  supply  of  necessaries  for  the  suffering  soldiers.  In  a  few 
days,  the  sum  of  three  hundred  thousand  dollars  was  subscribed,  for  this 
purpose,  and  converted  into  a  bank,  from  which  great  advantages  were 
derived.  The  ladies  of  that  city,  also  made  large  donations  for  the  im- 
mediate relief  of  the  soldiers  ;  but  large  as  all  these  supplies  were,  they 
fell  far  short  of  the  wants  of  the  army. 

On  the  tenth  of  July,  the  expected  allies  arrived  on  the  coast  of  Rhode 
Island.  Their  fleet  consisted  of  seven  sail  of  the  line,  five  frigates,  and 
five  smaller  vessels  ;  their  army  amounted  to  six  thousand  men.  So 
tardy  had  been  the  arrangements  for  raising  the  American  army,  that 
their  force  at  this  time  did  not  amount  to  one  thousand  men.  Trusting, 
however,  that  the  promised  support  would  be  forwarded  with  all  possible 
despatch,  Washington  sent  proposals  to  the  French  commander  for  com- 
mencing the  siege  of  New- York.  "  Pressed  on  all  sides,"  he  observed 
in  a  letter  to  Congress,  "  by  a  choice  of  difficulties,  in  a  moment  which 
required  decision,  I  have  adopted  that  line  of  conduct,  which  comported 
with  the  dignity  and  faith  of  Congress,  the  reputation  of  these  states,  and 
the  honor  of  our  arms.  I  have  sent  on  definitive  proposals  of  co-opera- 
tion to  the  French  general  and  admiral.  Neither  the  period  of  the 
season,  nor  a  regard  to  decency  would  permit  delay.  The  die  is  cast ; 
and  it  remains  with  the  states,  either  to  fulfil  their  engagements,  preserve 
their  credit,  and  support  their  independence,  or  to  involve  us  in  disgrace 
and  defeat.  *  *  *  If  we  fail  for  want  of  proper  exertions  in  any  of  the 
governments,  I  trust  the  responsibility  will  fall  where  it  ought,  and  that 
I  shall  stand  justified  to  Congress,  my  country,  and  the  world." 

The  fifth  of  August  was  fixed  upon,  as  the  day  when  the  united  armies 
were  to  commence  operations.  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  who  had  returned 
the  preceding  month,  with  his  victorious  troops  from  Charleston,  had 
embarked  about  eight  thousand  men,  with  the  apparent  intention  of 
attacking  the  French  force  at  Rhode  Island.  Washington  put  his  army 
in  motion,  and  crossed  the  Hudson,  to  besiege  New- York  during  his 
absence.  The  enemy  were  alarmed  at  the  danger  of  this  city,  and 


WASHINGTON 


cturncd  to  defend  it.  The  American  army  recrossed  the  Hudson  to 
the  Jersey  shore.  This  passage  was  made  in  boats  and  floats,  and  occu- 
pied three  days  and  nights.  The  designs  on  New- York  were  only  sus- 
pended, not  entirely  abandoned ;  and  Washington  had  a  personal  inter- 
view on  this  subject,  with  the  French  commander,  at  Hartford.  But  the 
arrival  of  Admiral  Rodney,  with  eleven  ships  of  the  line,  upon  the 
American  coast,  disarranged  the  plans  of  the  allies,  and  no  expedition 
of  the  kind  could  be  undertaken  during  the  present  campaign. 

At  this  time,  Washington  wrote  thus  in  a  letter  to  a  friend :  "  We  are 
now  drawing  to  a  close  an  inactive  campaign,  the  beginning  of  which 
appeared  pregnant  with  events  of  a  very  favorable  complexion.  I  hoped, 
but  I  hoped  in  vain,  that  a  prospect  was  opening,  which  would  enable  me 
to  fix  a  period  to  my  military  pursuits,  and  restore  me  to  domestic  life. 
The  favorable  disposition  of  Spain ;  the  promised  succor  from  France ; 
the  combined  force  in  the  West  Indies ;  the  declaration  of  Russia, 
(acceded  to  by  other  powers  of  Europe,  humiliating  the  naval  pride 
and  power  of  Great  Britain ;)  the  superiority  of  France  and  Spain  by 
sea,  in  Europe ;  the  Irish  claims,  and  English  disturbances,  formed 
in  the  aggregate,  an  opinion  in  my  breast,  (which  is  not  very  suscep- 
tible of  peaceful  dreams,)  that  the  hour  of  deliverance  was  not  far 
distant :  for  that,  however  unwilling  Great  Britain  might  be  to  yield 
the  point,  it  would  not  be  in  her  power  to  continue  the  contest.  But 
alas!  these  prospects,  flattering  as  they  were,  have  proved  delusory; 
and  I  see  nothing  before  us  but  accumulating  distress.  We  have  been 
half  our  time  without  provisions,  and  are  likely  to  continue  so.  We  have 
no  magazines,  nor  money  to  form  them.  We  have  lived  upon  expedients 
until  we  can  live  no  longer.  In  a  word,  the  history  of  the  war  is  a 
history  of  false  hopes  and  temporary  devices,  instead  of  system  and 
economy.  It  is  in  vain,  however,  to  look  back,  nor  is  it  our  business  to 
do  so.  Our  case  is  not  desperate,  if  virtue  exists  in  the  people,  and  there 
is  wisdom  among  our  rulers.  But,  to  suppose  that  this  great  revolution 
can  be  accomplished  by  a  temporary  army ;  that  this  army  will  be  sub- 
sisted by  state  supplies ;  and  that  taxation  alone  is  adequate  to  our  wants, 
is,  in  my  opinion,  absurd." 

At  a  period  when  the  resources  of  the  country  were  almosjt  exhausted, 
and  countless  troubles  and  embarrassments  surrounded  Washington, 
treason  entered  the  camp  of  the  Americans,  and  had  nearly  strangled 
their  infant  liberties.  Benedict  Arnold  had  been  regarded  from  the 
commencement  of  the  American  war,  as  a  brave  and  patriotic  officer. 
He  had  fought  in  several  battles,  with  great  valor  and  gallantry,  and  ac- 
quired the  entire  confidence  of  his  countrymen.  His  services  had  been 
rewarded  by  promotion,  to  the  rank  of  major  general.  At  his  own  re- 
quest and  solicitation,  he  was  entrusted  with  the  command  of  West 
Point.  Partly  from  motives  of  avarice,  and  partly  from  feelings  of  re- 
venge, for  some  public  censures,  he  had  received  from  the  government, 
he  determined  to  deliver  this  post  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  He 
entered  into  a  secret  correspondence  with  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  and  actual- 
ly agreed  to  put  him  in  possession  of  the  garrison.  The  British  general 
readily  consented  to  the  treachery,  and  selected  Major  John  Andre,  his 
5 


34  WASHINGTON. 

adjutant  general  and  aid-de-camp,  to  have  a  personal  interview  with 
Arnold,  and  arrange  the  plan  for  the  surrender  of  the  post. 

A  British  sloop  of  war,  called  the  Vulture,  sailed  up  the  North  river, 
and  anchored  about  twelve  miles  below  West  Point.  On  board  of  this 
vessel  was  Major  Andre,  under  the  assumed  name  of  John  Anderson. 
The  parties  could  now  communicate  with  each  other,  without  exciting 
suspicions  of  any  treasonable  designs.  But  a  personal  interview  became 
at  length  necessary,  and  the  place  chosen  for  this  purpose  was  the  beach, 
near  the  house  of  Mr.  Joshua  Smith,  who  had  long  been  suspected  of 
favoring  the  British  cause.  Arnold  now  sent  a  boat  to  bring  Andre  on 
shore.  This  was  unexpected  to  the  British  officer,  but  he  was  unwilling 
that  the  enterprise  should  fail,  through  any  fault  upon  his  part.  Putting 
on  a  grey  surtout,  to  hide  his  uniform,  he  accompanied  the  messenger 
of  Arnold  to  the  shore.  After  conversing  some  time  at  the  water's  edge, 
they  went  to  the  house  of  Smith  for  greater  security.  Andre  remained 
concealed  here  till  the  following  night,  when  he  became  anxious  to  return 
on  board  the  Vulture,  and  went  alone  to  the  beach,  where  he  expected 
to  find  a  boat  to  convey  him  to  this  vessel.  During  his  visit  to  the  shore, 
however,  the  Vulture  had  been  driven  from  her  station,  and  had  removed 
some  miles  farther  down  the  river.  When  Andre  proposed  to  the  boat- 
men to  carry  him  back  to  the  vessel,  they  told  him  that  it  was  too  far,  and 
refused  to  go.  It  being  impossible  to  procure  a  boat  and  men  for  the 
purpose,  it  was  resolved  that  Andre  should  return  to  New- York  by  land. 
For  this  dangerous  attempt,  he  laid  aside  his  uniform  altogether,  and 
put  on  another  dress.  Arnold  furnished  him  with  a  horse,  and  accom- 
panied by  Smith,  he  set  out  upon  his  journey.  Each  of  them  had  a 
passport  from  Arnold  —  "to  go  to  the  lines  on  White  Plains,  or  lower,  if 
the  bearer  thought  proper ;  he  being  t»n  public  business." 

By  means  of  these  passports,  they  got  beyond  all  the  American 
outposts  and  guards,  without  being  suspected.  They  lodged  together 
on  the  night  of  their  departure  at  Crompond.  They  arrived  without 
interruption,  a  Httle  beyond  Pine's  Bridge,  a  village  situated  on  the 
Croton.  They  had  not  yet  crossed  the  lines,  though  they  were  in  sight 
of  the  ground  occupied  by  the  British  troops.  Smith  here  looked  round, 
and  seeing  no  one,  and  no  sign  of  danger,  he  said  to  Andre  — "  You  are 
safe  —  good  by,"  and  retook  the  road  by  which  they  had  come.  Andre 
put  spurs  to  his  horse,  and  supposing  himself  out  of  danger,  rode  forward 
at  full  speed  to  deliver  the  favorable  result  of  his  mission.  He  had  pro- 
ceeded about  a  dozen  miles  with  the  same  good  fortune.  He  was  about 
entering  Tarrytown,  the  border  village  that  separated  him  from  the  royal 
army,  when  a  man  sprung  suddenly  from  a  thicket,  and  exclaimed, 
"where  are  you  bound  ?"  This  man  was  armed  with  a  gun,  and  was 
immediately  joined  by  two  armed  companions.  They  were  not  in  uni- 
form, and  Andre  supposed  at  once  they  must  be  of  his  own  party.  In- 
stead of  producing  his  passport,  he  asked  them  in  his  turn,  where  they 
belonged.  They  replied,  "to  below,"  alluding  to  New- York.  "And  so 
do  I,"  said  Andre,  "I  am  a  British  officer,  on  urgent  business,  and  must 
not  be  detained."  "  You  belong  to  our  enemies,"  was  the  reply,  "  and 
we  arrest  you." 


WASHINGTON.  35 

Andre  was  surprised  at  this  unexpected  language,  presented  his  pass- 
port, but  this  paper  only  served  to  render  his  case  more  suspicious,  when 
considered  in  connexion  with  his  confessions.  He  offered  them  gold,  his 
horse,  and  promised  large  rewards,  and  permanent  provision  from  the 
English  government,  if  they  would  let  him  escape.  They  refused  all  his 
offers,  and  proceeding  to  search  him,  they  found  in  his  boots,  in  the 
handwriting  of  Arnold,  exact  returns  of  the  state  of  the  forces,  ordnance, 
and  defences  of  West  Point,  with  many  other  important  papers.  No 
longer  in  doubt,  they  carried  him  at  once  before  Colonel  Jameson,  who 
commanded  the  outposts.  Andre  retained  his  self-possession,  and  still 
passing  under  his  assumed  name,  requested  permission  to  write  to  Ar- 
nold, to  inform  him  that  his  messenger  was  detained.  Jameson  thought 
it  more  simple  to  order  him  to  be  conducted  to  Arnold,  and  was  already 
on  his  way  for  that  purpose,  when  the  suspicious  circumstances  of  the 
case  induced  him  to  change  his  mind ;  and  sending  in  all  haste  after  the 
pretended  Anderson,  had  him  conveyed  under  guard  to  Old  Salem.  He 
despatched  at  the  same  time  an  express  to  Washington,  containing  an 
account  of  the  affair,  with  the  draughts  and  other  papers  taken  from  the 
prisoner.  But  the  commander-in-chief,  who  set  out  on  the  same  day,  the 
twenty-third  of  September,  to  return  to  his  army,  had  pursued  a  different 
route  from  that  by  which  he  went  to  Hartford,  and  the  messenger  was 
compelled  to  retrace  his  steps  without  having  seen  him.  This  delay 
proved  the  salvation  of  Arnold. 

Jameson  began  to  regard  his  suspicions  of  Arnold  as  unjust  and  un- 
worthy, and  wrote  him  that  Anderson,  the  bearer  of  his  passport,  had 
been  arrested.  Arnold  was  busy  with  his  arrangements  for  the  reception 
of  the  enemy,  when  he  received  the  letter  from  Jameson.  Those  who 
were  present  at  the  time,  afterwards  recollected  that  he  was  very  much 
dismayed  and  agitated.  Recovering  himself  quickly,  he  said  in  a  loud 
voice  that  he  would  write  an  answer,  and  withdrew  to  reflect  upon  the 
course  which  it  was  best  for  him  to  pursue.  The  entrance  of  two  Ame- 
rican officers  interrupted  his  reflections.  They  were  sent  by  the  com- 
mander-in-chief, and  informed  Arnold  that  he  had  arrived  within  a  few 
leagues  of  West  Point,  and  was  to  have  set  out  a  few  hours  after  them, 
to  complete  his  journey.  The  traitor  had  now  no  safety  but  in  immedi- 
ate flight.  Concealing  his  emotions,  he  told  the  two  officers  that  he 
wished  to  go  and  meet  the  general  alone,  and  begged  them  not  to  follow 
him.  He  then  entered  the  apartment  of  his  wife,  exclaiming — "  All  is 
discovered  ;  Andre  is  a  prisoner  ;  the  commander-in-chief  will  know  eve- 
ry thing.  Burn  all  my  papers — I  fly  to  New-York." 

Leaving  his  wife,  without  waiting  for  a  reply,  he  mounted  the  horse  of 
one  of  the  two  officers,  and  rushed  towards  the  Hudson.  Here  he  had 
token  care  to  have  always  ready  a  barge  well  manned.  He  threw  him- 
self into  it,  and  ordered  the  boatmen  to  make  for  the  English  sloop  with 
all  possible  despatch.  The  barge,  bearing  a  flag  of  truce,  was  in  sight 
when  Washington  arrived.  The  officers  related  to  him  what  had  hap- 
pened. Arnold  had  absconded,  and  no  one  knew  how  to  account  for  it. 
The  commander-in-chief  instantly  repaired  to  the  fort  of  West  Point,  but 
he  could  learn  nothing  there.  He  returned  to  the  house  of  General  Ar- 


36  WASHINGTON. 

nold,  where  the  messenger  of  Jameson  presented  himself,  and  delivered 
the  packet  with  which  he  was  charged.  Washington  seemed  for  a  few 
moments  overwhelmed  by  the  enormity  of  the  crime.  Those  who  were 
near  him  waited  silently,  but  impatiently,  for  the  result.  He  at  length 
said — "  I  thought  that  an  officer  of  courage  and  ability,  who  had  often 
shed  his  blood  for  his  country,  was  entitled  to  confidence,  and  I  gave  him 
mine.  I  am  convinced  now,  and  for  the  rest  of  my  life,  that  we  should 
never  trust  those  who  are  wanting  in  probity,  whatever  abilities  they  may 
possess. — Arnold  has  betrayed  us."  Major  Andre  was  conducted  to  West 
Point,  and  afterwards  to  headquarters  at  Tappan.  A  court-martial  was 
here  instituted,  and  this  unfortunate  officer  was  condemned  to  death. 
General  Washington  was  now  called  upon  to  discharge  a  duty  from  which 
he  revolted,  and  it  is  said  that  his  hand  could  hardly  command  his  pen, 
when  signing  the  warrant  for  the  execution.  But  the  laws  and  usages  of 
war  required  that  Andre  should  die,  and  he  accordingly  perished  on  the 
scaffold. 

The  treason  of  Arnold,  the  capture  of  Andre,  together  with  private 
intelligence  received  from  New- York,  induced  General  Washington  to 
believe  that  other  officers  in  his  army  were  connected  with  the  late  con- 
spiracy. This  belief  gave  him  great  uneasiness.  The  moment  he  reached 
the  army,  then  encamped  at  Tappan,  under  the  command  of  Major  Gene- 
ral Greene,  he  sent  to  request  an  interview  with  Major  Lee.  This  officer 
immediately  repaired  to  headquarters,  and  found  the  general  in  his 
marquee  alone,  busily  engaged  in  writing.  As  soon  as  Lee  entered,  he 
wa?  requested  to  take  a  seat,  and  a  bundle  of  papers,  lying  on  the  table,, 
was  given  to  him  for  perusal.  In  these  much  information  was  detailed, 
tending  to  prove  that  Arnold  was  not  alone  in  treachery,  but  that  the 
poison  had  spread,  and  that  a  Major  General,  whose  name  was  not 
concealed,  was  certainly  as  guilty  as  Arnold  himself.  This  officer  had 
enjoyed,  without  interruption,  the  complete  confidence  of  the  Commander- 
in-chief.  The  only  reason  for  suspicion  rested  on  the  intelligence  deriv- 
ed from  papers  before  him.  Major  Lee  immediately  suggested  that  the 
•whole  was  a  contrivance  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  to  destroy  the  necessary 
confidence  between  the  commander  and  his  officers.  This  suggestion 
had  occurred  to  the  mind  of  Washington ;  but  he  was  still  anxious  and 
distrustful.  Deeply  agitated,  as  was  plainly  shown  by  his  tone  and 
countenance,  the  general  proceeded  :  "  I  have  sent  for  you,  in  the  expec- 
tation that  you  have  in  your  corps  individuals  capable  and  v.illing  to 
undertake  an  indispensable,  delicate,  and  hazardous  project.  Whoever 
comes  forward  will  oblige  me  forever,  and,  in  behalf  of  the  United  States, 
I  will  reward  him  amply.  No  time  is  to  be  lost.  My  object  is  to  probe 
to  the  bottom  the  afflicting  intelligence  contained  in  the  papers  you  have 
just  read  ;  to  seize  Arnold,  and,  by  getting  him,  to  save  Andre.  They 
are  all  connected.  My  instructions  are  ready  ;  here  are  two  letters  to  be 
delivered  as  ordered,  and  some  guineas  for  expenses." 

Major  Lee  replied  that  he  had  no  doubt  his  legion  contained  many 
individuals  capable  of  the  most  daring  enterprises.  There  were  some 
feelings  of  delicacy  that  prevented  him  from  suggesting  the  step  to  a 
commissioned  officer,  but  he  thought  the  sergeant  major  of  the  cavalry  in 


WASHINGTON.  37 

all  respects  qualified  for  the  undertaking,  and  to  him  he  would  venture  to 
propose  it.  He  then  described  the  sergeant,  as  a  native  of  Loudon  county, 
in  Virginia,  about  twenty-four  years  of  age,  rather  above  the  common 
size,  full  of  bone  and  muscle,  grave  and  inflexible.  He  had  enlisted  in 
1 776,  and  was  as  likely  to  reject  a  service  coupled  with  ignominy  as  any 
officer  in  the  corps.  The  general  exclaimed  that  he  was  the  very  man 
for  the  business  ;  that  he  must  undertake  it ;  that  going  to  the  enemy  at 
the  request  of  his  officer  was  not  desertion,  though  it  appeared  to  be  so. 
He  enjoined  that  this  explanation  should  be  impressed  upon  Champe,  as 
coming  from  him,  and  that  the  vast  good  in  prospect  should  be  contrasted 
with  the  mere  semblance  of  doing  wrong.  This  he  hoped  would  remove 
every  scruple. 

Major  Lee  assured  the  general,  that  every  exertion  should  be  used  on 
his  part  to  execute  his  wishes,  and,  taking  leave,  returned  to  the  camp  of 
the  light  corps,  which  he  reached  about  eight  o'clock  at  night.  He  sent 
instantly  for  the  sergeant  major,  and  introduced  the  subject  in  as  judicious 
a  manner  as  possible.  Dressing  out  the  enterprise  in  brilliant  colors,  he 
finally  removed  all  scruples  from  the  honorable  mind  of  Champe,  and 
prevailed  on  him  to  yield  entirely  to  his  wishes.  The  instructions  were 
then  read  to  him.  He  was  particularly  cautioned  to  be  careful  in  deliver- 
ing his  letters,  and  urged  to  bear  constantly  in  mind  that  Arnold  was  not 
to  be  killed  under  any  circumstances,  but  only  to  be  taken  prisoner. — 
Giving  the  sergeant  three  guineas,  he  recommended  him  to  start  without 
delay,  and  enjoined  him  to  communicate  his  arrival  in  New- York  as  soon 
thereafter  as  might  be  practicable.  Pulling  out  his  watch,  Champe 
reminded  the  major  of  the  necessity  of  holding  back  pursuit,  as  he  should 
be  obliged  to  go  in  a  zigzag  direction  in  order  to  avoid  the  patroles.  It  was 
now  nearly  eleven;  the  sergeant  returned  to  camp,  and,  taking  his  cloak, 
valise,  and  orderly  book,  drew  his  horse  from  the  picket,  and,  mounting, 
committed  himself  to  fortune.  Within  half  an  hour,  Captain  Games,  the 
officer  of  the  day,  waited  on  the  major,  and  told  him  that  one  of  the  patrol 
had  fallen  in  with  a  dragoon,  who,  on  being  challenged,  had  put  spurs  to 
his  horse,  and  escaped.  Major  Lee  contrived  various  expedients  to  delay 
sending  a  party  in  pursuit;  but  it  was  finally  despatched,  under  the 
command  of  cornet  Middleton. 

When  Middleton  departed,  it  was  only  a  few  minutes  past  twelve,  so 
that  Champe  had  only  the  start  of  about  an  hour.  Lee  was  very  anxious, 
not  only  from  fear  that  Champe  might  be  injured,  but  that  the  enterprise 
might  be  delayed.  The  pursuing  party  were  delayed  by  necessary  halts 
to  examine  the  road.  A  shower  had  fallen  soon  after  Champe's  departure, 
which  enabled  them  to  take  the  trail  of  his  horse,  as  no  other  animal  had 
passed  along  the  road  since  the  rain.  When  the  day  broke,  Middleton 
was  no  longer  obliged  to  halt,  but  passed  on  with  great  rapidity.  As  the 
pursuing  party  reached  the  top  of  a  hill  on  the  north  of  the  village  of 
Bergen,  they  descried  Champe  not  more  than  half  a  mile  in  front.  The 
sergeant  at  the  same  moment  discovered  them,  and  gave  the  spurs  to  his 
horse.  He  eluded  them,  just  as  they  felt  secure  of  taking  him,  and  again 
disappeared.  Pursuit  was  renewed,  and  Champe  was  again  descried. 
He  had  changed  his  original  intention  of  going  directly  to  Paules  Hook, 


38  WASHINGTON. 

and  determined  to  seek  refuge  from  two  British  galleys,  which  lay  a  few 
miles  to  the  west  of  Bergen. 


As  soon  as  Champe  got  abreast  of  the  galleys,  he  dismounted,  and  ran 
through  the  marsh  to  the  river.  He  had  previously  prepared  himself  for 
swimming,  by  lashing  his  valise  on  his  shoulders,  and  throwing  away  the 
scabbard  of  his  sword.  The  pursuit  was  so  close  and  rapid,  that  the  stop 
occasioned  by  these  preparations  for  swimming  had  brought  Middleton 
within  two  or  three  hundred  yards.  The  sergeant  plunged  into  the  water, 
and  called  upon  the  galleys  for  help.  They  sent  a  boat  to  meet  him ;  he 
was  taken  on  board,  and  conveyed  to  New- York,  with  a  letter  from  the 
captain  of  the  galley,  who  had  witnessed  the  whole  of  the  scene.  The 
horse,  with  his  equipments,  the  sergeant's  cloak  and  sword  scabbard, 
were  taken  by  the  pursuing  party.  About  three  o'clock  in  the  evening 
they  returned,  and  the  soldiers,  seeing  the  horse,  made  the  air  resound 
with  cries  that  the  scoundrel  was  killed.  Called  by  this  heart  rending 
annunciation  from  his  tent,  Major  Lee  began  to  reproach  himself  with  the 
blood  of  the  faithful  and  intrepid  Champe.  He  was  relieved  by  Middle- 
ton's  information,  that  the  sergeant  had  made  his  escape.  The  command- 
er-in-chief  was  sensibly  affected  by  the  perilous  adventures  of  Champe, 
and  anticipated  the  confidence  that  would  follow  the  enemy's  knowledge 
of  its  manner.  Champe  was  conducted  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  who,  after 
a  long  conversation,  presented  him  with  a  couple  of  guineas,  and  recom- 
mended him  to  call  on  General  Arnold,  who  was  engaged  in  raising  an 
American  legion  in  the  service  of  his  majesty.  Arnold  expressed  much 
satisfaction  on  hearing  from  Champe  the  manner  of  his  escape,  and  the 
influence  which  he  attributed  to  his  own  example,  and  concluded  his 
numerous  inquiries  by  assigning  him  quarters. 

Champe  now  turned  his  attention  to  the  delivery  of  his  letters,  which 
he  was  unable  to  effect  till  the  next  night,  and  then  only  to  one  of  the 
parties.  This  man  received  the  sergeant  with  extreme  attention,  and 
assured  him  that  he  might  rely  on  his  prompt  assistance  in  any  thing  that 


WASHINGTON.  39 

could  be  prudently  undertaken.  The  sole  object  in  which  the  aid  of  this 
individual  was  required,  was  in  regard  to  the  general  and  others  of  the 
army,  implicated  in  the  information  sent  by  him  to  Washington.  This 
object  he  promised  to  enter  upon  with  zeal.  Five  days  had  elapsed  after 
reaching  New- York,  before  Champe  saw  the  confidant  to  whom  only  the 
attempt  against  Arnold  was  to  be  entrusted.  This  person  entered  at  once 
into  his  design,  and  promised  to  procure  a  suitable  associate.  The  com- 
plete innocence  of  the  suspected  general  was  soon  established.  Andre 
had  confessed  the  character  in  which  he  stood,  disdaining  to  defend 
himself  by  the  shadow  of  a  falsehood.  He  had  been  condemned  as  a  spy, 
and  had  suffered  accordingly. 

Nothing  now  remained  to  be  done  by  Champe  but  the  seizure  and  safe 
delivery  of  Arnold.  To  this  object  he  gave  his  undivided  attention,  and 
Major  Lee  received  from  him  the  complete  outlines  of  his  plan  on  the 
nineteenth  of  October.  Ten  days  elapsed  before  Champe  brought  his 
measures  to  a  conclusion,  when  Lee  was  presented  with  his  final  commu- 
nication, appointing  the  third  subsequent  night  for  a  party  of  dragoons  to 
meet  him  at  Hoboken,  when  he  hoped  to  deliver  Arnold  to  the  officer. 
Champe  had  been  improving  every  opportunity  to  become  acquainted  with 
the  habits  of  the1  general.  He  discovered  that  it  was  his  custom  to  return 
home  at  about  twelve  every  night,  and  that,  previous  to  going  to  bed,  he 
always  visited  the  garden.  During  this  visit,  the  conspirators  were  to  seize 
him,  and,  being  prepared  with  a  gag,  were  to  apply  it  instantly.  Adjoin- 
ing the  house  in  which  Arnold  resided,  and  in  which  it  was  intended  to 
seize  and  gag  him,  Champe  had  taken  off  several  of  the  palings,  and  so 
replaced  them  that  he  could  easily  open  his  way  to  the  adjoining  alley. 
Into  this  alley  he  meant  to  have  conveyed  his  prisoner,  with  the  assistance 
of  a  single  companion.  Another  associate  was  to  be  prepared  with  a 
boat  to  receive  them  at  one  of  the  wharves  on  the  Hudson. 

Champe  and  his  friend  intended  to  have  placed  themselves  each  under 
Arnold's  shoulder,  and  to  have  thus  borne •hm.-througt.  he  Tiost  unfre- 
quented alleys  and  streets  to  the  boats.  If  questioned,  they  were  to 
represent  him  as  a  drunken  soldier  whom  they  were  conveying  to  the 
guard  house.  The  day  arrived,  and  Lee,  with  a  party  of  dragoons,  left 
camp  late  in  the  evening,  with  three  led  accoutred  horses,  one  for  Arnold, 
one  for  the  sergeant,  and  the  third  for  his  associate,  never  doubting  the 
success  of  the  enterprise.  The  party  reached  Hoboken  about  midnighv. 
Hour  after  hour  passed;  no  boat  approached.  At  length  the  day  broke, 
and  the  major,  with  his  party,  returned  to  camp.  Washington  was  much 
chagrined  at  the  issue,  and  apprehensive  that  the  sergeant  had  been 
detected  in  his  dangerous  enterprise.  It  so  happened  that  on  the  very 
day  preceding  the  night  fixed  for  the  plot,  Arnold  had  removed  his 
quarters  to  another  part  of  the  town,  to  superintend  the  embarkation  of 
some  troops.  The  American  legion  had  been  transferred  from  their 
barracks  to  one  of  the  transports,  so  that  Champe,  instead  of  crossing  the 
Hudson  that  night,  was  safely  deposited  on  board  one  of  the  vessels  of  the 
fleet,  whence  he  never  departed  till  the  troops  under  Arnold  landed  in 
Virginia.  It  was  some  time  before  he  was  able  to  escape  from  the  British  ; 
when  he  deserted,  and,  proceeding  high  up  into  Virginia,  passed  into 


40  WASHINGTON. 

North  Carolina,  and  safely  joined  the  army.  His  appearance  excited 
great  surprise  among  his  former  comrades,  which  was  not  a  little  in- 
creased when  they  saw  the  cordial  reception  he  met  with  from  the  then 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Lee.  His  whole  story  soon  became  known  to  the 
corps,  and  excited  universal  admiration.  Champe  was  introduced  to 
General  Greene,  who  cheerfully  complied  with  certain  promises  that  had 
been  made  to  him  by  the  commander-in-chief.  He  was  provided  with  a 
good  horse  and  money  for  his  journey  to  headquarters.  Washington 
treated  him  munificently,  and  presented  him  with  his  discharge  from 
further  service,  lest,  in  the  vicissitudes  of  war,  he  should  fall  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy,  and  die  upon  a  gibbet. 

The  campaign  of  this  year  ended  with  no  very  decided  efforts,  and  the 
army  went  into  winter  quarters.  On  the  first  night  of  the  new  year  a 
very  serious  mutiny  broke  out  among  the  troops  at  Morristown.  A 
preconcerted  signal  having  been  given,  the  whole  line,  except  three 
regiments,  paraded  under  arms  without  their  officers,  marched  to  the 
magazines,  supplied  themselves  with  provisions  and  ammunition,  and 
seizing  six  fieldpieces,  took  horses  from  General  Wayne's  stable  to 
transport  them.  The  mutineers  then  ordered  the  party  who  opposed 
them  to  come  over  instantly  or  they  should  be  bayoneted,  and  the  com- 
mand was  obeyed.  General  Wayne  endeavored  to  interpose  his  influence 
and  authority,  but  to  no  purpose ;  on  his  cocking  a  pistol,  they  presented 
their  bayonets  to  his  breast  and  said,  "  We  love  and  respect  you ;  often 
have  you  led  us  into  the  field  of  battle,  but  we  are  no  longer  under  your 
command  ;  we  warn  you  to  be  on  your  guard  ;  if  ycu  fire  your  pistols,  OT 
attempt  to  enforce  your  commands,  we  shall  put  you  instantly  to  death." 
General  Wayne  reasoned  and  expostulated  with  them  to  no  purpose  ;  they 
enumerated  their  grievances,  and  determined  to  march  to  Philadelphia 
and  demand  of  Congress  the  justice  that  had  so  long  been  denied  to  them. 
This  transaction  terminated  successfully  for  the  insurgents ;  they  even- 
tually acp.^n?^L-.HpN\d  tnou  ..di/s. 

Washington  was  far  from  being  pleased  at  the  issue  of  this  affair,  and 
determined  to  adopt  more  severe  and  decisive  measures  in  future.  A 
revolt  shortly  after  broke  out  in  another  regiment,  and  he  at  once  ordered 
a  detachment  of  five  hundred  men  to  march  and  reduce  them  to  duly. 
This  party  was  placed  under  the  command  of  Major  General  Robert 
Howe.  On  the  twenty-seventh  of  January,  about  daylight,  this  detach- 
ment arrived  within  sight  of  the  huts  of  the  insurgents.  Here  they  were 
halted,  and  received  orders  to  load  their  arms.  General  Howe  then 
addressed  them,  representing  the  enormity  of  the  crime  of  the  mutineers, 
and  adding  that  no  terms  could  be  made  with  them  till  they  were  brought 
to  entire  submission.  The  troops  were  then  directed  to  surround  the 
huts  on  all  sides.  He  then  ordered  his  aid-de-camp  to  command  the 
mutineers  to  appear  in  front  of  their  huts,  unarmed,  within  five  minutes. 
A  second  messenger  was  sent,  and  they  immediately  formed  as  they  were 
directed.  Being  thus  overpowered,  the  mutineers  quietly  submitted  to 
their  fate.  General  Howe  ordered  that  three  of  the  ringleaders  should  br> 
selected  for  immediate  punishment.  These  wretched  men  were  tried  on 
the  spot,  by  a  court-martial  standing  in  the  snow,  and  were  sentenced  to 


WASHINGTON  41 

be  shot.  Twelve  of  the  most  guilty  mutineers  were  now  chosen  to  be 
their  executioners.  Two  of  these  offenders  were  shot,  and  the  third 
pardoned.  The  terror  of  this  scene  produced  a  very  powerful  effect  upon 
the  guilty  soldiers.  They  asked  pardon  of  their  officers,  and  promised  a 
faithful  discharge  of  duty  for  the  future. 

On  the  first  of  May,  1781,  Washington  commenced  a  military  journal, 
in  which  he  makes  a  brief  summary  of  the  wants  and  prospects  of  the 
army.  "  Instead  of  having  magazines  filled  with  provisions,  we  have  a 
scanty  pittance  scattered  here  and  there  in  the  distant  states.  Instead 
of  having  our  arsenals  well  supplied  with  military  stores,  they  are  poorly 
provided  and  the  workmen  all  leaving  them.  Instead  of  having  the 
various  articles  of  field  equipage  in  readiness,  the  quartermaster  is  but 
now  applying  to  the  several  states  to  provide  these  things  for  their  troops, 
respectively.  Instead  of  having  a  regular  system  of  transportation  estab- 
lished upon  credit,  or  funds  in  the  quartermaster's  hands  to  defray  the 
contingent  expenses  thereof,  we  have  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  ;  and 
all  that  business,  or  a  great  part  of  it,  being  done  by  impressment,  we  are 
daily  and  hourly  oppressing  the  people,  souring  their  tempers,  and  alien- 
ating their  affections.  Instead  of  having  the  regiments  completed  agreea- 
ble to  the  requisitions  of  Congress,  scarce,  any  state  in  the  Union  has  at 
this  hour  one  eighth  part  of  its  quota  in  the  field,  and  there  is  little 
prospect  of  ever  getting  more  than  half.  In  a  word,  instead  of  having 
any  thing  in  readiness  to  take  the  field,  we  have  nothing  :  and  instead  of 
having  the  prospect  of  a  glorious  offensive  campaign  before  us,  we  have  a 
bewildered  and  gloomy  prospect  of  a  defensive  one  ;  unless  we  should 
receive  a  powerful  aid  of  ships,  troops,  and  money,  from  our  generous 
allies,  and  these  at  present  are  too  contingent  to  build  upon." 

While  the  Americans  were  laboring  under  the  embarrassments  and 
troubles  which  introduced  the  year  1781,  the  enemy  were  laying  plans 
for  more  extensive  operations  than  they  had  hitherto  attempted.  Their 
previous  policy  had  been  concentration,  but  events  seemed  to  indicate 
that  division  would  be  more  successful,  by  enabling  them  to  make  an 
impression  on  several  points  at  the  same  time.  In  this  campaign  they 
carried  on  the  war,  riot  only  in  the  vicinity  of  their  headquarters  at  New- 
York,  but  in  Georgia,  South  Carolina,  North  Carolina,  and  in  Virginia.  Of 
course,  the  commander-in-chief  could  have  no  immediate  agency  in  the 
southern  department ;  he  deemed  it  of  more  importance  to  remain  on  the 
Hudson,  not  only  to  secure  the  most  important  post  in  the  United  States, 
but  to  concert  the  operations  which  resulted  in  the  termination  of  the  war. 

While  the  British  were  in  the  Potomac,  they  sent  a  flag  on  shore  at 
Mount  Vernon,  requiring  a  supply  of  fresh  provisions.  To  prevent  the 
destruction  of  property  which  would  follow  a  refusal,  the  person  who  had 
the  management  of  the  estate  complied  with  this  request,  and  requested 
that  the  buildings  might  be  spared.  For  this  Washington  severely  repri- 
manded him  :  "  It  would  have  been  a  less  painful  circumstance  to  me  to 
have  heard,  that,  in  consequence  of  your  noncompliance  with  the  request 
of  the  British,  they  had  burned  my  house,  and  laid  my  plantation  in  ruins. 
You  ought  to  have  considered  yourself  as  my  representative,  and  should 
have  reflected  on  the  bad  example  of  communicating  with  the  enemy,  and 
6 


42  WASHINGTON 

making  a  voluntary  offer  of  refreshment  to  them,  with  a  view  to  prevent  ft 
conflagration." 

It  was  at  this  period  that  Washington  received  intelligence  that  the 
French  government  had  loaned  to  the  United  States  the  sum  of  six 
millions  of  livres,  and  had  resolved  to  equip  a  fleet  to  co-operate  with  the 
land  force  of  the  Americans.  In  conformity  with  this  arrangement, 
M.  de  Grasse  sailed  from  Brest  in  March,  and,  after  some  preliminary 
movements  in  the  West  Indies,  arrived  in  the  Chesapeake  on  the  thirtieth 
of  August.  Here  he  was  soon  joined  by  the  French  fleet  from  Rhode 
Island.  The  plan  of  operation  had  been  so  well  digested,  and  was  so  well 
executed,  that  Washington  and  Count  Rochambeau  had  passed  the  British 
headquarters  at  New- York,  and  were  considerably  advanced  in  their 
way  to  Yorktown,  before  Count  de  Grasse  had  reached  the  American  coast. 

The  first  determination  of  Washington  had  been  to  attack  New- York, 
but  the  arrival  of  the  additional  fleet  induced  him  to  change  his  operations, 
and  to  march  to  Virginia  and  lay  siege  to  the  post  of  Lord  Cornwallis  at 
Yorktown.  This  expedition  Washington  had  determined  to  command  in 
person,  and  had  advanced  as  far  as  Chester,  when  he  received  the  news 
of  the  arrival  of  the  fleet  commanded  by  M.  de  Grasse.  He  immediately 
visited  the  count,  attended  by  several  of  the  general  officers  of  the  French 
and  American  armies.  A  plan  of  operations  was  then  agreed  upon,  and 
the  combined  forces  proceeded  on  their  way  to  Yorktown.  In  this  place, 
Lord  Cornwallis,  with  the  royal  army,  had  constructed  strong  fortifications. 
It  is  a  little  village,  on  the  south  bank  of  the  river  York,  about  fifteen 
miles  from  its  entrance  into  Chesapeake  Bay.  The  British  forces 
amounted  to  seven  thousand  men ;  the  allied  army  to  about  twelve 
thousand.  The  works  erected  for  the  security  of  the  town  weie  redoubts 
and  batteries,  and  every  effort  was  made  to  strengthen  them.  On  the 
first  of  October,  the  allied  armies  had  made  some  progress  in  the  siege. 
They  had  compelled  the  British  to  abandon  several  of  their  redoubts,  and 
retire  within  the  town.  During  a  severe  cannonade  from  the  enemy, 
while  the  Rev.  Mr.  Evans  was  standing  near  the  commander-in-chief,  a 
shot  struck  the  ground  so  near  as  to  cover  his  hat  with  sand.  Being 
much  agitated,  he  took  off  his  hat,  and  said,  "See  here,  general."  "Mr. 
Evans,"  replied  Washington  with  his  usual  composure,  "  you  had  better 
carry  that  home,  and  show  it  to  your  wife  and  children." 

The  American  troops  labored  for  a  number  of  days,  with  incessant, 
activity,  in  digging  trenches  and  erecting  batteries.  Two  or  three 
batteries  having  been  prepared  to  open  upon  the  town,  General  Washing- 
ton put  the  match  to  the  first  gun,  and  a  furious  discharge  of  cannon  and 
mortars  immediately  followed.  From  the  tenth  to  the  fifteenth  of  the 
month,  a  severe  and  continual  firing  was  kept  up  by  the  allied  armies. 
The  enemy  returned  the  fire  with  little  effect.  During  this  period,  a  shell 
from  the  French  battery  set  fire  to  a  forty-four  gun  ship,  and  two  or  three 
smaller  vessels  in  the  river.  It  was  in  the  night  time,  and  presented  a 
splendid  spectacle.  The  fire  spread  all  over  the  ships,  running  about  the 
rigging  to  the  tops  of  the  masts,  and  casting  a  broad  and  bright  flame  over 
the  waters.  This  dreadful  scene,  in  the  darkness  of  night,  amid  the  roar 
of  cannon  and  bursting  of  shells,  must  have  been  brilliant  and  sublime. 


WASHINGTON. 


A  fine  description  of  this  siege  is  given  by  Dr.  Thatcher.  "  Being  in  the 
trenches,"  he  observes,  "  every  other  night  and  day,  I  have  a  fine 
opportunity  of  witnessing  the  sublime  and  stupendous  scene  which  is 
continually  exhibiting.  The  bomb  shells  from  the  besiegers  and  the 
besieged  are  incessantly  crossing  each  others'  path  in  the  air.  They  are 
clearly  visible  in  the  form  of  a  black  ball  in  the  day,  but  in  the  night  they 
appear  like  a  fiery  meteor  with  a  blazing  tail,  most  beautifully  brilliant, 
ascending  majestically  from  the  mortar  to  a  certain  altitude,  "and  gradu- 
ally descending  to  the  spot  where  they  are  destined  to  execute  their  work 
of  destruction." 

After  carrying  on  this  kind  of  warfare  for  a  number  of  days,  the 
American  general  determined  to  take  possession  of  two  redoubts  about, 
three  hundred  yards  in  front  of  the  principal  works  of  the  enemy,  and 
which  presented  formidable  impediments  to  their  approaches.  These 
redoubts  were  both  assaulted  at  the  same  time ;  one  by  a  brigade  of 
American  troops  under  the  command  of  the  Marquis  de  La  Fayette,  and 
the  other  by  a  French  detachment  under  the  Baron  de  Viomenil.  The 
assault  commenced  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  was  soon  suc- 
cessfully concluded  ;  the  Americans  losing  but  a  very  few  men,  and  the 
French  a  considerable  number.  The  reason  of  this  difference  in  the  loss 
of  men  was,  that  the  Americans,  in  coming  to  the  abatis,  tore  away  a 
part  of  it,  and  leapt  over  the  remainder.  The  French,  however,  waited 
till  their  pioneers  had  cut  away  the  abatis  according  to  rule,  bein^ 
exposed,  meanwhile,  to  a  severe  fire  from  the  enemy.  When  the  marqui.s 
entered  the  works,  he  sent  his  aid,  Major  Barbour,  through  a  terrible 
fire  of  the  enemy,  to  inform  Baron  Viomenil,  "  that  he  was  in  his  redoubt, 
and  to  ask  the  baron  where  he  was."  The  messenger  found  the  French 
troops  clearing  away  the  abatis,  but  the  baron  sent  back  this  answer— 
"Tell  the  marquis  I  am  not  in  mine,  but  will  be  in  five  minutes."  He 
advanced,  and  entered  the  works  within  his  time. 

During  the  assault,  the  British  kept  up  a  very  severe  and  incessant  fire 


of  musketry  and  cannon.     Washington  and  the  generals  Lincoln  and 
Knox.  with  their  aids,  were  standing  in  an  exposed  situation,  waiting  the 


44 


WASHINGTON. 


result.  One  of  Washington's  aids,  solicitous  for  his  safety,  said  to  him. 
"  Sir,  you  are  too  much  exposed  here  ;  had  you  not  better  step  a  little 
back?"  "Colonel  Cobb,"  replied  the  general,  "  if  you  are  afraid,  you 
have  liberty  to  step  back." 

On  the  seventeenth  of  the  month,  Lord  Cornwallis  was  reduced  to  the 
necessity  of  sending  out  a  flag,  to  request  a  cessation  of  hostilities  for 
twenty-four  hours.  Two  or  three  flags  passed  in  the  course  of  the  day, 
and  at  lerlgth  a  suspension  of  hostilities  for  two  hours  was  resolved 
upon.  At  an  early  hour  in  the  forenoon  of  the  eighteenth,  Washington 
communicated  to  the  British  commander  the  basis  of  the  terms  of  capitu- 
lation to  which  he  would  consent.  A  sufficient  time  was  allowed  for 
reply.  Two  officers  were  then  selected  from  each  army  to  meet,  and 
prepare  the  particular  articles  of  agreement.  These  were  arranged,  and 
confirmed  by  the  commanders-in-chief.  On  the  nineteenth  of  October, 
preparations  were  made  to  receive  the  British  general  and  his  soldiers 
prisoners  of  war.  The  terms  of  capitulation  were  similar  to  those  granted 
to  General  Lincoln,  at  Charleston.  At  about  twelve  o'clock,  the  allied 
armies  were  arranged,  and  drawn  up  in  two  lines,  extending  more  than  a 
mile  in  length.  The  Americans,  with  General  Washington  at  their  head, 
occupied  the  right  side  of  the  road ;  the  French,  with  Count  Rochambeau, 
occupied  the  left.  The  French  troops  were  in  complete  and  beautiful 
uniform,  arid  presented  a  very  military  and  noble  appearance.  The 
Americans  were  not  dressed  so  neatly,  but  their  air  was  martial,  their  step 
lightened,  and  their  countenance  animated  with  joy.  Great  crowds  were 
collected  from  the  neighboring  villages  to  witness  the  ceremony. 

At  about  two  o'clock,  the  captive  army  advanced  through  the  lines 
formed  to  receive  them.  It  was  expected  that  Lord  Cornwallis  would  be 
at  their  head,  but  he  pretended  indisposition,  and  made  General  O'Hara 
his  substitute.  This  officer  was  followed  by  the  conquered  troops,  with 
shouldered  arms,  colors  cased,  and  drums  beating  a  slow  and  solemn 
march.  Having  arrived  at  the  head  of  the  line,  General  O'Hara  advanced 


to  Washington,  and  apologized  for  the  absence  of  Lord  Cornwallis.    The 
commander-in-chief  courteously  pointed  to  General  Lincoln  for  directions. 


WASHINGTON.  45 

This  officer  conducted  the  British  army  into  a  large  field,  where  they  were 
to  ground  their  arms.  This  was  a  severe  trial  for  the  disciplined  and 
haughty  soldiers  of  England.  It  was  a  great  mortification  to  yield  to 
raw  continentals,  and  to  the  Yankee  general  whom  they  had  ridiculed  in 
their  farces.  Some  of  the  platoon  officers  were  weak  enough  to  make  no 
secret  of  their  chagrin  and  ill  temper.  After  having  grounded  their  arms, 
ariu  taken  off  their  accoutrements,  the  captives  were  reconducted  to 
Yorktown,  ?nd  put  under  guard. 

In  his  general  orders  on  the  next  day,  Washington  expressed  his 
warmest  thanks  to  the  soldiers  and  officers  of  the  combined  army  for  their 
brave  conduct  during  the  siege.  Wishing  that  every  heart  should  share 
in  the  general  joy,  he  gave  orders  that  all  in  confinement  or  under  arrest 
should  be  at  once  pardoned  and  set  at  liberty.  The  troops  were 
immediately  employed  in  embarking  the  artillery  and  military  stores  on 
board  of  transports  for  the  North  river.  Lord  Cornwallis  and  his  officers 
received  every  civility  and  attention  from  the  American  generals,  that  it 
was  in  their  power  to  bestow.  General  Washington  and  Count  Rocham- 
beau  frequently  invited  them  to  entertainments,  and  they  expressed 
grateful  acknowledgments  of  their  hospitality.  On  one  occasion,  when 
Cornwallis,  in  the  presence  of  the  commander-in-chief,  was  standing 
with  his  head  uncovered,  Washington  politely  said  to  him,  "  My  lord, 
you  had  better  be  covered  from  the  cold."  "  It  matters  little,  sir," 
replied  Cornwallis,  "  what  becomes  of  this  Jiead  now." 

An  anecdote  has  been  told  of  Washington,  which  reflects  as  much 
credit  upon  his  delicacy  of  feeling,  as  the  event  to  which  it  relates  does 
upon  his  military  skill.  After  the  surrende  of  the  town,  when  the  British 
soldiers  were  marching  forth  from  the  garrison  to  deliver  up  their  arms, 
the  commander-in-chief  thus  addressed  the  division  of  the  army  to  which 
he  was  attached  :  "  My  brave  fellows,  let  no  sensation  of  satisfaction  for 
the  triumphs  you  have  gained,  induce  you  to  insult  your  fallen  enemy — 
let  no  shouting,  no  clamorous  huzzaing  increase  their  mortification.  It 
is  sufficient  that  we  witness  their  humiliation.  Posterity  will  huzza  for  us." 

When  Congress  received  the  letter  from  Washington,  that  announced 
the  surrender  of  the  British  army,  they  determined  to  go  in  procession,  at 
two  o'clock,  to  the  Dutch  Lutheran  church,  and  return  thanks  to  Heaven 
for  the  success  of  the  allied  forces.  They  issued  a  proclamation  for 
observing,  throughout  the  United  States,  the  thirteenth  of  December  as  a 
day  of  thanksgiving  and  prayer.  They  also  resolved  to  erect  in  Yorktown 
a  marble  column  adorned  with  emblems  of  the  alliance  between  the 
United  States  and  his  most  Christian  Majesty  of  France,  and  inscribed 
with  a  brief  narrative  of  the  surrender  of  the  British  army.  Two  stands 
of  colors,  taken  from  the  enemy  at  the  capitulation,  were  presented  to 
General  Washington  by  Congress,  in  the  name  of  the  United  States. 
Two  pieces  of  field  ordnance,  taken  at  the  same  time,  by  a  resolve  of 
Congress  were  presented  to  Count  Rochambeau.  On  these  a  few  words 
were  engraved,  expressing  that  the  gift  was  made  in  consideration  of  the 
part  which  this  officer  had  borne  in  effecting  the  surrender. 

After  the  capture  of  Cornwallis,  Washington,  with  the  greater  part  of 
his  army,  returned  to  the  vicinity  of  New- York.  Though  complete  success 


46  WASHINGTON. 

had  been  attained  in  Virginia,  and  great  advantages  in  the  Carolinas,  the 
commander-in-chief  urged  immediate  preparations  for  another  campaign. 
He  was  afraid  that  Congress  would  think  the  work  so  nearly  done,  as  to 
relax  their  efforts  in  raising  the  requisite  number  of  troops.  In  a  letter 
to  General  Greene,  he  observed,  "  I  shall  attempt  to  stimulate  Congress 
to  the  best  improvement  of  our  late  success,  by  taking  the  most  vigorous 
and  effectual  measures  to  be  ready  for  an  early  and  decisive  campaign  the 
next  year.  My  greatest  fear  is,  that,  viewing  this  stroke  in  a  point  of 
light  which  may  too  much  magnify  its  importance,  they  may  think  our 
work  too  nearly  closed,  and  fall  into  a  state  of  languor  and  relaxation. 
To  prevent  this  error,  I  shall  employ  every  means  in  my  power,  and,  if 
unhappily  we  sink  into  this  fatal  mistake,  no  part  of  the  blame  shall  be 
mine."  The  military  establishment  for  1782  was  passed  with  great 
celerity,  and  the  attention  of  Washington  was  incessantly  occupied  with 
the  plan  of  dislodging  the  British  from  their  strong  holds  of  New-York 
and  Charleston. 

While  he  was  concerting  measures  with  a  view  to  co-operate  with  the 
French  for  this  purpose,  intelligence  arrived  that  the  discontinuance  of 
the  war  had  been  moved  and  debated  in  the  British  parliament.  Early 
in  May,  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  the  successor  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  as  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  British  forces  in  America,  arrived  in  New- York, 
and  announced  in  successive  communications  the  increased  probability 
of  a  speedy  peace.  The  expected  approach  of  peace  relaxed  the  efforts 
of  the  states,  and  it  was  impossible  to  procure  funds  for  the  pay  and 
subsistence  of  the  troops.  In  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  V*  ar,  Washington 
observed — "  I  cannot  help  fearing  the  result  of  reducing  the  army,  where 
I  see  such  a  number  of  men,  goaded  by  a  thousand  stings  of  reflection  on 
the  past,  and  of  anticipation  on  the  future,  about  to  be  turned  into  the 
world,  soured  by  penury  and  what  they  call  the  ingratitude  of  the  public  : . 
involved  in  debts  without  one  farthing  of  money  to  carry  them  home,  after 
having  spent  the  flower  of  their  days  and  many  of  them  their  patrimonies, 
in  establishing  the  freedom  and  independence  of  their  country,  and  having 
suffered  every  thing  which  human  nature  is  capable  of  enduring  on  this 
side  of  death.  I  repeat  it,  when  I  reflect  on  these  irritable  circumstances, 
I  cannot  avoid  apprehending  that  a  train  of  evils  will  follow,  of  a  very 
serious  and  distressing  nature."  These  apprehensions  were  well  founded  ; 
and  when  the  army  retired  into  winter  quarters,  Washington  remained 
in  the  camp  to  watch  and  control  the  discontents  of  the  soldiers,  though 
there  was  no  probability  of  any  military  operations  to  require  his  presence. 
During  the  whole  campaign  of  this  year,  not  a  gun  had  been  fired 
between  the  two  armies. 

Nothing  had  been  decided  by  Congress,  in  respect  to  the  claims  of  the 
soldiers,  when  news  arrived,  in  March,  1783,  that  Great  Britain  had 
acknowledged  the  independence  of  the  United  States  in  the  preceding 
November.  This  intelligence  spread  around  an  universal  joy.  The 
army  exulted  with  the  rest  of  their  fellow-citizens,  but  their  gladness  wa& 
clouded  with  fears  of  injustice  in  their  country.  They  thought  their 
prospect  of  compensation  diminished  with  the  necessity  qf  their  services. 
Petitions  had  been  presented  to  Congress  in  respect  to  the  pay  of  officers 


WASHINGTON.  47 

but  the  objects  which  they  solicited  were  not  obtained.  Under  these 
circumstances,  anonymous  addresses  were  circulated  in  the  army,  which 
produced  the  most  violent  excitement.  Every  indication  was  given  of  a 
storm  that  would  destroy  the  peace  of  the  country,  and  its  new  liberties. 
A  paper  had  been  privately  handed  about,  calling  a  meeting  of  the  officers 
on  the  next  day.  It  was  an  occasion  that  demanded  all  the  wisdom  and 
influence  of  Washington.  He  accordingly  noticed  the  anonymous  summons 
in  general  orders,  and  requested  a  meeting,  nominally  for  the  same  purpose, 
four  days  later.  In  the  mean  time,  sending  for  the  officers  one  after  ano- 
ther, he  enlarged  upon  the  fatal  consequences  that  would  result  from  the 
adoption  of  any  violent  measures.  His  unwearied  efforts  were  used  to 
quiet  the  agitation.  When  the  officers  assembled,  Washington  arose  to 
address  them.  Finding  his  eyesight  fail  him,  he  observed — "  My  eyes 
have  grown  dim  in  my  country's  service,  but  I  never  doubted  of  its 
justice."  He  then  delivered  a  very  interesting  and  feeling  address.  After 
commenting  fully  upon  the  anonymous  papers  that  had  been  circulated  in 
the  camp,  he  entreated  the  officers  to  rely  on  the  justice  and  good  faith  of 
Congress.  "  Let  me  request  you,"  he  observed,  "  to  rely  on  the  plighted 
faith  of  your  country,  and  place  a  full  confidence  in  the  purity  of  the 
intentions  of  Congress,  that,  previous  to  your  dissolution  as  an  army,  they 
will  cause  all  your  accounts  to  be  fairly  liquidated,  as  directed  in  the 
resolutions  which  were  published  to  you  two  days  ago ;  and  that  they  will 
adopt  the  most  effectual  measures  in  their  power  to  render  ample  justice 
to  you  for  your  faithful  and  meritorious  services.  And  let  me  conjure 
you  in  the  name  of  our  common  country,  as  you  value  your  own  sacred 
honor,  as  you  respect  the  rights  of  humanity,  and  as  you  regard  the 
military  and  national  character  of  America,  to  express  your  utmost  horror 
and  detestation  of  the  man  who  wishes,  under  any  specious  pretences,  to 
overturn  the  liberties  of  our  country,  and  who  wickedly  attempts  to  open 
the  floods  of  civil  discord,  and  deluge  our  rising  empire  in  blood.  By 
thus  determining  and  thus  acting,  you  will  pursue  the  plain  and  direct 
road  to  the  attainment  of  your  wishes  ;  you  will  defeat  the  insidious 
designs  of  our  enemies,  who  are  compelled  to  resort  from  open  force  to 
secret  artifice.  You  will  give  one  more  distinguished  proof  of  unexampled 
patriotism  and  patient  virtue,  rising  superior  to  the  pressure  of  the  most 
complicated  sufferings ;  and  you  will,  by  the  dignity  of  your  conduct, 
afford  occasion  for  posterity  to  say,  when  speaking  of  the  glorious  example 
you  have  exhibited  to  mankind, — '  Had  this  day  been  wanting,  the  world 
had  never  seen  the  last  stage  of  perfection  to  which  human  nature  is 
capable  of  attaining.' " 

Having  finished  his  eloquent  and  powerful  address,  his  Excellency 
withdrew,  and  the  convention  unanimously  resolved  to  present  him  their 
thanks,  and  assure  him  "  that  the  officers  reciprocate  his  affectionate 
expressions  with  the  greatest  sincerity  of  which  the  human  heart  is 
capable."  General  Knox,  Colonel  Brooks,  and  Captain  Howard  were 
then  appointed  a  committee,  to  prepare  resolutions  expressive  of  the 
business  of  the  convention,  and  to  report  in  half  an  hour.  These  reso- 
lutions professed  an  undiminished  attachment  to  the  liberties  of  their 
country,  and  an  unshaken  confidence  in  the  justice  of  Congress.  The 


48  WASHINGTON. 

result  of  these  proceedings  was  communicated,  by  the  commander-in- 
chief,  to  Congress,  accompanied  by  an  impressive  letter.  "If  the  whole 
army,"  he  observes  in  the  course  of  it,  "  have  not  merited  whatever  a 
grateful  people  can  bestow,  then  have  I  been  beguiled  by  prejudice,  and 
built  opinion  on  the  basis  of  error.  If  this  country  should  not  in  the 
event  perform  every  thing  which  has  been  requested  in  the  late  memorials 
to  Congress,  then  will  my  belief  become  vain,  and  the  hope  that  has  been 
excited,  void  of  foundation.  *  *  *  But  I  am  under  no  such  appre- 
hension. A  country  rescued  by  their  arms  from  impending  ruin,  will 
never  leave  unpaid  the  debt  of  gratitude."  Congress  at  length  came  to 
resolutions,  in  which  they  expressed  a  desire  to  gratify  the  reasonable 
expectations  of  the  officers  of  the  army,  and  remove  all  objections  which 
might  exist  in  any  part  of  the  United  States  to  the  principles  of  the  half 
pay,  which  had  been  pledged  to  them.  They  commuted  the  half  pay  for 
life  to  full  pay  for  the  space  of  five  years,  at  the  option  of  the  parties 
interested. 

The  commander-in-chief  thus  addressed  the  army  on  the  cessation  of 
hostilities,  in  April :  "  The  commander-in-chief  orders  the  cessation  of 
hostilities,  between  the  United  States  of  America  and  the  king  of  Great 
Britain,  to  be  publicly  proclaimed  to-morrow  at  twelve  o'clock,  at  the 
New  Building;  and  that  the  proclamation  which  will  be  communicated 
herewith  be  read  to-morrow  evening,  at  the  head  of  every  regiment  and 
corps  of  the  ?rmy  ;  after  which,  the  chaplains,  with  the  several  brigades, 
will  render  tnaaks  to  Almighty  God  for  all  his  mercies,  particularly  for 
his  overruling  the  wavh  of  man  to  his  own  glory,  and  causing  the  rage 
of  war  to  cease  among  the  nations." 

The  reduction  of  the  army  had  been  resolved  by  Congress,  but  it  was 
a  difficult  measure,  and  required  deliberation.  To  avoid  the  inconvenience 
of  dismissing  a  great  number  of  soldiers  in  a  body,  furloughs  were  freely 
granted  on  the  application  of  individuals,  and,  after  their  dispersion,  they 
were  not  enjoined  to  return.  In  this  manner  a  great  part  of  an  unpaid 
army  was  dispersed  over  the  states,  without  tumult  or  disorder. 

While  the  troops  under  the  immediate  command  of  Washington  mani- 
fested the  utmost  good  conduct,  a  mutiny  broke  out  among  some  new 
levies  stationed  at  Lancaster,  in  Pennsylvania.  About  eighty  soldiers, 
in  defiance  of  their  officers,  marched  to  Philadelphia,  to  seek  a  redress 
of  their  alleged  grievances  from  the  executive  council  of  the  state.  They 
proceeded  to  the  barracks  in  the  city,  where  some  other  soldiers  were 
quartered,  who  joined  them.  The  whole  body  amounted  to  about  three 
hundred.  On  the  following  day,  the  insurgents,  with  drums  beating  and 
fixed  bayonets,  marched  to  the  State-house,  the  seat  of  Congress  and  of 
the  supreme  executive  council  of  Pennsylvania.  They  placed  sentinels 
at  every  door,  sent  in  a  written  message  to  the  president  and  council,  anr' 
threatened  to  break  in  upon  them,  if  their  demands  were  not  grar  ed 
within  twenty  minutes.  No  further  insult  was  offered  to  Congress,  but 
they  were  confined  in  this  manner  for  about  three  hours.  Congress 
resolved  that  the  authority  of  the  United  States  had  been  grossly  insulted 
by  the  armed  soldiers,  and  it  was  determined  that  a  committee  of  their 
body  should  confer  with  the.  executive  council,  and  if  it  should  appear  to 


WASHINGTON.  49 

the  committee,  that  the  state  of  Pennsylvania  ought  not  to  take  measures 
to  support  the  dignity  of  the  federal  government,  the  president  should 
summon  the  Congress  to  meet  on  Thursday,  the  twenty-sixth,  at  Princeton 
or  Trenton.  The  Secretary  of  War  was  also  directed  to  communicate 
to  the  commander-in-chief  the  state  and  disposition  of  the  mutineers. 

On  receiving  information  of  this  disgraceful  outrage,  Washington  im- 
mediately despatched  Major  General  Howe,  with  fifteen  hundred  men, 
to  quell  the  mutineers,  and  punish  the  most  guilty  of  them.  Before  his 
arrival,  however,  they  had  dispersed  without  bloodshed.  Several  were 
brought  to  trial,  two  were  condemned  to  death,  and  four  others  to  receive 
corporal  punishment. 

On  this  occasion,  General  Washington  addressed  the  president  of 
Congress  in  very  feeling  and  eloquent  language  : 

"  While  I  suffer  the  most  poignant  distress  in  observing  that  a  handful 
of  men,  contemptible  in  numbers,  and  equally  so  in  point  of  service,  if 
the  veteran  troops  from  the  southward  have  not  been  seduced  by  their 
example,  and  who  are  not  worthy  to  be  called  soldiers,  should  disgrace 
themselves  and  their  country,  as  the  Pennsylvania  mutineers  have  done, 
by  insulting  the  sovereign  authority  of  the  United  States  and  that  of  their 
own ;  I  feel  an  inexpressible  satisfaction,  that  even  this  behavior  cannot 
stain  the  name  of  the  American  soldiery.  It  cannot  be  imputable  to,  or 
reflect  dishonor  on,  the  army  at  large,  but,  on  the  contrary,  it  will,  by 
the  striking  contrast  it  exhibits,  hold  up  to  public  view  the  other  troops 
in  the  most  advantageous  point  of  light.  On  taking  all  the  circumstances 
into  consideration,  I  cannot  sufficiently  express  my  surprise  and  indigna- 
tion at  the  arrogance,  the  folly,  and  the  wickedness  of  the  mutineers  ; 
nor  can  I  sufficiently  admire  the  fidelity,  the  bravery  and  patriotism  which 
must  forever  signalize  the  unsullied  character  of  the  other  corps  of  our 
army.  For  when  we  consider  that  these  Pennsylvania  levies,  who  have 
now  mutinied,  are  recruits,  and  soldiers  of  a  day,  who  have  not  borne 
the  heat  and  burden  of  war,  and  who  can  have  in  reality  very  few 
hardships  to  complain  of;  and  when  we  at  the  same  time  recollect  that 
those  soldiers,  who  have  lately  been  furloughed  from  this  army,  are  the 
veterans  who  have  patiently  endured  hunger,  nakedness,  and  cold ;  who 
have  suffered  and  bled  without  a  murmur,  and  who,  with  perfect  good 
order,  have  retired  to  their  homes,  without  a  settlement  of  their  accounts, 
or  a  farthing  of  money  in  their  pockets, — we  shall  be  as  much  astonish- 
ed at  the  virtues  of  the  latter,  as  we  are  struck  with  horror  and  detes- 
tation at  the  proceedings  of  the  former." 

On  the  •  second  of  November,  1783,  General  Washington  issued  his 
farewell  orders  to  the  armies  of  the  United  States.  After  noticing  a 
recent  proclamation  of  Congress,  he  observed  that  it  only  remained  to 
address  himself  for  the  last  time  to  the  armies  of  the  United  States,  and 
to  bid  them  an  affectionate  farewell.  He  remarked  upon  the  circum- 
stances under  which  the  war  was  begun ;  the  signal  interpositions  of 
Providence  in  their  behalf;  and  their  unparalleled  perseverance  through 
eight  years  of  every  possible  suffering  and  discouragement.  His  closing 
words  were — "  Your  general  being  now  to  conclude  these  his  last  public 
orders,  to  take  his  ultimate  leave,  in  a  short  time,  of  the  military  charac- 
7 


50  WASHINGTON. 

ter,  and  to  bid  adieu  to  the  armies  he  has  so  long  had  the  honor  to 
command,  he  can  only  agayi  offer  in  their  behalf  his  recommendations 
to  their  grateful  country,  and  his  prayers  to  the  God  of  armies.  May 
ample  justice  be  done  to  them  here,  and  may  the  choicest  of  Heaven's 
favors,  both  here  and  hereafter,  attend  those,  who,  under  the  divine 
auspices,  have  secured  innumerable  blessings  for  others !  With  these 
wishes,  and  this  benediction,  the  commander-in-chief  is  about  to  retire 
from  service.  The  curtain  of  separation  will  soon  be  drawn,  and  the 
military  scene,  to  him,  will  be  closed  forever." 

The  treaty  of  peace  was  signed  on  the  twenty-third  of  September,  and 
a  proclamation  was  issued  by  Congress  to  disband  the  army.  Painful 
indeed,  was  the  parting.  The  old  soldiers,  who  had  been  sharers  for 
seven  years  in  privation  and  suffering,  were  to  separate  under  circum- 
stances of  the  most  distressing  character.  "They  were  poor,  without 
money  or  employment,  and  many  with  no  other  prospect  than  that  of 
painful  dependence  or  miserable  penury.  Though  their  whole  military 
life  had  been  a  scene  of  want  and  wretchedness,  it  had  sometimes  been 
chequered  with  splendid  triumphs,  or  at  any  rate  had  been  throughout 
supported  by  an  anxious  excitement.  That  excitement  was  now  past, 
for  the  object  of  their  labors  and  sacrifices,  the  liberty  of  their  common 
country,  had  been  obtained.  The  glorious  hope,  that  gleamed  continual- 
ly before  their  eyes  in  the  battles  of  the  revolution,  had  been  changed 
into  a  glorious  certainty,  by  the  declaration  of  peace  •  and  now  that  the 
wrongs  and  sufferings  of  their  country  had  been  vindicated,  their  thoughts 
were  naturally  concentrated  upon  their  individual  fortunes. 

There  were  sorrow  and  suffering,  want  and  wretchedness,  but  no 
tumult,  no  mutiny,  no  disorder.  They  would  not  end  a  succession  of 
generous  sacrifices  by  a  violation  of  their  faith  arid  their  duty;  but  de- 
termined to  abandon  their  rights,  rather  than  resort  to  force  to  recover 
them. 

The  British  army  evacuated  New- York  in  November,  and  the  Ameri- 
can troops,  under  General  Knox,  took  possession  of  the  city.  Soon  after, 
General  Washington  and  Governor  Clinton,  with  their  suite,  made  their 
public  entry  into  the  city  on  horseback,  followed  by  a  procession  of  civil 
and  military  officers,  and  a  large  number  of  citizens.  General  festivity 
reigned  throughout  the  city,  and  the  governor  made  a  public  dinner. 
This  was  followed,  a  day  or  two  afterwards,  by  an  elegant  entertain- 
ment, given  by  the  governor  to  the  French  ambassador,  the  Chevalier  de 
la  Luzerne.  General  Washington,  the  principal  officers  of  New- York 
state,  and  of  the  army,  and  upwards  of  a  hundred  other  gentlemen,  were 
present. 

On  Tuesday  noon,  the  fourth  of  December,  the  principal  officers  of 
the  army  assembled  at  Francis's  tavern,  to  take  a  final  leave  of  their 
beloved  commander-in-chief.  When  Washington  entered  the  room,  his 
emotions  were  too  strong  to  be  repressed  or  concealed.  Filling  a  glass, 
he  turned  to  the  surrounding  officers  and  said — "  With  a  heart  full  of  love 
and  gratitude,  I  now  take  leave  of  you.  I  most  devoutly  wish  that  your 
latter  days  may  be  as  prosperous  and  happy  as  your  former  ones  have 
been  glorious  and  honorable."  Having  drank,  he  added,  "  I  cannot  come 


WASHINGTON.  51 

to  each  of  you  to  take  my  leave,  but  shall  be  obliged  to  you,  if  each  of  you 
will  come  and  take  me  by  the  hand."  General  Knox,  being  nearest, 
turned  to  him.  Washington,  in  tears,  grasped  his  hand,  embraced  and 
kissed  him.  In  the  same  manner  he  took  leave  of  each  succeeding 
officer,  Lincoln,  and  Greene,  and  La  Fayette,  and  the  other  valiant  men 
with  whom  he  had  been  connected  in  hours  of  peril  and  darkness,  to  be 
rewarded  with  endless  gratitude  and  glory. 

Every  eye  was  moistened  with  tears.  Not  a  word  was  spoken  to  inter- 
rupt the  silent  solemnity  of  the  parting.  Leaving  the  room,  Washington 
passed  through  the  corps  of  light  infantry,  and  walked  to  Whitehall, 
where  a  coach  was  in  waiting  to  receive  him.  The  whole  company  fol- 
lowed in  mute  procession,  with  sad  and  dejected  countenances.  On 


entering  the  barge,  he  turned  to  his  companions,  and,  waving  his  hat, 
bade  them  a  silent  farewell.  They  paid  him  a  similar  mark  of  respect 
and  affection,  and,  when  they  could  no  longer  distinguish  in  the  barge 
the  person  of  their  beloved  commander,  returned,  in  the  same  solemn 
manner,  to  the  place  where  they  had  first  assembled. 

On  the  disbanding  of  the  army,  Washington  proceeded  to  Annapolis, 
then  the  seat  of  Congress,  to  resign  his  commission.  On  his  way  thither, 
he  delivered  to  the  comptroller  of  accounts,  at  Philadelphia,  an  account 
of  his  receipts  and  expenditures  of  public  money.  The  whole  amount 
that  had  passed  through  his  hands,  was  only  <£14,479  18s.  9d.  ster- 
ling. Nothing  was  charged  or  retained  for  his  own  services.  The 
resignation  of  his  command  was  made  in  a  public  audience.  Congress 
received  him  as  the  guardian  of  his  country  and  her  liberties.  He 
appeared  there  under  the  most  aifecting  circumstances.  The  battles  of 
a  glorious  war  had  been  fought,  since  he  first  appeared  before  them  to 
accept,  with  a  becoming  modesty,  the  command  of  their  armies.  Now 
the  eyes  of  a  whole  nation  were  upon  him,  and  the  voices  of  a  liberated 
people  proclaimed  him  their  preserver. 


52  WASHINGTON. 

His  resignation  was  communicated,  in  the  following  address,  to  the 
President  of  Congress : 
"MR.  PRESIDENT, 

"  The  great  events  on  which  my  resignation  depended,  having  at  length 
taken  place,  I  have  now  the  honor  of  offering  my  sincere  congratulations 
to  Congress,  and  of  presenting  myself  before  them  to  surrender  into  their 
hands  the  trust  committed  to  me,  and  to  claim  the  indulgence  of  retiring 
from  the  service  of  my  country. 

"  Happy  in  the  confirmation  of  our  independence  and  sovereignty,  and 
pleased  with  the  opportunity  afforded  the  United  States  of  becoming  a 
respectable  nation,  I  resign  with  satisfaction  the  appointment  I  accepted 
with  diffidence ;  a  diffidence  in  my  abilities  to  accomplish  so  arduous  a 
task,  which,  however,  was  superseded  by  a  confidence  in  the  rectitude 
of  our  cause,  the  support  of  the  supreme  power  of  the  Union,  and  the 
patronage  of  Heaven. 

"While  I  repeat  my  obligations  to  the  army  in  general,  I  should  do 
injustice  to  my  own  feelings,  not  to  acknowledge,  in  this  place,  the 
peculiar  services  and  distinguished  merits  of  the  persons  who  have  been 
attached  to  my  person  during  the  war.  It  was  impossible  the  choice 
of  confidential  officers,  to  compose  my  family,  should  have  been  more 
fortunate.  Permit  me,  sir,  to  recommend,  in  particular,  those  who  have 
continued  in  the  service  to  the  present  moment,  as  worthy  of  the  favora- 
ble notice  and  patronage  of  Congress. 

"I  consider  it  as  an  indispensable  duty  to  close  this  last  solemn  act 
of  my  official  life,  by  commending  the  interests  cf  o^.r  dearest  country  to 
the  protection  of  Almighty  God,  and  those  who  have  the  superintendence 
of  them  to  his  holy  keeping. 

"  Having  now  finished  the  work  assigned  me,  I  retire  from  the  great 
theatre  of  action ;  and,  bidding  an  affectionate  farewell  to  this  august 
body,  under  whose  orders  I  have  long  acted,  I  here  offer  my  commission, 
and  take  leave  of  all  the  employments  of  public  life." 

This  address  being  ended,  General  Washington  advanced,  and  deliver- 
ed his  commission  into  the  hands  of  the  President  of  Congress,  who 
received  it  and  made  an  appropriate  reply.  Having  thus,  of  his  own 
accord,  become  one  of  the  people,  the  American  chief  hastened  to  his 
delightful  residence  at  Mount  Vernon. 

The  feelings  and  emotions  of  Washington,  on  thus  going  into  retire- 
merit,  were  expressed  in  the  following  manner:  "I  feel  as  a  wearied 
traveller  must  do,  who,  after  treading  many  a  painful  step  with  a  heavy 
burden  on  his  shoulders,  is  eased  of  the  latter,  having  reached  the  haven 
to  which  all  the  former  were  directed,  and  from  his  house-top  is  lookincr 

•  • 

back  and  tracing,  with  an  eager  eye,  the  meanders  by  which  he  escaped 
the  quicksands  and  mire  which  lay  in  his  way,  and  into  which  none  but 
the  All- Powerful  Guide  and  Dispenser  of  human  events  could  have 
prevented  his  falling. 

"  I  have  become  a  private  citizen  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac,  and, 
under  the  shadow  of  my  own  vine  and  my  own  figtree,  free  from  the  bustle 
of  a  camp  and  the  busy  scenes  of  public  life,  I  am  solacing  myself  with 
those  tranquil  enjoyments  of  which  the  soldier,  who  is  ever  in  pursuit  of 


WASHINGTON.  53 

fame — the  statesman,  whose  watchful  days  and  sleepless  nights  are  spent 
in  devising  schemes  to  promote  the  welfare  of  his  own,  perhaps  the  ruin 
of  other  countries,  as  if  this  globe  was  insufficient  for  us  all — and  the 
courtier,  who  is  always  watching  the  countenance  of  his  prince,  in  the 
hope  of  catching  a  gracious  smile, — can  have  very  little  conception.  I 
have  not  only  retired  from  all  public  employments,  but  am  retiring  within 
myself,  and  shall  be  able  to  view  the  solitary  walk,  and  tread  the  paths  of 
private  life,  with  heart-felt  satisfaction.  Envious  of  none,  I  am  determined 
to  be  pleased  with  all ;  and  this,  my  dear  friend,  being  the  order  of  my 
march,  I  will  move  gently  down  the  stream  of  life,  until  I  sleep  with  my 
fathers." 

Washington  now  devoted  his  attention,  with  untiring  industry,  to  the 
pursuits  of  agriculture  and  the  extension  of  inland  navigation.  He 
corresponded  with  the  officers  and  influential  men  of  all  the  states  on 
the  most  prominent  subjects  of  public  interest  and  improvement.  He 
formed  a  plan  to  render  the  rivers  Potomac  and  James  navigable  as  high 
as  practicable,  and  to  open  such  inland  navigation  between  these  waters 
and  those  west  of  the  Ohio,  as  would  secure  the  trade  of  the  western 
country  to  Virginia  and  Maryland.  According  to  this  suggestion,  two 
companies  were  formed  for  opening  the  navigation  of  these  rivers ;  and 
of  each,  Washington  consented  to  be  the  president.  The  legislature  of 
Virginia  directed  the  treasurer  of  the  state  to  subscribe  for  one  hundred 
and  fifty  shares  in  each  company  for  the  benefit  of  General  Washington. 
This  appropriation  was  generously  made  and  as  generously  received. 
According  to  the  desire  of  Washington,  these  shares  were  appropriated 
to  the  support  of  a  college  in  the  vicinity  of  each  river. 

Near  the  close  of  the  revolutionary  war,  the  officers  of  the  American 
army,  with  the  view  of  continuing  their  intercourse  and  friendship,  formed 
themselves  into  an  association  named  the  society  of  Cincinnati.  Of  the 
general  society  Washington  officiated  as  president,  from  its  institution  in 
1783  till  the  time  of  his  death.  By  the  rules  of  this  society,  the  honors 
of  it  were  to  be  hereditary  in  the  respective  families,  and  distinguished 
individuals  were  to  be  admitted  as  honorary  members  for  life.  These 
aristocratic  features  of  the  institution  alarmed  the  community,  and  excited 
a  great  degree  of  jealousy.  On  full  inquiry,  Washington  found  that  these 
objections  were  general,  and  he  therefore  exerted  his  influence  among  the 
officers,  to  induce  them  to  drop  the  offensive  part  of  the  institution.  At 
the  annual  meeting,  in  May,  1787,  these  portions  were  accordingly  ex- 
punged ;  and  the  modification  entirely  quieted  public  apprehensions. 

The  articles  under  which  the  United  States  originally  confederated 
proved  to  be  inadequate  to  the  purposes  of  national  government.  A  crisis 
was  expected  in  public  affairs,  which  would  again  require  the  persona 
presence  and  influence  of  Washington.  His  friends  communicated  freely 
with  him  on  this  subject,  and  his  own  apprehensions  were  deeply  excited. 
In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Jay,  in  1786,  he  observed  :  "  Your  sentiments,  that  our 
affairs  are  drawing  rapidly  to  a  crisis,  accord  with  my  own.  What  the 
event  will  be  is  beyond  the  reach  of  my  foresight.  We  have  errors  to 
correct ;  we  have  probably  had  too  good  an  opinion  of  human  nature,  in 
forming  our  confederation.  Experience  has  taught  us  that  men  will  not 


54  WASHINGTON. 

adopt  and  carry  into  execution,  measures  the  best  calculated  for  their  own 
good,  without  the  intervention  of  coercive  power.  I  do  not  conceive  we 
can  exist  long  as  a  nation,  without  lodging,  somewhere,  a  power  which 
will  pervade  the  whole  Union  in  as  energetic  a  manner,  as  the  authority 
of  the  state  governments  extends  over  the  several  states.  To  be  fearful 
of  investing  Congress,  constituted  as  that  body  is,  with  ample  authorities 
for  national  purposes,  appears  to  me  the  very  climax  of  popular  absurdity 
and  madness.  Could  Congress  exert  them  for  the  detriment  of  the  people, 
without  injuring  themselves  in  an  equal  or  greater  proportion?  Are  not 
their  interests  inseparably  connected  with  those  of  their  constituents  ?  By 
the  rotation  of  appointments,  must  they  not  mingle  frequently  with  the 
mass  of  citizens  ?  Is  it  not  rather  to  be  apprehended,  if  they  were  not 
possessed  of  the  powers  before  described,  that  the  individual  members 
would  be  induced  to  use  them,  on  many  occasions,  very  timidly  and 
inefficaciously,  for  fear  of  losing  their  popularity  and  future  election  ? 
We  must  take  human  nature  as  we  find  it ;  perfection  falls  not  to  the 
share  of  mortals. 

"  What  then  is  to  be  done  ?  Things  cannot  go  on  in  the  same  strain 
forever.  It  is  much  to  be  feared,  as  you  observe,  that  the  better  kind  of 
people,  being  disgusted  with  these  circumstances,  will  have  their  minds 
prepared  for  any  revolution  whatever.  We  are  apt  to  run  from  one 
extreme  to  another.  To  anticipate  and  prevent  disastrous  contingencies, 
would  be  the  part  of  wisdom  and  patriotism. 

"  What  astonishing  changes  a  few  years  are  capable  of  producing !  I 
am  told  that  even  respectable  characters  speak  of  a  monarchical  form  of 
government  without  horror.  From  thinking  proceeds  speaking  :  thence 
to  acting  is  often  but  a  single  step.  But  how  irrevocable  and  tremendous  ! 
What  a  triumph  for  our  enemies,  to  verify  their  predictions !  What  a 
triumph  for  the  advocates  of  despotism,  to  find  that  we  are  incapable  of 
governing  ourselves,  and  that  systems,  founded  on  the  basis  of  equal 
liberty,  are  merely  ideal  and  fallacious.  Would  to  God  that  wise  measures 
may  be  taken  in  time  to  avert  the  consequences  we  have  but  too  much 
reason  to  apprehend. 

"  Retired  as  I  am  from  the  world,  I  frankly  acknowledge  I  cannot  feel 
myself  an  unconcerned  spectator.  Yet  having  happily  assisted  in  bringing 
the  ship  into  port,  and  having  been  fairly  discharged,  it  is  not  my  business 
to  embark  again  on  the  sea  of  troubles.  Nor  could  it  be  expected  that 
my  sentiments  and  opinions  would  have  much  weight  on  the  minds  of  my 
countrjmen.  They  have  been  neglected,  though  given  as  a  last  legacy 
in  a  most  solemn  manner.  I  then,  perhaps,  had  some  claims  to  public 
attention.  I  consider  myself  as  having  none  at  present." 

Illumination  on  the  subject  of  enlarging  the  powers  of  Congress  was 
gradual.  A  convention  of  delegates  from  the  several  states  was  proposed, 
for  the  purpose  of  remodelling  the  terms  of  the  confederation.  This 
convention  met  in  Philadelphia  in  May,  and  unanimously  chose  George 
Washington  their  President.  On  the  seventeenth  of  September,  1787, 
they  closed  their  labors,  and  submitted  the  result  to  Congress,  with  the 
opinion  that  it  should  be  submitted  to  a  convention  of  delegates  chosen 


WASHINGTON.  55 

in  each  state  by  the  people  thereof,  under  the  recommendation  of  its 
legislature,  for  its  assent  and  ratification. 

The  constitution  being  accepted  by  eleven  of  the  states,  and  measures 
being  taken  for  carrying  it  into  execution,  all  eyes  were  turned  towards 
Washington  as  the  most  suitable  person  to  be  President  of  the  United 
States.  He  was  then  fifty-seven  years  of  age,  and  in  the  full  enjoyment 
of  health  and  vigor.  It  would  appear,  however,  from  numerous  letters 
written  about  this  period,  that  the  return  into  public  life  was  to  him  a 
source  of  anxiety  and  trouble  which  he  would  gladly  have  avoided.  He 
was  fond  of  retirement  and  private  life.  "  Every  personal  consideration," 
he  observed  in  a  letter  to  General  Lincoln,  "  conspires  to  rivet  me  to 
retirement.  At  my  time  of  life,  and  under  my  circumstances,  nothing 
in  this  world  can  ever  draw  me  from  it,  unless  it  be  a  conviction  that  the 
partiality  of  my  countrymen  had  made  my  services  absolutely  necessary, 
joined  to  a  fear  that  my  refusal  might  induce  a  belief  that  I  preferred  the 
conservation  of  my  own  reputation  and  private  ease  to  the  good  of  my 
country.  After  all,  if  I  should  conceive  myself  in  a  manner  constrained 
to  accept,  I  call  Heaven  to  witness  that  this  very  act  would  be  the  greatest 
sacrifice  of  my  personal  feelings  and  wishes  that  I  have  ever  been  called 
upon  to  make.  It  would  be  to  forego  repose  and  domestic  enjoyment,  for 
trouble,  perhaps  for  public  obloquy ;  for  I  should  consider  myself  as 
entering  upon  an  unexplored  field,  enveloped  on  every  side  with  clouds 
and  darkness." 

Before  the  election  came  on,  the  expectation  of  Washington's  appoint- 
ment was  so  universal,  that  numerous  applications  were  made  to  him  for 
the  offices  of  government  which  would  be  in  his  gift.  Contemptible  as 
such  applications  must  always  be,  Washington  condescended  to  notice 
them  with  a  dignified  refusal.  To  one  applicant  he  wrote  as  follows : 
"  Should  it  become  absolutely  necessary  for  me  to  occupy  the  situation 
in  which  your  letter  presupposes  me,  I  have  determined  to  go  into  it 
perfectly  free  from  all  engagements  of  every  nature  whatsoever.  A  conduct 
in  conformity  to  this  resolution  would  enable  me,  in  balancing  the  various 
pretensions  of  different  candidates  for  appointments,  to  act  with  a  sole 
reference  to  justice  and  the  public  good.  This  is  in  substance  the  answer 
that  I  have  given  to  all  applications  (and  they  are  not  few)  which  have 
already  been  made." 

The  official  announcement  of  his  election  to  the  Presidency  was  made 
to  General  Washington  on  the  fourteenth  of  April,  1789.  On  the  second 
day  after  receiving  this  notice,  Washington  set  out  for  New- York.  The 
road  was  thronged  with  numbers  anxious  to  gaze  upon  the  hero  of  the 
revolution,  and  the  man  of  the  people's  choice.  Escorts  of  the  militia  and 
of  gentlemen  of  the  highest  rank  and  character  attended  him  from  state 
to  state,  and  he  was*  every  where  received  with  the  highest  honors.  Gray's 
bridge  over  the  Schuylkill  was  beautifully  decorated  for  his  passage  with 
laurels  and  evergreens.  At  each  end  of  it  splendid  arches  were  erected, 
composed  of  laurels,  and  on  each  side  was  a  laurel  shrubbery.  As 
Washington  passed  the  bridge,  a  boy  from  above  dropped  a  crown  of 
laurel  upon  his  brows.  An  immense  throng  of  citizens  lined  the  road 
from  the  Schuylkill  to  Philadelphia.  Through  these  he  was  conducted 


56  WASHINGTON. 

to  the  city.  An  elegant  entertainment  was  there  provided,  and  was 
succeeded  in  the  evening  by  a  display  of  fireworks.  When  Washington 
crossed  the  Delaware  and  landed  on  the  Jersey  shore,  he  was  saluted  with 
three  cheers  by  the  assembled  inhabitants.  When  he  came  to  the  brow 
of  the  hill  on  his  way  to  Trenton,  he  again  passed  through  a  triumphal 


arch  ornametned  with  laurels  and  flowers.  On  the  crown  of  it  was 
displayed,  in  large  characters,  "December  twenty-sixth,  1776."  On  the 
sweep  of  the  arch  beneath  was  inscribed,  "  The  Defender  of  the  Mothers 
will  also  protect  the  Daughters."  On  the  north  side  he  was  met  by  a 
number  of  female  children,  dressed  in  white,  with  baskets  of  flowers  on 
their  arms  and  garlands  on  their  heads.  In  the  second  row  stood  the 
young  women,  and  behind  them  the  married  ladies,  of  the  vicinity.  As 
he  passed  the  arch,  the  children  began  to  sing  the  following  ode. 

"  Welcome,  mighty  Chief  !    once  more 
Welcome  to  this  grateful  shore. 
Now  no  mercenary  foe 
Aims  again  the  fatal  blow, 
Aims  at  thee  the  fatal  blow. 
Virgins  fair,  and  matrons  grave, — 
These  thy  conquering  arm  did  save, — 
Build  for  thee  triumphal  bowers  : 
Strew,  ye  fair,  his  way  with  flowers  ; 
Strew  your  hero's  way  with  flowers." 

While  singing  the  last  lines,  they  strewed  the  flowers  in  the  path  of 
their  great  deliverer.  How  different  his  feelings  from  those  experienced 
a  few  years  before  upon  the  same  spot !  Then  all  was  depression  and 
sadness — now,  all  joy  and  triumph. 

He  was  rowed  across  the  bay  to  New- York  by  thirteen  pilots  in  an 
elegant  barge.  All  the  vessels  in  the  harbor  hoisted  their  flags.  On  his 
landing,  he  was  received  and  congratulated  by  the  governor  of  the  state 
and  officers  of  the  corporation.  He  was  conducted  to  the  house  which 
had  been  prepared  for  his  reception,  followed  by  a  procession  of  militia  in 


WASHINGTON.  57 

their  uniforms,  and  a  large  number  of  citizens.  In  the  evening  the  houses 
of  the  inhabitants  .were  brilliantly  illuminated.  A  day  was  fixed,  soon 
after  his  arrival,  for  his  taking  the  oath  of  office.  It  was  in  the  following 
words  :  "  I  do  solemnly  swear,  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the  office  of 
President  of  the  United  States;  and  will,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  pre- 
serve, protect,  and  defend  the  constitution  of  the  United  States."  On 
this  occasion  he  was  wholly  clothed  in  garments  of  American  manu- 
facture. 

In  the  morning,  the  different  congregations  assembled  in  their 
respective  places  of  worship,  and  offered  up  prayers  for  the  President  and 
people  of  the  United  States.  About  noon,  a  procession  moved  from  the 
President's  house  to  Federal  Hall.  '  When  they  came  within  a  short  dis- 
tance of  the  hall,  the  troops  formed  a  line  on  both  sides  of  the  way, 
through  which,  accompanied  by  the  Vice-President,  Mr.  John  Adams, 
Washington  passed  into  the  senate  chamber.  Immediately  after,  with 
the  two  houses  of  Congress,  he  went  into  a  gallery  fronting  on  Broad- 
street,  and,  before  an  immense  throng  of  citizens,  took  the  oath  prescribed 
by  the  constitution.  It  was  administered  by  Mr.  Livingston,  the  chan- 
cellor of  the  state  of  New- York.  A  solemn  silence  prevailed  during  the 
ceremony.  The  chancellor  then  proclaimed  him  President  of  the  United 
States.  This  was  answered  by  the  discharge  of  cannon,  and  the  joyful 
shouts  of  assembled  thousands.  The  President  bowed  most  respectfully 
to  the  people,  and  retired  to  the  senate  chamber  in  the  midst  of  their 
acclamations. 

After  delivering  an  address  to  Congress  and  receiving  their  reply,  the 
President  attended  divine  service  in  their  company.  In  the  evening 
there  was  a  very  ingenious  and  brilliant  exhibition  of  fireworks.  A 
transparent  painting  was  displayed,  in  the  centre  of  which  was  the  por- 
trait of  the  President,  represented  under  the  image  of  Fortitude.  On  his 
right  hand  was  Justice,  and  on  his  left  Wisdom  ;  emblematic  of  the  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives.  Thus  concluded  the  ceremonies  of  the 
first  presidential  inauguration. 

When  Washington  commenced  his  administration,  the  situation  of  the 
United  States  was  highly  critical.  There  were  no  funds  in  the  treasury, 
and  large  debts  were  due  upon  every  side.  The  party  in  opposition  to 
the  new  constitution  was  numerous,  and  several  members  of  this  party 
had  been  elected  to  seats  in  the  new  Congress.  Two  of  the  states  for  a 
while  refused  to  accept  the  constitution,  and  were,  consequently,  beyond 
the  reach  of  its  power.  The  relations  of  the  general  government  with 
foreign  nations  were  very  unsettled.  Animosities  raged  with  considera- 
ble violence  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain.  Each  charged 
the  other  with  a  violation  of  the  late  treaty  of  peace.  Difficulties  occurred 
with  Spain  in  respect  to  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and  the 
boundaries  of  the  states  towards  the  Spanish  territories  in  the  South. 
Fifteen  hundred  of  the  northern  Indians  were  at  open  war  with  the 
United  States ;  the  Creeks  in  the  southwest,  who  could  bring  six  thou- 
sand fighting  men  into  the  field,  were  at  war  with  Georgia. 

Congress  having  organized  the  great  departments  of  government,  it 
became  the  duty  of  the  President  to  designate  proper  persons  to  fill  them. 
8  . 


58  WASHINGTON. 

Washington  looked  round  with  care  and  impartiality  to  fill  these  posts 
to  his  own  satisfaction,  and  to  that  of  the  people.  He  accordingly  placed 
Colonel  Hamilton  at  the  head  of  the  Treasury  department ;  General 
Knox  in  the  department  of  War  ;  Mr.  Jefferson  at  the  head  of  the  depart- 
merit  of  Foreign  Affairs  ;  and  Mr.  Edmund  Randolph  in  the  office  of 
Attorney  General. 

It  was  among  the  first  measures  of  Washington  to  make  peace  with  the 
Indians,  and  commissioners  were  appointed  for  this  purpose.  General 
Lincoln,  Mr.  Griffin,  and  Colonel  Humphreys,  were  deputed  to  treat  with 
the  Creek  nation.  They  met  M'Gillivray,  their  chief,  with  other  chiefs, 
and  about  two  thousand  of  the  tribe,  at  Rock  Landing,  on  the  Oconee, 
on  the  frontiers  of  Georgia.  The  negotiation  was  suddenly  broken  off 
by  M'Gillivray,  on  the  pretence  of  a  dispute  about  the  boundaries,  but  in 
reality,  through  the  influence  of  the  Spanish  government.  A  second 
mission  proved  more  successful.  A  number  of  the  Creek  chiefs  were 
induced  to  visit  New- York,  where  a  conference  was  held,  and  a  treaty 
soon  established.  The  attempt  to  effect  a  peace  with  the  Indians  of  the 
Wabash  and  the  Miamies,  did  not  terminate  with  like  success.  In  con- 
sequence of  this,  the  President,  in  September,  1791,  despatched  General 
Harmer  into  the  Indian  territories,  with  orders  to  destroy  their  settlements 
on  the  waters  of  the  Scioto  and  Wabash.  This  general  was  defeated,  as 
was  also  Major  General  St.  Clair.  The  final  conquest  of  these  tribes 
was  effected  in  1794,  by  General  Wayne ;  and  soon  after  that  event, 
a  peace  was  concluded  between  the  Indians  and  the  United  States. 

By  skilful  and  prudent  management,  all  the  diliiculties  with  Spain  were 
amicably  settled  ;  but  much  greater  difficulties  stood  in  the  way  of  a  peace- 
ful adjustment  of  controversies  with  Great  Britain.  In  the  first  years  of 
his  Presidency,  Washington  took  informal  measures  to  ascertain  the  views 
of  the  British  cabinet  respecting  the  United  States.  This  business  was 
intrusted  to  Mr.  Governeur  Morris,  who  conducted  it  with  great  ability, 
but  found  no  disposition  to  accede  to  the  wishes  of  our  government.  In 
two  years  from  that  time,  the  British,  of  their  own  accord,  sent  their  first 
Minister  to  the  United  States,  and  the  President,  in  return,  nominated  Mr. 
Thomas  Pinckney  as  the  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  the  Court  of  Great 
Britain. 

About  this  time  war  commenced  between  France  and  Great  Britain. 
The  correct  and  mature  judgment  of  Washington  immediately  decided 
that  the  proper  position  of  the  United  States  was  that  of  perfect  neutrality. 
A  strong  disposition  existed  in  the  people  to  favor  the  cause  of  France. 
The  benefits  that  had  been  conferred  upon  them  by  that  gallant  nation 
during  the  revolutionary  struggle  were  fresh  in  their  remembrance.  A 
feeling  still  existed  of  resentment  towards  England,  for  the  oppression 
which  had  led  to  the  war,  and  the  miseries  that  attended  it.  To  compel 
the  observance  of  neutrality,  under  these  circumstances,  was  a  task  that 
required  all  the  influence  and  popularity  of  Washington.  Motions  were 
made  in  Congress  for  sequestrating  debts  due  to  British  subjects ;  to 
enter  into  commercial  hostility  with  Great  Britain,"  and  even  to  interdict 
all  intercourse  with  her  till  she  pursued  other  measures  with  respect  to 
the  United  States.  Every  thing  threatened  immediate  war.  In  this 


WASHINGTON.  59 

state  of  affairs,  the  President,  in  April,  1794,  nominated  John  Jay,  Envoy 
Extraordinary  to  the  Court  of  Great  Britain.  By  this  measure  an  adjust- 
ment of  the  points  in  dispute  between  the  two  nations  was  happily  effected, 
and  the  result  of  the  mission  was  a  treaty  of  peace. 

This  was  pronounced  by  Mr.  Jay  to  be  the  best  that  was  attainable, 
and  one  which  he  believed  it  for  the  interest  of  the  United  States  to 
accept.  While  this  treaty  was  under  the  consideration  of  the  Senate,  a 
copy  of  it  was  furnished  to  the  editor  of  a  newspaper,  in  violation  of  the 
laws  of  that  body.  The  publication  of  this  document  at  once  rekindled 
the  smothered  passions  of  the  people,  and  meetings  were  held  in  all  the 
large  cities,  to  pronounce  the  treaty  unworthy  of  acceptance  and  to  peti- 
tion the  President  to  refuse  his  signature  to  so  obnoxious  an  instrument. 
These  agitations  were  naturally  the  source  of  much  anxiety  to  Washing- 
ton, but  they  did  not  cause  'him  to  swerve  for  a  moment  from  the  true 
path  of  his  duty.  He  regretted  that  the  treaty  was  so  generally  unpopular, 
but  determined  to  ratify  it,  as  the  only  alternative  with  war.  His  policy 
was  always  peace,  if  it  can  be  preserved  with  honor.  In  a  letter  to 
General  Knox,  he  observes  on  this  subject :  "  Next  to  a  conscientious 
discharge  of  my  public  duties,  to  carry  along  with  me  the  approbation  of 
my  constituents,  would  be  the  highest  gratification  of  which  my  mind  is 
susceptible.  But  the  latter  being  secondary,  I  cannot  make  the  former 
yield  to  it,  unless  some  criterion  more  infallible. than  partial  (if  they  are 
not  party)  meetings,  can  be  discovered  as  the  touchstone  of  public  senti- 
ment. If  any  person  on  earth  could,  or  the  Great  Power  above  would, 
erect  the  standard  of  infallibility  in  political  opinions,  no  being  that 
inhabits  this  terrestrial  globe  would  resort  to  it  with  more  eagerness  than 
myself,  so  long  as  I  remain  a  servant  of  the  public.  But  as  I  have 
hitherto  found  no  better  guide  than  upright  intentions,  and  close  investi- 
gation, I  shall  adhere  to  them  while  I  keep  the  watch." 

Difficult  as  it  was  to  decide  upon  the  proper  policy  to  be  pursued  towards 
England,  it  was  even  more  embarrassing  in  respect  to  France.  The 
attachment  to  the  French  interests  was  much  increased  by  the  arrival 
of  M.  Genet,  the  first  Minister  Plenipotentiary  from  the  republic  of 
France  to  the  United  States.  Encouraged  by  the  indications  of  good 
wishes  for  the  success  of  the  French  revolution,  this  gentleman  under- 
took to  authorize  the  fitting  and  arming  of  vessels,  enlisting  men,  and 
giving  commissions  to  vessels  to  cruise  and  commit  hostilities  on  nations 
with  whom  the  United  States  were  at  peace.  The  British  minister 
complained  against  these  proceedings,  and  the  American  government 
disapproved  of  them.  Still,  however,  the  people  continued  enthusiastic 
in  the  cause  of  their  old  allies.  At  civic  festivals,  the  ensigns  of  France 
were  displayed  in  union  with  those  of  America,  the  cap  of  liberty  passed 
from  head  to  head,  and  toasts  were  given  expressive  of  the  fraternity  of 
the  two  nations.  To  preserve  neutrality  at  such  a  crisis  was  a  matter 
of  much  difficulty,  but  Washington  resolved,  at  every  hazard,  to  adhere  to 
the  principle  that  the  United  States  would  hold  all  mankind  enemies  in 
war,  and  friends  in  peace.  He  at  length  decided  to  request  the  recall 
of  M.  Genet,  and  soon  had  the  satisfaction  to  learn  that  the  course  this 
gentleman  had  pursued,  was  entirely  disapproved  by  his  own  government. 


60  WASHINGTON. 

The  successors  of  Genet  followed  in  his  steps,  but  with  less  violence. 
With  a  view  to  reconcile  all  difficulties,  Washington  appointed  General 
Pinckney,  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  the  French  republic.  From  this 
mission  he  anticipated  an  adjustment  of  all  points  in  dispute,  but  the 
Directory  announced  their  haughty  determination  not  to  receive  another 
Minister  from  the  United  States,  until  after  a  redress  of  grievances 
which  the  French  republic  had  a  right  to  expect  from  the  American 
government 

Before  the  result  of  the  mission  was  known,  Washington  had  ceased 
to  be  President  of  the  United  States.  Having  served  through  eight 
years  of  doubt  and  difficulty,  and  having  brought  all  the  affairs  of  great 
public  interest  into  a  fair  train  for  equitable  adjustment,  and  being  far 
advanced  in  life,  he  announced  his  intention  of  declining  a  re-election 
in  full  time  for  the  people  to  fax  upon  a  successor.  His  resignation  was 
announced  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  an  address  which  every 
true  lover  of  his  country  must  be  willing  to  adopt  as  his  political  text 
book.  The  following  passages  speak  with  peculiar  force  to  us  at  all 
periods  of  political  and  sectional  excitement : 

"  The  unity  of  government,  which  constitutes  you  one  people,  is  also 
now  dear  to  you.  It  is  justly  so,  for  it  is  the  main  pillar  in  the  edifice 
of  your  real  independence ;  the  support  of  your  tranquillity  at  home, 
your  peace  abroad  ;  of  your  safety,  of  your  prosperity,  of  that  very  liberty 
which  you  so  highly  prize.  But  as  it  is  easy  to  foresee,  that  from 
different  causes  and  from  different  quarters,  much  pains  will  be  taken, 
many  artifices  employed,  to  weaken  in  vour  minds  the  conviction  of  this 
truth ;  as  this  is  the  point  in  y  nr  politic sJ  fortr3ss  against  which  the 
batteries  of  internal  and  externa1  enemies  will  be  moat  constantly  and 
actively  (though  often  covertly  and  insidiously)  directed,  it  is  of  infinite 
moment,  that  you  should  properly  estimate  the  immense  value  of  your 
national  union,  to  your  collective  and  individual  happiness ;  that  you 
should  cherish  a  cordial,  habitual,  an<J  immovable  attachment  to  it, 
accustoming  yourselves  to  think  and  speak  of  it  as  the  palladium  of  your 
political  safety  and  prosperity ;  watching  for  its  preservation  with  jealous 
anxiety ;  discountenancing  whatever  may  suggest  even  a  suspicion  that 
it  can  in  any  event  be  abandoned ;  and  indignantly  frowning  upon  the 
first  dawning  of  every  attempt  to  alienate  any  portion  of  our  country 
from  the  rest,  or  to  enfeeble  the  sacred  ties  which  now  link  together  the 
various  parts. 

"  For  this  you  have  every  inducement  of  sympathy  and  interest. 
Citizens  by  birth  or  choice  of  a  common  country,  that  country  has  a  right 
to  concentrate  your  affections.  The  name  of  AMERICAN,  which  belongs 
to  you  in  your  national  capacity,  must  always  exalt  the  just  pride  of 
patriotism,  more  than  any  appellation  derived  from  local  discriminations. 
With  slight  shades  of  difference,  you  have  the  same  religion,  manners, 
habits,  and  political  principles.  You  have  in  a  common  cause  fought 
and  triumphed  together ;  the  independence  and  liberty  you  possess,  are 
the  work  of  joint  councils,  and  joint  efforts — of  common  dangers,  suffer- 
ings, and  successes."  *****#"  To  the  efficacy  and  per- 
manency of  your  union,  a  government  for  the  whole  is  indispensable 


WASHINGTON.  61 

No  alliances,  however  strict,  between  the  parts,  can  be  an  adequate 
substitute  ;  they  must  inevitably  experience  the  infractions  and  interrup- 
tions which  all  alliances  in  all  times  have  experienced.  Sensible  of  this 
momentous  truth,  you  have  improved  upon  your  first  essay,  by  the 
adoption  of  a  constitution  of  government,  better  calculated  than  your 
former,  for  an  intimate  union,  and  for  the  efficacious  management  of 
your  common  concerns.  This  government,  the  offspring  of  our  own 
choice,  uninfluenced  and  unawed ;  adopted  upon  full  investigation  and 
mature  deliberation  ;  completely  free  in  its  principles ;  in  the  distribution 
of  its  powers,  uniting  security  with  energy,  and  containing  within  itself 
a  provision  for  its  own  amendments,  has  a  just  claim  to  your  confidence 
and  your  support.  Respect  for  its  authority,  compliance  with  its  laws, 
acquiescence  in  its  measures,  are  duties  enjoined  by  the  fundamental 
maxims  of  true  liberty.  The  basis  of  our  political  systems  is  the  right 
of  the  people  to  make  and  to  alter  their  constitutions  of  government. 
But  the  constitution  which  at  any  time  exists,  until  changed  by  an 
explicit  and  authentic  act  of  the  whole  people,  is  sacredly  obligatory 
upon  all.  The  very  idea  of  the  power  and  the  right  of  the  people  to 
establish  a  government,  presupposes  the  duty  of  every  individual  to  obey 
the  established  government."  * 

"  Though  in  reviewing  the  incidents  of  my  administration  I  am 
unconscious  of  intentional  error ;  I  am  nevertheless  too  sensible  of  my 
defects,  not  to  think  it  probable  that  I  may  have -committed  many  errors. 
Whatever  they  may  be,  I  fervently  beseech  the  Almighty  to  avert  or 
mitigate  the  evils  to  which  they  may  tend.  I  shall  also  carry  with  me 
the  hope  that  my  country  will  never  cease  to  view  them  with  indulgence  ; 
and  that  after  forty*five  years  of  my  life,  dedicated  to  its  service,  with  an 
upright  zeal,  the  faults  of  incompetent  abilities  will  be  consigned  to 
oblivion,  as  myself  must  soon  be  to  the  mansions  of  rest. 

"  Relying  on  its  kindness  in  this  as  in  other  things,  and  actuated  by 
that  fervent  love  towards  it,  which  is  so  natural  to  a  man  who  views  in  it 
the  native  soil  of  himself  and  his  progenitors  for  several  generations ;  I 
anticipate  with  pleasing  expectation  that  retreat,  in  which  I  promise 
myself  to  realize,  without  alloy,  the  sweet  enjoyment  of  partaking,  in 
the  midst  of  my  fellow-citizens,  the  benign  influence  of  g*od  laws  under 
a  free  government — the  ever  favorite  object  of  my  heart,  and  the  happy 
reward,  as  I  trust,  of  our  mutual  cares,  labors,  and  dangers. 

"  UNITED  STATES,  September  17,  1796." 

This  valedictory  address  was  received  in  every  part  of  the  Union  with 
the  most  unbounded  admiration.  Shortly  after  its  promulgation,  the 
President  met  the  National  Legislature  in  the  senate  chamber  for  the  last 
time.  His  address  on  the  occasion  touched  upon  the  most  important  topics 
that  were  then  in  agitation.  In  the  cburse  of  it  he  recommended  the 
establishment  of  national  works  for  manufacturing  implements  of  defence ; 
of  an  institution  for  the  improvement  of  agriculture  ;  and  pointed  out  the 
advantages  of  a  military  academy,  of  a  national  university ;  and  the 
necessity  of  augmenting  the  salaries  of  the  officers  of  the  United  States. 

He  concluded  in  the  following  words : 

"  The  situation  in  which  I  now  stand,  for  the  last  time,  in  the  midst  of 


62  WASHINGTON. 

the  representatives  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  naturally  recalls 
the  period  when  the  administration  of  the  present  form  of  government 
commenced ;  and  I  cannot  omit  the  occasion  to  congratulate  you  and  my 
country  on  the  success  of  the  experiment,  nor  to  repeat  my  fervent  suppli- 
cations to  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  universe,  and  Sovereign  Arbiter  of 
nations,  that  his  providential  care  may  still  be  extended  to  the  United 
States ;  that  the  virtue  and  happiness  of  the  people  may  be  preserved , 
and  that  the  government  which  they  have  instituted  for  the  protection  of 
their  liberties  may  be  perpetual." 

On  the  day  preceding  the  termination  of  his  office,  in  a  letter  to  General 
Knox,  he  compared  himself  to  a  weary  traveller  who  sees  a  resting  place, 
and  is  bending  his  body  thereon.  "  Although  the  prospect  of  retirement 
is  most  grateful  to  my  soul,  and  I  have  not  a  wish  to  mix  again  in  the 
great  world,  or  to  partake  in  its  politics,  yet  I  am  not  without  regret  at 
parting  with  (perhaps  never  more  to  meet)  the  few  intimates  whom  I  love. 
Among  these,  be  assured,  you  are  one." 

The  numerous  calumnies  which  assailed  him  never  but  once  drew  forth 
his  public  notice.  A  volume  had  been  published  by  the  British,  in  the 
year  1776,  consisting  of  letters  which  they  attributed  to  General  Wash- 
ington. It  was  the  object  of  this  publication  to  produce  impressions 
unfavorable  to  the  integrity  and  character  of  the  commander-in-chief. 
When  the  first  edition  of  this  forgery  had  been  forgotten,  it  was  repub- 
lished,  during  his  Presidency,  by  some  citizens  who  differed  from  him  in 
politics.  On  the  morning  of  the  last  day  of  his  office,  Washington 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  in  which  he  enumerated  the 
facts  and  dates  connected  with  the  forgery,  and  declared  that  he  had 
hitherto  thought  it  unnecessary  to  take  a  formal  notice  of  the  imposition. 
In  this  letter  he  solemnly  declared  that  the  correspondence  was  entirely  a 
base  forgery,  and  that  he  never  saw  or  heard  of  it  till  it  appeared  in  print. 
He  requested  that  his  letter  upon  the  subject  should  be  deposited  in  the 
office  of  the  department  of  state,  to  be  a  testimony  of  the  truth  to  the 
present  generation  and  to  posterity. 

The  time  had  now  come  when  his  own  official  power  was  to  cease,  and 
that  of  his  successor,  John  Adams,  was  to  commence.  The  old  and  new 
Presidents  walked  together  to  the  house  of  representatives,  where  the  oath 
of  office  was  administered.  Mr.  Adams  concluded  his  address  upon  the 
occasion,  by  an  impressive  allusion  to  his  predecessor,  in  observing,  that 
though  about  to  retire,  "  his  name  may  still  be  a  rampart,  and  the 
knowledge  that  he  lives  a  bulwark,  against  all  open  or  secret  enemies  of 
his  country."  Washington  rejoiced  that  the  way  was  open  for  his  return 
to  the  happiness  of  domestic  and  private  life.  After  paying  his  respects 
to  the  new  President,  he  immediately  set  out  for  Mount  Vernon.  He  was 
desirous  of  travelling  privately,  but  it  was  impossible.  Wherever  he 
passed,  crowds  came  out  to  meet  him  and  testify  their  respect  for  him. 
In  his  retirement  he  resumed  his  agricultural  pursuits;  and,  in  the  society 
of  his  private  friends,  looked  for  a  quiet  ending  to  an  active  and  anxious 
life.  He  still,  however,  continued  interested  in  public  affairs,  and  heard, 
with  regret,  the  insults  offered  to  the  United  States  by  the  French 
Directory.  These  injuries  at  length  obliged  our  government  to  adopt 


WASHINGTON.  63 

vigorous  measures.    Congress  authorized  the  formation  of  a  regular  army, 
and  all  eyes  were  turned  upon  Washington  as  its  commander. 

President  Adams  nominated  Washington  to  the  chief  command  of  the 
armies  of  the  United  States,  with  the  rank  of  lieutenant  general.  To  the 
letter,  sent  with  the  commission  to  Mount  Vernon,  Washington  replied  in 
a  letter  which  concluded  as  follows  ;  "Feeling  how  incumbent  it  is  upon 
every  person  of  every  description  to  contribute  at  all  times  to  his  country's 
welfare,  and  especially  in  a  moment  like  the  present,  when  every  thing 
we  hold  dear  and  sacred  is  so  seriously  threatened,  I  have  finally  deter- 
mined to  accept  the  commission  of  commander-in-chief  of  the  armies  of 
the  United  States ;  with  the  reserve  only,  that  I  shall  not  be  called  into 
the  field  until  the  army  is  in  a  situation  to  require  my  presence,  or  it 
becomes  indispensable  by  the  urgency  of  circumstances.  In  making  this 
reservation,  I  beg  it  to  be  understood  that  I  do  not  mean  to  withhold  any 
assistance  to  arrange  and  organize  the  army,  which  you  may  think  I  can 
afford.  I  take  the  liberty,  also,  to  mention,  that  I  must  decline  having 
my  acceptance  considered  as  drawing  after  it  any  immediate  charge  upon 
the  public ;  or  that  I  can  receive  any  emoluments  annexed  to  the  ap- 
pointment, before  entering  into  a  situation  to  incur  expense." 

After  the  receipt  of  this  appointment,  Washington  divided  his  time 
between  agricultural  pursuits  and  the  organization  of  the  army.  He 
always  thought  an  actual  invasion  of  the  country  very  improbable,  but 
he  made  arrangements  to  repel  it  at  the  water's  edge.  No  sooner  had 
these  warlike  preparations  been  made,  than  France  signified  her  desire 
for  a  peaceful  accommodation.  Mr.  Adams  immediately  sent  three  envoys 
extraordinary  to  negotiate  with  the  French  republic.  On  repairing  to 
France,  they  found  the  Directory  overthrown,  and  the  government  in  the 
hands  of  Bonaparte.  With  him  negotiations  were  immediately  com- 
menced, and  terminated  in  a  peaceful  arrangement  of  all  difficulties. 
Washington,  however,  did  not  live  to  participate  in  the  general  joy  which 
this  event  occasioned. 

On  the  twelfth  of  December,  1799,  Washington  rode  out  in  the  morn- 
ing to  his  farms.  The  weather  soon  became  very  cold,  and  there  was  an 
alternate  fall  of  rain,  hail,  and  snow.  He  did  not  return  till  past  three, 
when  he  went  to  dinner  without  changing  his  dress.  In  the  evening  he 
appeared  as  well  as  usual.  On  the  next  day,  there  was  a  heavy  fall  of 
snow,  which  prevented  him  from  riding  out  as  usual.  He  had  taken 
cold  from  his  exposure  the  day  before,  and  complained  of  having  a  sore 
throat.  His  hoarseness  increased  towards  evening,  but  he  took  no 
remedy  for  it,  observing,  as  he  would  never  take  any  thing  to  carry  off  a 
cold,  "  Let  it  go  as  it  came."  On  Saturday  morning  he  was  very  seri- 
ously unwell,  and  a  physician  was  sent  for  to  bleed  him.  Finding  that 
no  relief  was  obtained  from  bleeding,  and  that  he  was  entirely  unable  to 
swallow  any  thing,  his  attendants  bathed  his  throat  externally  with  sal 
volatile.  A  piece  of  flannel  was  then  put  round  his  neck,  and  his  feet 
were  soaked  in  warm  water.  It  was  impossible  to  procure  any  relief. 
Several  physicians  were  immediately  sent  for,  and  various  remedies 
resorted  to  without  effect.  Between  five  and  six  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
his  physicians  came  to  his  bedside,  and  Dr.  Craik  asked  him  if  he  would 


64  WASHINGTON. 

sit  up  in  the  bed.  He  held  out  his  hands,  and  was  raised  up,  when  he 
said — "  I  feel  myself  going  ;  you  had  better  not  take  any  more  trouble 
about  me,  but  let  me  go  off  quietly  ;  I  cannot  last  long."  They  found 
what  had  been  done  was  without  effect.;  he  laid  down  again,  and  all 
except  Dr.  Craik  retired.  He  then  said  to  him,  "  Doctor,  I  die  hard, 
but  I  am  not  afraid  to  go ;  I  believed,  from  my  first  attack,  I  should  not 
survive  it ;  my  breath  cannot  last  long."  The  doctor  pressed  his  hand, 
but  could  not  utter  a  word ;  he  retired  from  the  bedside,  and  sat  by  the 
fire,  absorbed  in  grief. 

About  ten  o'clock  he  made  several  attempts  to  speak  before  he  could 
effect  it.  He  at  length  said,  "  I  am  just  going.  Have  me  decently 
buried ;  and  do  not  let  my  body  be  put  in  the  vault  in  less  than  two 
days  after  I  am  dead."  His  attending  physician  bowed  assent.  He 
looked  at  him  again  and  said,  "  Do  you  understand  me  ?"  The  reply 
was,  "  Yes,  sir."  Washington  answered,  "  'Tis  well."  About  ten 
minutes  before  he  expired,  his  breathing  became  much  easier,  he  lay 
quietly,  and  he  withdrew  his  hand  from  the  physician  to  feel  his  own 
pulse.  His  hand  fell  from  the  wrist.  Dr.  Craik  placed  his  hands  over 
his  eyes,  and  he  expired  without  a  struggle  or  a  sigh.  While  the 
physicians  and  attendants  were  standing  fixed  in  silent  grief,  Mrs. 
Washington  asked,  in  a  firm  and  collected  voice,  "  Is  he  gone  ?" 

When  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Washington  reached  Congress,  they 
immediately  adjourned  until  the  next  day.  Mr.  John  Marshall,  since 
chief  justice  of  the  United  States,  then  delivered  a  short  nnd  impressive 
speech  to  the  house  of  representatives ;  and  the  senate  aduM.-=afju  u  letter 
to  the  President.  To  this  letter  Mr.  Adams  returned  an  answer,  which 
concluded  in  the  following  words  :  "  The  life  of  our  Washington  cannot 
suffer  by  a  comparison  with  those  of  other  countries  who  have  been  most 
celebrated  and  exalted  by  fame.  The  attributes  and  decorations  of 
royalty  could  only  have  served  to  eclipse  the  majesty  of  those  virtues 
which  made  him,  from  being  a  modest  citizen,  a  more  resplendent 
luminary.  Misfortune,  had  he  lived,  could  hereafter  have  sullied  his 
glory  only  with  those  superficial  minds  who,  believing  that  character  and 
actions  are  marked  by  success  alone,  rarely  deserve  to  enjoy  it. 

"  Malice  could  never  blast  his  honor,  and  envy  made  him  a  singular 
exception  to  her  universal  rule.  For  himself,  he  had  lived  long  enough 
to  life  and  to  glory ;  for  his  fellow-citizens,  if  their  prayers  could  have 
been  answered,  he  would  have  been  immortal ;  for  me,  his  departure  is 
at  a  most  unfortunate  moment.  Trusting,  however,  in  the  wise  and 
righteous  dominion  of  Providence  over  the  passions  of  men  and  the  results 
of  their  actions,  as  well  as  over  their  lives,  nothing  remains  for  me  but 
humble  resignation. 

"  His  example  is  now  complete  ;  and  it  will  teach  wisdom  and  virtue 
to  magistrates,  citizens,  and  men,  not  only  in  the  present  age,  but  in 
future  generations,  as  long  as  our  history  shall  be  read.  If  a  Trajan 
found  a  Pliny,  a  Marcus  Aurelius  can  never  want  biographers,  eulogists, 
or  historians." 

Congress  passed  a  series  of  resolutions,  in  which  it  was  determined 
that  a  marble  monument  should  be  erected  by  the  United  States,  at  the 


WASHINGTON.  65 

capitol  of  the  city  of  Washington,  to  commemorate  the  great  events  of 
the  military  and  political  life  of  the  late  President.  It  was  also  deter- 
mined that  there  should  be  a  funeral  oration  and  procession,  and  that  it 
should  be  recommended  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  to  wear  crape 
on  their  left  arm,  as  mourning,  for  thirty  days.  When  the  resolution  of 
Congress  that  she  should  be  requested  to  permit  the  remains  of  her 
husband  to  be  deposited  under  a  marble  monument,  to  be  erected  at  the 
capitol,  was  communicated  to  Mrs.  Washington,  she  replied  in  the 
following  language :  "  Taught  by  the  great  example  which  I  have  so 
long  had  before  me,  never  to  oppose  my  private  wishes  to  the  public  will, 
I  must  consent  to  the  request  made  by  Congress,  which  you  have  had 
the  goodness  to  transmit  to  me  ;  and  in  doing  this,  I  need  not,  I  cannot  say, 
what  a  sacrifice  of  individual  feeling  I  make  to  a  sense  of  public  duty." 

Information  of  the  death  of  Washington  was  received  in  every  part 
of  the  states  with  expressions  of  regret,  and  called  forth  sentiments  of  the 
highest  veneration  for  his  memory.  Legislative  bodies,  civil  corporations, 
colleges,  and  all  other  societies  of  importance  formed  funeral  processions 
and  attended  upon  prayers,  eulogies  and  orations  in  his  honor.  The 
resolution  of  Congress  respecting  the  monument  has  not  been  carried 
into  execution.  An  appropriation  for  this  purpose  was  opposed,  as  an 
improper  use  of  the  public  money ;  the  reason  assigned  for  objecting  to 
the  measure  was  that  the  only  fit  monument  of  Washington  was  in  the 
gratitude  and  veneration  of  his  countrymen. 

It  has  been  difficult  to  interrupt  the  narrative  of  public  and  important 
matters,  by  the  introduction  of  those  apparently  unimportant  anecdotes, 
which  sometimes,  more  than  any  thing  else,  make  us  familiar  with  the 
character  of  a  great  man.  Those  which  follow  have  been  collected  from 
a  variety  of  sources,  and  we  believe  to  be  generally  well  authenticated. 

When  General  Washington  had  closed  his  career  in  the  French  and 
Indian  war,  and  had  become  a  member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  the 
Speaker,  Robinson,  was  directed,  by  a  vote  of  the  house,  to  return  their 
thanks  to  that  gentleman,  on  behalf  of  the  colony,  for  the  distinguished 
military  services  which  he  had  rendered  to  his  country.  As  soon  as 
Washington  took  his  seat,  Mr.  Robinson,  in  obedience  to  his  order,  and 
following  the  impulse  of  his  own  generous  and  grateful  heart,  discharged 
this  duty  with  great  dignity ;  but  with  such  warmth  of  coloring  and 
strength  of  expression,  as  entirely  confounded  the  young  hero.  He  rose 
to  express  his  acknowledgments  for  the  honor ;  but  such  was  his  trepida- 
tion and  confusion,  that  he  could  not  give  distinct  utterance  to  a  single 
syllable.  He  blushed,  stammered,  and  trembled,  for  a  second ;  when 
the  Speaker  relieved  him,  by  a  stroke  of  address,  that  would  have  done 
honor  to  Louis  XIV.  in  his  proudest  and  happiest  moments.  ''Sit 
down,  Mr.  Washington,"  said  he, 'with  a  conciliating  smile;  "your 
modesty  is  equal  to  your  valor;  and  that  surpasses  the  power  of  any 
language  that  I  possess." 

In  the  town  of  ,    in    Connecticut,    where    the   roads    were 

extremely  rough,  Washington  was  overtaken  by  night,  on   Saturday,  not 
being  able  to  reach  the  village  where  he  designed  to  rest  on  the  Sabbath. 
Next  morning,  about  sunrise,  his  coach  was  harnessed,  and  he  was 
9 


66  WASHINGTON. 

proceeding  forward  to  an  inn,  near  the  place  of  worship,  which  he  pro- 
posed to  attend.  A  plain  man,  who  was  an  informing  officer,  came  from 
a  cottage,  and  inquired  of  the  coachman  whether  there  was  any  urgent, 
reasons  for  his  travelling  on  the  Lord's  day.  The  General,  instead 
of  resenting  this  as  an  impertinent  rudeness,  ordered  the  coachman  to 
stop,  and  with  great  civility  explained  the  circumstances  to  the  officer, 
commending  him  for  his  fidelity ;  and  assured  him  that  nothing  was 
farther  from  his  intention,  than  to  treat  with  disrespect  the  laws  and 
usages  of  Connecticut,  relative  to  the  Sabbath,  which  met  with  his  most 
cordial  approbation. 

Washington  accomplished  the  most  of  his  great  work  with  ap- 
parent ease,  by  a  rigid  observance  of  punctuality.  It  is  known  that 
whenever  he  assigned  to  meet  Congress  at  noon,  he  never  failed  to  be 
passing  the  door  of  the  hall  when  the  clock  struck  twelve.  His  dining 
hour  was  four,  when  he  always  sat  down  to  his  table,  only  allowing  five 
minutes  for  the  variation  of  timepieces,  whether  his  guests  were  present 
or  not.  It  was  frequently  the  case  with  new  members  of  Congress,  that 
they  did  not  arrive  until  dinner  was  nearly  half  over,  and  he  would  re- 
mark, "  Gentlemen,  we  are  punctual  here ;  my  cook  never  asks  whether 
the  company  has  arrived,  but  whether  the  hour  has."  When  he  visited 
Boston  in  1789,  he  appointed  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  as  the  hour 
when  he  should  set  out  for  Salem,  and  while  the  Old  South  clock  was 
striking  eight,  he  was  crossing  his  saddle.  The  company  of  cavalry 
which  volunteered  to  escort  him,  not  anticipating  this  strict  punctuality, 
were'parading  in  Tremont-street,  after  his  departure ;  and  it  was  not 
until  the  President  had  reached  Charles  river  bridge,  where  he  stopped 
a  few  minutes,  that  the  troop  of  horse  overtook  him.  On  passing  the 

corps,  the  President  with  perfect  good  nature  said  : — "  Major ,  I 

thought  you  had  been  too  long  in  my  family,  not  to  know  when  it  was 
eight  o'clock." 

The  following  anecdote  was  related  by  Captain  Pease,  the  father  of 
the  stage  establishment  in  the  United  States.  He  had  purchased  a 
beautiful  pair  of  horses,  which  he  wished  to  dispose  of  to  the  President, 
who  he  knew  was  an  excellent  judge  of  horses.  The  President  appointed 
five  o'clock  in  the  morning  to  examine  them  at  his  stable.  The  captain 
thinking  the  hour  was  too  early  for  so  great  a  man  to  be  stirring,  did 
not  arrive  with  the  horses  until  a  quarter  after  five,  when  he  was  told  by 
the  groom  that  the  President  was  there  at  five,  and  was  then  fulfilling 
other  engagements.  Pease  was  much  mortified,  arid  called  on  Major 
Jackson,  the  Secretary,  to  apologize  for  his  delay,  and  to  request  the 
President  to  appoint  some  new  time ;  and  he  added  that  he  found  the 
President's  time  was  wholly  preoccupied  for  several  days,  and  that  he 
was  compelled  to  stay  a  week  in  Philadelphia  before  the  examination 
took  place,  merely  for  delaying  the  first  quarter  of  an  hour. 

Major  Ferguson,  who  commanded  a  rifle  corps  a  day  or  two  previous 
to  the  battle  of  Brandywine,  was  the  hero  of  a  very  singular  accident, 
which  he  thus  describes  in  a  letter  to  a  friend.  It  illustrates,  in  a  most 
forcible  manner,  the  overruling  hand  of  Providence  in  directing  the 
operations  of  a  man's  mind,  in  moments  when  he  is  least  aware  of  it. 


WASHINGTON.  67 

"  We  had  not  lain  long,  when  a  rebel  officer,  remarkable  by  a  hussar 
dress,  pressed  toward  our  army,  within  a  hundred  yards  of  my  right 
flank,  not  perceiving  us.  He  was  followed  by  another,  dressed  in  dark 
green  and  blue,  mounted  on  a  bay  horse,  with  a  remarkable  high  cocked 
hat.  I  ordered  three  good  shots  to  steal  near  and  fire  at  them ;  but  the 
idea  disgusting  me,  I  recalled  the  order.  The  hussar,  in  returning, 
made  a  circuit,  but  the  other  passed  within  a  hundred  yards  of  us ;  upon 
which,  I  advanced  from  the  woods  towards  him.  Upon  my  calling,  he 
stopped  ;  but  after  looking  at  me,  proceeded.  I  again  drew  his  attention, 
and  made  signs  to  him  to  stop,  levelling  my  piece  at  him ;  but  he  slowly 
cantered  away.  By  quick  firing,  I  could  have  lodged  half  a  dozen  balls 
in,  or  about  him,  before  he  was  out  of  my  reach.  I  had  only  to  deter- 
mine ;  but  it  was  not  pleasant  to  fire  at  the  back  of  an  unoffending 
individual,  who  was  very  coolly  acquitting  himself  of  his  duty ;  so  I  let 
him  alone. 

"  The  next  day  the  surgeon  told  me  that  the  wounded  rebel  officers 
informed  him  that  General  Washington  was  all  the  morning  with  the 
light  troops,  and  only  attended  by  a  French  officer  in  a  hussar  dress,  he 
himself  dressed  and  mounted  as  I  have  above  described.  I  am  not 
sorry  that  I  did  not  know  who  it  was  at  the  time." 

It  is  now  settled  as  a  fact  beyond  dispute,  that  General  Gates  was 
connected  with  General  Lee  in  a  conspiracy  to  supersede  the  illustrious 
Washington.  The  commander-in-chief  was  well  aware  of  the  means 
they  used  to  deprive  him  of  the  affections  of  the  army,  and  the  confidence 
of  the  people.  How  he  sought  revenge,  is  shown  in  the  following 
anecdote  : 

"  I  found  General  Gates  traversing  the  apartment  under  the  influence 
of  high  excitement.  His  agitation  was  excessive — every  feature  of  his 
countenance,  every  gesture,  betrayed  it.  He  had  been  charged  with 
unskilful  management  at  the  battle  of  Camden,  and  he  had  just  received' 
official  despatches,  informing  him  that  the  command  was  transferred  to 
General  Greene.  His  countenance  betrayed  no  resentment,  however  ;  it 
was  sensibility  alone  that  caused  his  emotion.  He  held  an  open  letter  in 
his  hand,  which  he  often  raised  to  his  lips,  and  kissed  with  devotion, 
while  he  repeatedly  exclaimed — '  Great  man !  Noble,  generous  proce- 
dure!' When  the  tumult  of  his  mind  had  a  little  subside  \  with  strong 
expressions  of  feeling,  he  said,  '  I  have  this  day  received  a  communica- 
tion from  the  commander-in-chief,  which  has  conveyed  mere  consolation 
to  my  bosom,  more  ineffable  delight  to  my  heart,  than  I  believed  it 
possible  for  it  ever  to  have  felt  again.  With  affectionate  tenderness,  he 
sympathizes  with  me  in  my  domestic  misfortunes,  and  condoles  with  me 
on  the  loss  I  have  sustained  in  the  recent  death  of  my  only  son ;  and 
then,  with  peculiar  delicacy,  lamenting  my  misfortune  in  battle,  assures 
me  that  his  confidence  in  my  zeal  and  capacity  is  so  little  impaired,  that 
the  command  of  the  right  wing  of  the  army  will  be  bestowed  on  me,  as 
soon  as  I  can  make  it  convenient  to  join  him.'  " 

Washington  entertained  a  very  deep  respect  and  friendship  for 
General  Knox,  and  always  kept  him  near  his  own  person.  After  the 
defeat  of  Gates'  army,  at  Camden,  General  Greene  was  offered  the  arduous 


68  WASHINGTON. 

command  of  the  southern  department.  The  quaker  General,  with  his 
usual  modesty,  replied,  "  Knox  is  the  man  for  that  difficult  und«rtaking ; 
all  obstacles  vanish  before  him ;  his  resources  are  infinite."  "  True," 
answered  Washington,  "  and  therefore  I  cannot  part  with  him." 

While  the  American  army,  under  the  command  of  Washington,  lay 
encamped  in  the  environs  of  Morristown,  New-Jersey,  it  occurred  that 
the  service  of  the  communion  (there  observed  semi-annually  only,)  was 
to  be  administered  in  the  Presbyterian  Church  of  the  village.  In  a 
morning  of  the  previous  week,  the  General,  after  his  accustomed  inspec- 
tion of  the  camp,  visited  the  house  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Jones,  then  pastor 
of  that  church,  and  after  the  usual  preliminaries,  thus  accosted  him. 
"  Doctor,  I  understand  that  the  Lord's  supper  is  to  be  celebrated  with  you 
next  Sunday ;  I  would  learn  if  it  accords  with  the  canons  of  your  church 
to  admit  communicants  of  another  denomination  ?"  The  Doctor  rejoined 
— "  Most  certainly  :  ours  is  not  the  Presbyterian  table,  General,  but  the 
Lord's  table ;  and  we  hence  give  the  Lord's  invitation  to  all  his  followers, 
of  whatever  name."  The  General  replied,  "  I  am  glad  of  it :  that  is  as  it 
ought  to  be ;  but  as  I  was  not  quite  sure  of  the  fact,  I  thought  I  would 
ascertain  it  from  yourself,  as  I  propose  to  join  with  you  on  that  occasion. 
Though  a  member  of  the  Church  of  England,  I  have  no  exclusive 
partialities."  The  Doctor  reassured  him  of  a  cordial  welcome,  and  the 
General  was  found  seated  with  the  communicants  the  next  Sabbath. 

Shortly  after  his  election  to  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States, 
General  Washington,  his  lady,  and  secretary,  Major  Jackson,  on  their 
way  from  the  seat  of  government  to  Mount  Vernon,  stopped  for  the  night 
at  Chester.  The  President  had  scarcely  arrived,  and  expressed  a  wish 
not  to  be  disturbed,  when  a  message  was  brought  that  an  old  gentleman, 
once  honored  with  his  favor  and  protection,  requested  permission  to  pay 
his  respects,  adding,  that  his  name  was  Lydick.  "  Let  him  enter,  by  all 
means,"  said  the  President ;  "  he  is  the  man,  Major  Jackson,  who,  at  the 
hazard  of  his  life,  entered  New- York,  while  in  possession  of  tlje  enemy, 
for  the  purpose  of  distributing  among  the  German  troops,  proclamations, 
inviting  them  to  our  standard  ;  and  who,  afterwards,  superintended,  for 
many  years,  our  baking  establishment  with  zeal  and  diligence."  As  the 
old  man  entered,  the  General,  taking  him  kindly  by  the  hand,  said — "  My 
worthy  friend,  I  am  rejoiced  to  see  you,  and  truly  happy  to  express  my 
thanks  to  a  man  to  whom  I  feel  myself  under  great  obligation.  You  ever 
served  your  country  with  exemplary  fidelity,  and  her  warmest  gratitude 
is  richly  your  due."  "  Such  praise  from  my  beloved  commander," 
replied  Lydick,  "  is  high  reward.  I  shall  now  go  to  my  grave  in  peace, 
since  it  has  been  my  happiness  once  again  to  meet  and  pay  my  duty  to 
your  Excellency." 

The  person  of  Washington  was  unusually  tall,  erect,  and  well  propor- 
tioned. His  muscular  strength  was  very  great.  His  features  were  of  a 
beautiful  symmetry.  He  commanded  respect  without  any  appearance 
of  haughtiness,  and  was  ever  serious  without  being'sullen  or  dull.  "  It  is 
natural,"  says  Dr.  Thacher,  "  to  view  with  keen  attention  the  countenance 
of  an  illustrious  man,  with  a  secret  hope  of  discovering  in  his  features 
some  peculiar  traces  of  the  excellence  which  distinguishes  him  from  and 


WASHINGTON. 


69 


olevates  him  above  his  fellow  mortals.     These  expectations  are  realized, 
.n  a  peculiar  manner,  in  viewing  the  person  of  General  Washington.    His 


tall  and  noble  stature  and  just  proportions,  his  fine,  cheerful,  open  coun- 
tenance, simple  and  modest  deportment,  are  all  calculated  to  interest 
every  beholder  in  his  favor,  and  to  command  veneration  and  respect.  He 
is  feared  even  when  silent,  and  beloved  even  while  we  are  unconscious 
of  the  motive." 

Of  the  character  of  Washington  it  is  impossible  to  speak  but  in  terms 
of  the  highest  respect  and  admiration.  The  more  that  we  see  of 
the  operations  of  our  government,  and  the  more  deeply  we  feel  the 
difficulty  of  uniting  all  opinions  in  a  common  interest,  the  more  highly 
we  must  estimate  the  force  of  the  talent  and  character  which  have  been 
able  to  challenge  the  reverence  of  all  parties,  and  principles,  and  nations, 
and  to  win  a  fame  as  extended  as  the  limit  of  the  globe,  and  which  we 
cannot  but  believe  will  be  as  lasting  as  the  existence  of  man. 


* 


JOHN    ADAMS. 


JOHN  ADAMS  was  born  at  Quincy,  in  Massachusetts,  on  the  nineteenth 
day  of  October,  (Old  Style,)  1735,  of  John  and  Susannah  Boylston  Adams. 
He  was  the  fourth  in  descent  from  Henry  Adams,  who,  to  quote  the 
inscription  upon  his  tombstone,  "  took  his  flight  from  the  dragon  perse- 
cution, in  Devonshire,  England,  and  alighted  with  eight  sons  near  Mount 
Wollaston."  He  early  gave  proof  of  superior  abilities,  and  he  enjoyed 
the  best  advantages  for  their  cultivation,  which  the  country  afforded.  He 
entered  Harvard  College  in  1751,  and  was  graduated  in  four  years  after- 
wards. His  course  in  the  University  was  creditable  to  his  character  and 
talents,  and  after  completing  it,  he,  like  most  of  the  distinguished  men  in 
New-England,  from  the  earliest  times  to  the  present  day,  engaged  for  a 
time  in  the  employment  of  teaching.  He  instructed  in  the  grammar 
school  in  Worcester,  and  at  the  same  time  studied  law  with  Mr.  Putnam, 
a  lawyer  of  considerable  eminence  in  that  town.  In  1758,  he  was  ad- 
mitted to  the  bar,  and  commenced  the  practice  of  his  profession  in  Brain- 
tree,  his  native  town,  and  his  success  was  soon  made  certain  by  the 
ability  with  which  he  argued  a  criminal  cause  before  a  jury  in  Plymouth. 
In  1759,  he  was  admitted  into  the  bar  of  Suffolk,  at  the  request  of  Jeremy 
Gridley,  the  Attorney  General  of  the  province,  and  of  the  highest  emi- 
nence in  his  profession.  Mr.  Gridley  was  the  active  friend  and  patron 
of  Adams,  and  had  also  been  the  instructer  in  law  of  the  celebrated 
James  Otis ;  and,  proud  of  these  highly  promising  young  men,  he  was 
wont  to  say,  "that  he  had  raised  two  young  eagles,  who  were,  one  day  or 
other,  to  peck  out  his  eyes."  In  compliance  with  his  advice,  Mr.  Adams 
applied  himself  diligently  to  the  study  of  the  civil  law,  which  was  not  much 
known  to  the  lawyers  at  that  time.  In  1761,  he  was  admitted  to  the  de- 
gree of  barrister  of  law,  and  succeeded,  by  the  death  of  his  father,  to  a  small 
landed  estate.  The  same  year  was  made  memorable  by  an  event,  preg- 
nant with  the  most  important  results  to  the  country,  and  which  awakened 
the  most  enthusiastic  flame  of  patriotism  in  the  breast  of  Mr.  Adams. 

For  many  years  the  feelings  between  the  mother  country  and  the 
colonies,  particularly  that  of  Massachusetts,  had  been  any  other  than 
those  of  good-will  and  mutual  confidence.  The  Parliament  viewed  with 
a  jealous  eye  their  rapidly  increasing  wealth  and  population,  and  began 
to  interfere  with  their  external  and  internal  relations,  in  a  manner  that 
roused  the  old  puritan  spirit  of  resistance.  The  colonies  regarded  them- 
selves as  under  the  immediate  protection  and  patronage  of  the  King,  and 
denied  the  power  of  the  Parliament,  a  body  in  which  they  were  not  repre- 
sented, to  violate  their  charters,  or  to  impose  any  restraints  upon  the 
employment  of  their  industry  and  capital.  These  feelings  of  ill-will, 


72  ADAMS. 

though  apparent  to  all  sagacious  observers,  did  not  lead  to  any  overt  act 
of  resistance  till  1761. 

An  order  of  council  had  been  passed  in  Great  Britain,  ordering  the 
officers  of  the  customs  in  Massachusetts  Bay,  to  execute  the  acts  of 
trade.  The  custom-house  officers,  in  order  that  they  might  fully  perform 
this  duty,  petitioned  the  Supreme  Court,  to  grant  "  writs  of  assistance,' 
according  to  the  usage  of  the  Court  of  Exchequer  in  England,  which 
authorized  those  who  held  them  to  enter  houses,  &c.  in  search  of  goods 
liable  to  duty.  This  created  a  great  excitement,  and  the  right  to  grant 
them  was  strenuously  denied.  Its  legality  was  made  the  subject  of  a  trial. 
Mr.  Gridley,  the  King's  Attorney  General,  argued  in  support  of  the  power 
of  the  court,  and  he  was  opposed  by  the  celebrated  James  Otis,  a  man 
of  splendid  abilities  and  ardent  patriotism,  at  that  time,  in  the  prime 
of  life,  and  the  full  blaze  of  his  reputation.  His  speech  was  a  magni- 
ficent display  of  eloquence,  argument,  and  learning.  And  Mr.  Adams, 
who  heard  it,  has  recorded  his  impressions  of  it,  in  his  glowing  and 
peculiar  language.  "Otis,"  says  he,  "was  a  flame  of  fire!  With  a 
promptitude  of  classical  allusion,  a  depth  of  research,  a  rapid  summary 
of  historical  events  and  dates,  a  profusion  of  legal  authorities,  a  prophetic 
glance  of  his  eyes  into  futurity,  a  rapid  torrent  of  impetuous  eloquence, 
he  hurried  away  all  before  him.  American  Independence  was  then  and 
mere  born ;  every  man  of  an  immensely  crowded  audience,  appeared  to 
Lie  to  go  away  ready  to  take  up  arms  against  writs  of  assistance."  On 
another  occasion,  he  says  of  the  same  speech,  "  that  James  Otis,  then 
and  there,  breathed  into  this  nation  the  breath  of  life." 

The  court  decided  against  the  legality  of  the  writs,  but  it  is  generall' 
supposed  that  they  were  issued  clandestinely. 

In  1764,  Mr.  Adams  married  Abigail,  daughter  of  the  Rev.  Williar- 
Smith,  of  Weymouth,  and  few  men  have  been  so  fortunate  in  their 
choice,  or  so  happy  in  their  domestic  relations.  Mrs.  Adams  was  a 
woman  of  great  personal  beauty,  and  strength  of  character,  with  a  highly 
cultivated  mind,  and  the  most  feminine  sweetness  of  disposition.  She 
sympathized  with  her  husband,  in  his  patriotic  enthusiasm,  was  the  con- 
fidant of  all  his  plans  and  feelings ;  cheered  and  supported  him  in  his 
hours  of  trial,  and  submitted,  without  repining,  to  the  long  separations, 
which  his  dr.ty  to  the  public  rendered  necessary. 

In  1765,  the  British  ministry,  with  what  now  seems  a  providential 
infatuation,  passed  the  memorable  stamp  act,  by  which  stamped  paper 
was  required  to  be  used  in  all  legal  instruments,  and  imposing  a  tax  upon 
it,  by  whicn  a  large  amount  was  to  be  raised  in  the  colonies.  A  flame 
of  opposition  blazed  out  immediately  throughout  the  whole  country.  The 
right  of  Parliament  to  lay  the  tax  was  denied,  pamphlets  were  written 
against  it,  the  newspapers  contested  it,  town-meetings  were  held,  and  the 
most  spirited  resolutions  passed.  The  men  who  took  the  lead  in  the 
opposition,  were  Patrick  Henry,  of  Virginia,  and  James  Otis,  who  was 
powerfully  supported  by  Mr.  Adams.  These  two  last  gentlemen,  together 
with  Mr.  Gridley,  appeared  before  the  Governor  and  Council,  and  argued 
that  the  courts  should  administer  justice  without  stamped  paper. 

About  this  time  he  gave  to  the  world,  his  first  printed  performance, 


ADAMS,  73 

his  <f  Dissertation  on  the  Canon  and  Feudal  Law."  The  object  of  this 
work,  was  to  show  the  absurdity  and  tyranny  of  the  n:onarchical  and 
aristocratic  institutions  of  the  old  world,  and,  in  particular,  the  mischie- 
vous principles  of  the  canon  and  feudal  law.  He  contends  that  the 
New-England  settlers  had  been  induced  to  cross  the  ocean  to  escape  the 
tyranny  of  church  and  state,  and  that  they  had  laid  the  foundations 
of  their  government  in  reason,  justice,  and  a  respect  for  the  rights  of 
humanity.  It  exhorts  his  countrymen  not  to  fall  short  of  these  noble 
sentiments  of  their  fathers,  and  to  sacrifice  any  thing  rather  than  liberty 
and  honor.  "  The  whole  tone  of  the  essay  is  so  raised  and  bold,"  says 
Mr.  Wirt,  "  that  it  sounds  like  a  trumpet-call  to  arms."  It  was  much 
read  and  admired  in  America  and  Europe,  and  was  pronounced  by  Mr. 
Hollis,  of  London,  to  be  the  best  American  work  which  had  crossed  the 
Atlantic. 

In  1766,  he  removed  his  residence  to  Boston,  to  reap  the  more  abun- 
dant harvest  of  professional  honor  and  emolument  which  the  capital 
afforded,  but  still  continued  his  attendance  on  the  neighboring  circuits. 
The  stamp  act  was  opposed  throughout  the  colonies,  with  such  spirit  and 
unanimity,  that  on  the  tenth  of  March,  1766,  it  was  repealed  ;  but  still 
the  British  cabinet,  notwithstanding  the  eloquent  remonstrances  of  Burke 
and  Chatham,  would  not  give  up  the  kdea  of  raising  a  revenue  in  Ame- 
rica, and  the  repeal  act  was  accompanied  by  a  declaratory  act,  in  which 
it  was  asserted,  "that  the  Parliament  had,  and  of  right  ought  to  have, 
power  to  bind  the  colonies  in  all  cases  whatsoever."  In  the  next  year, 
a  law  \vas  passed,  laying  duties  in  the  British  colonies,  on  glass,  paper, 
painters'  colors,  and  tea.  These  proceedings,  coupled  with  the  declara- 
tion above-mentioned,  raised  a  new  storm  in  the  colonies,  who  were 
determined  to  resist  the  tax,  and  to  extort  from  the  British  ministry  the 
acknowledgment  that  they  had  no  right  to  tax  them.  The  town  of  Bos- 
ton had,  also,  its  peculiar  sources  of  irritation  and  dislike  to  the  mother 
country.  It  had  always  been  considered  as  taking  the  lead  in  the 
opposition,  and  in  order  to  overawe  the  inhabitants,  some  armed  vessels 
were  stationed  in  the  harbor,  and  two  regiments  of  foot  were  quartered 
in  the  town. 

During  these  troubled  times,  Mr.  Adams  was  zealous  and  unremitting 
in  asserting  the  rights  of  his  country.  The  value  and  importance  of  his 
services  in  behalf  of  liberty,  may  be  estimated  by  the  fact  that  the  crown 
officers  thought  him  worthy  of  being  purchased  by  a  high  price.  They 
offered  to  him  the  place  of  Advocate  General  in  the  Court  of  Admiralty,  a 
very  lucrative  office  at  that  time,  and  a  steppingstone  to  still  higher  ones 
But  as  he  could  not  accept  it,  without  abandoning  his  friends  and  princi- 
ples, he  declined  it,  as  he  himself  says,  "  decidedly  and  peremptorily, 
though  respectfully." 

In  1769,  he  was  the  chairman  of  a  committee,  consisting  of  himself, 
Richard  Dana  and  Joseph  Warren,  chosen  by  the  citizens  of  Boston,  to 
prepare  instructions  to  their  representatives  to  resist  the  encroachments 
of  the  British  government.  These  were  conceived  in  a  bold  tone  of 
spirited  remonstrance,  and  particularly  urged  the  removal  of  the  troop? 
from  Boston. 

10 


74  ADAMS. 

But  the  soldiers  still  continued  in  town,  and  this  gave  rise  to  an  inci- 
dent, which  was  highly  honorable  to  the  professional  firmness  and  moral 
courage  of  Mr.  Adams.  The  inhabitants  looked  with  an  evil  eye  upon 
the  soldiers.  Squabbles  were  perpetually  taking  place  between  them, 
and  on  the  fifth  of  March,  1770,  a  bloody  affray  occurred  in  State-street, 
in  which  five  citizens  were  killed  and  many  others  wounded.  This  is 
commonly  called  the  Boston  massacre,  about  which  it  is  almost  impossible 
to  learn  the  exact  truth,  even  at  this  day,  or  to  settle  the  amount  of  blame 
which  ought  to  be  attached  to  both  parties.  The  town  was  thrown  into 
a  most  violent  ferment,  as  may  well  be  supposed,  and  nothing  but  the 
most  active  exertions  of  the  leading  men  prevented  the  populace  from 
rising  en  masse,  and  putting  to  death  every  man  who  wore  a  red  coat. 
The  inhabitants  assembled  in  town-meeting  and  chose  a  committee,  of 
which  Samuel  Adams  was  the  chairman,  to  present  a  remonstrance  to 
the  Governor,  with  a  demand  that  the  regular  troops  should  be  removed 
from  the  town.  The  state  of  popular  feeling  is  well  described  in  the 
words  of  John  Adams  himself.  "  Not  only  the  immense  assemblies  of 
the  people  from  day  to  day,  but  military  arrangements  from  night  to  night, 
were  necessary  to  keep  the  people  and  the  soldiers  from  getting  together 
by  the  ears.  The  life  of  a  red  coat  would  not  have  been  safe  in  any  street 
or  corner  of  the  town.  Nor  would  the  lives  of  the  inhabitants  been  much 
more  secure.  The  whole  militia  of  the  city  was  in  requisition,  and  mili- 
tary watches  and  guards  were  every  where  placed.  We  were  all  upon  a 
level,  no  man  was  exempted ;  our  military  officers  were  our  only  supe- 
riors. I  had  the  honor  to  be  summoned  -in  my  turn,  and  attended  at  the 
state-house  with  my  musket  and  bayonet,  my  broadsword  and  cartridge- 
box,  under  the  command  of  the  famous  Paddock.  I  know  you  will  laugh 
at  my  military  figure,  but  I  believe  there  was  not  a  more  obedient  soldier 
in  the  regiment,  nor  one  more  impartial  between  the  people  and  the 
regulars.  In  this  character,  I  was  upon  duty  all  night  upon  my  turn." 

The  Governor  did  not  attempt  to  stem  the  current  of  popular  feeling, 
but  the  soldiers  were  sent  to  the  castle,  and  Captain  Preston,  the  com- 
manding officer,  and  some  of  the  privates,  were  arrested  and  held  for 
trial.  Mr.  Adams  was  applied  to,  to  be  their  counsel.  This  request 
placed  him  in  an  embarrassing  situation.  The  people  were  clamorous 
against  the  criminals,  and  demanded  their  blood  with  one  voice ;  and  any 
man  who  appeared  in  their  defence,  was  in  danger  of  losing  his  popularity 
and  influence  with  them ;  and  Mr.  Adams,  who  had  been  so  zealous  a 
champion  in  the  popular  cause,  ran  the  risk  of  being  accused  of  deserting 
his  former  principles,  and  becoming  the  advocate  of  tyranny.  But  these 
considerations  had  no  weight  with  him.  His  life  was  ordered  in  obedi- 
ence to  duty,  and  his  conduct  was  never  influenced  by  the  hope  of 
gaining,  or  the  fear  of  losing,  the  favor  of  the  people.  He  undertook  the 
defence  without  any  hesitation,  and  Josiah  Quincy,  Jr.,  another  eminent 
patriot,  was  associated  with  him.  The  result  of  the  trial  was,  in  the 
highest  degree,  honorable  to  the  community.  Captain  Preston  was  ac- 
quitted by  a  jury,  chosen  from  the  exasperated  inhabitants  of  the  town, 
and  his  counsel,  who  defended  him  with  great  ability  and  eloquence,  lost 
nothing  in  their  good  opinion  by  their  resolute  performance  of  their 


ADAMS.  75 

defence  without  any  hesitation,  and  Josiah  Quincy,  Jr.,  another  eminent 
patriot,  was  associated  with  him.  The  result  of  the  trial  was,  in  the 
highest  degree,  honorable  to  the  community.  Captain  Preston  was  ac- 
quitted by  a  jury,  chosen  from  the  exasperated  inhabitants  of  the  town, 
and  his  counsel,  who  defended  him  with  great  ability  and  eloquence,  lost 
nothing  in  their  good  opinion  by  their  resolute  performance  of  their  pro- 
fessional duty.  Such  incidents  as  these  show  us  the  exalted  motives,  and 
the  sublime  sense  of  right  and  justice,  which  influenced  the  men  of  the 
revolution,  and  of  the  dark  days  that  preceded  it. 

Mr.  Adams  was  chosen,  in  the  same  year,  one  of  the  representatives  in 
the  General  Assembly.  The  session  which  ensued  was  signalized  by  an 
obstinate  contest  with  Lieutenant  Governor  Hutchinson,  as  to  whether 
the  General  Court  should  be  held  in  Cambridge,  where  Governor  Bar- 
nard had  removed  it,  or  in  Boston,  the  usual  place.  Mr.  Adams  was  one 
of  a  committee  chosen  to  remonstrate  with  the  acting  Governor  on  his 
changing  the  place  of  assembly,  to  gratify  the  wishes  of  his  Majesty's 
ministers ;  and  their  eloquent  appeal  to  him,  probably  proceeded  from  his 
pen.  But  the  Lieutenant  (and  acting)  Governor  was  determined  not  to 
go  to  Boston,  of  whose  bold  and  spirited  population,  he  stood  in  no  little 
awe.  Urged  by  the  necessity  of  the  times,  the  members  proceeded  to 
transact  business  at  Cambridge,  protesting,  however,  against  the  restraint 
they  were  under. 

In  1772,  the  ministers  introduced  a  regulation,  by  which  the  salaries 
of  the  judges  were  paid  in  such  a  manner,  as  rendered  them  wholly  de- 
pendent upon,  and  subservient  to,  the  crown.  This  excited  great  offence, 
and  gave  rise  to  a  controversy  in  the  public  papers,  between  William 
Brattle,  the  senior  member  of  the  council,  on  one  side,  and  Mr.  Adams, 
on  the  other.  Mr.  Adams'  numbers  were  learned  and  able,  and  com- 
municated much  useful  information  to  the  people.  These  essays  were 
published  in  the  Boston  Gazette,  of  February,  1773,  under  his  proper 
signature. 

When  the  General  Court  met  in  January,  1773,  Hutchinson,  who  had 
been  appointed  Governor,  made  a  very  injudicious  and  violent  speech  to 
the  two  houses,  on  the  supremacy  of  Parliament,  and  the  impolicy  of 
resisting  it.  To  their  reply,  he  made  an  elaborate  rejoinder,  and  the 
sense  in  which  Mr.  Adams  was  held,  may  be  learned  from  the  fact,  that, 
though  not  a  member,  he  was  called  upon  to  furnish  a  reply.  He  pro- 
duced an  eloquent  and  argumentative  dissertation,  remarkable  both  for 
the  beauty  of  its  style  and  the  cogency  of  its  reasoning.  It  was  repub- 
lished  by  Dr.  Franklin,  in  England,  as  the  ablest  exposition  of  colonial 
affairs  that  had  appeared. 

Soon  after  this,  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  Assembly,  and  nomi- 
nated by  them  on  their  list  of  Councillors,  but  his  name  was  erased  by 
Governor  Hutchinson,  and  the  same  compliment  was  paid  him  the  next 
year  by  Governor  Gage. 

The  act  of  1767,  which  granted  duties  in  the  British  colonies  on  glass, 
paper,  painters'  colors,  and  tea,  had  been  repealed  as  to  all  the  articles 
except  tea,  and,  in  consequence,  associations  were  formed  in  all  the 
colonies,  to  discourage  the  use  of  it.  Large  shipments  of  it  were  made  to 


76  ADAMS. 

The  consignees  were  prevailed  upon  to  send  it  back  to  England,  but  the 
custom-house  officers  refused  a  clearance. 

The  patience  of  the  inhabitants  became  quite  exhausted,  and  on  the 
evening  of  the  fifteenth  of  December,  a  band  of  them,  amounting  to 
between  seventy  and  eighty  in  number,  went  quietly  down  to  the  wharf, 
boarded  the  vessels,  hoisted  the  chests  upon  deck,  and  emptied  their 
contents  into  the  sea.  A  consideration  of  the  circumstances  of  the  times 
exalts  this  seeming  frolic  into  an  act  of  the  most  sublime  daring.  It 
was  the  first  open  act  of  rebellion.  It  was  the  throwing  the  gauntlet 
of  defiance  to  the  mother  country.  It  removed  all  chances  of  recon- 
ciliation, and  rendered  an  appeal  to  arms  inevitable.* 

The  British  ministry  were  highly  incensed  _at  this  outrage,  and  deter- 
mined to  visit  it  with  signal  punishment.  An  act  was  passed  for  closing 
the  port  of  Boston,  which  is  commonly  called  the  Boston  Port  Bill.  This 
was  a  deadly  blow  to  the  prosperity  of  the  place,  and  the  inhabitants 
looked  anxiously  to  the  sister  colonies  for  aid  in  carrying  on  the  contest. 
They  resolved  to  make  application  to  them  to  refuse  all  importations  from 
Great  Britain ;  they  sent  agents  among  them  to  ascertain  their  viewe, 
and  to  persuade  them  to  the  adoption  of  their  own  sentiments.  Among 
these  was  a  plan  for  a  general  Congress,  deeming  that  the  condition  of 
the  colonies  was  such  as  to  require  the  most  vigorous  and  united  mea- 
sures. To  this  Congress  they  chose  five  delegates,  James  Bowdoin, 
Thomas  Gushing,  Samuel  Adams,  John  Adams,  and  Robert  Treat  Paine. 
While  the  General  Court  were  engaged  in  the  discussion  of  these  impor- 
tant measures,  and  electing  the  delegates,  Governor  Gage,  having  been 
informed  of  what  was  passing,  sent  his  secretary  with  n  mrppage  dis- 
solving them.  But  he  found  the  doors  locked,  and  was  resolutely  refused 
admission.  The  secretary,  by  the  Governor's  orders,  came  to  the  door 
of  the  room,  and  read  a  proclamation  for  dissolving  the  assembly.  This 
was  the  close  of  the  power  of  England  in  and  over  Massachusetts.  From 
that  moment  she  was,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  an  independent  state. 

An  interesting  incident  is  related,  as  having  happened  to  Mr.  Adams 
at  this  time,  and  which  is  valuable,  as  illustrating  the  state  of  his  feelings. 
Soon  after  he  was  elected  a  delegate,  his  friend,  Mr.  Sewall,  the  King's 
Attorney  General,  labored  earnestly  to  dissuade  him  from  accepting  the 
appointment.  He  told  him  "  that  Great  Britain  was  determined  on  her 
system ;  her  power  was  irresistible,  and  would  be  destructive  to  him  and  all 
those  who  should  persevere  in  opposition  to  her  designs."  Mr.  Adams  re- 
plied to  him,  "  I  know  Great  Britain  has  determined  on  her  system,  and 
that  very  determination  determines  me  on  mine ;  you  know  I  have  been 
constant  and  uniform  in  opposition  to  her  measures.  The  die  is  now 
cast.  I  have  passed  the  Rubicon.  Sink  or  swim,  live  or  die,  survive  or 
perish  with  my  country,  is  my  unalterable  determination." 

The  delegates  from  Massachusetts,  with  the  exception  of  Mr.  Bowdoin, 
took  their  seats  in  Congress,  the  first  day  of  its  meeting,  September  fifth, 


*  For  a  minute  and  interesting  account  of  this  transaction,  see  Tudor's  Life  of  James 
Otis,  chap.  xxv. 


ADAMS.  77 

1774,  in  Philadelphia.  The  proceedings  of  the  first  Congress  are  too 
well  known  to  be  minutely  detailed.  They  form  one  of  the  noblest 
chapters  in  the  history,  not  only  of  our  country,  but  of  the  world ;  and 
they  have  left  to  every  American  citizen  a  heritage  of  glory,  before  which 
all  the  fabled  splendor  which  tradition  has  thrown  around  the  origin  of 
older  nations,  fades  into  insignificance.  The  public  papers  issued  by 
them  drew  from  Lord  Chatham  the  compliment  "  that  he  had  studied 
and  admired  the  free  states  of  antiquity,  the  master-spirits  of  the  world  ; 
but  that,  for  solidity  of  reasoning,  force  of  sagacity,  and  wisdom  of  con- 
clusion, no  body  of  men  could  stand  in  preference  to  this  Congress." 
The  first  session  continued  eight  weeks,  during  which  Mr.  Adams  was 
in  active  and  constant  attendance.  He  was  a  member  of  some  of  the 
most  important  committees,  such  as  that  which  drew  up  a  statement  of 
the  rights  of  the  colonies,  and  that  which  prepared  the  address  to  the 
King. 

Mr.  Adams  and  his  colleagues,  being  inhabitants  of  the  colony  which 
had  been  the  most  oppressed  and  insulted,  and  in  which  the  most  deter- 
mined spirit  of  opposition  had  been  roused,  were  convinced  of  the  entire 
impracticability  of  any  reconciliation,  and  that  it  would  be  necessary  to 
throw  off  the  allegiance  of  the  mother  country,  and  to  act  as  an  indepen- 
dent nation.  But  these  were  by  no  means  the  sentiments  and  feelings  of 
the  inhabitants  generally,  and  they  were  highly  unpopular  among  them. 
Mr.  Adams,  in  particular,  from  his  ardent  temperament  and  enthusiastic 
character,  was  an  object  of  particular  suspicion  and  dislike.  He  was 
charged  not  to  make  public  the  idea  of  a  dissolution  of  the  connexion,  as 
it  was  as  unpopular  as  the  stamp  act  itself.  He  was  even  pointed  at  in 
the  streets  as  the  visionary  advocate  of  the  most  desperate  measures.  His 
own  views,  and  those  of  some  of  his  most  distinguished  colleagues,  may 
be  learned  from  an  extract  from  one  of  his  own  letters.  "  When  Congress 
had  finished  their  business,  as  they  thought,  in  the  autumn  of  1774,  I 
had  with  Mr.  Henry,  before  we  took  leave  of  each  other,  some  familiar 
conversation,  in  which  I  expressed  a  full  conviction  that  our  resolves, 
declarations  of  rights,  enumeration  of  wrongs,  petitions,  remonstrances, 
and  addresses,  associations,  and  nonimportation  agreements,  however 
they  might  be  expected  in  America,  and  however  necessary  to  cement 
the  union  of  the  colonies,  would  be  but  waste  water  in  England.  Mr. 
Henry  said  they  might  make  some  impression  among  the  people  of 
England,  but  agreed  with  me  that  they  would  be  totally  lost  upon  the 
government.  I  had  but  just  received  a  short  and  hasty  letter,  written  to 
me  by  Major  Joseph  Hawley,  of  Northampton,  containing  a  '  few  broken 
hints,'  as  he  called  them,  of  what  he  thought  was  proper  to  be  done,  and 
concluding  with  these  words,  '  After  all,  we  must  fight.'  This  letter 
I  read  to  Mr.  Henry,  who  listened  with  great  attention ;  and  as  soon  as  I 
had  pronounced  the  words,  '  After  all,  we  must  fight,'  he  raised  his  head, 
and,  with'  an  energy  and  vehemence  that  I  can  never  forget,  broke  out 
with  '  By  God,  I  am  of  that  man's  mind.'  I  put  the  letter  into  his  hand, 
and  when  he  had  read  it  he  returned  it  to  me,  with  an  equally  solemn 
asseveration,  that  he  agreed  entirely  in  opinion  with  the  writer. 

"  The  other  delegates   from  Virginia  returned  to  their  state  in  full 


78  ADAMS. 

confidence  that  all  our  grievances  would  be  redressed.  The  last  words 
that  Mr.  Richard  Henry  Lee  said  to  me,  when  we  parted,  were,  '  We 
shall  infallibly  carry  all  our  points ;  you  will  be  completely  relieved  ;  all 
the  offensive  acts  will  be  repealed ;  the  army  and  fleet  will  be  recalled  ; 
and  Britain  will  give  up  her  foolish  project.'  Washington  only  was  in 
doubt.  He  never  spoke  in  public.  In  private  he  joined  with  those  who 
advocated  a  nonexportation,  as  well  as  a  nonimportation  agreement. 
With  both  he  thought  we  should  prevail ;  without  either  he  thought  it 
doubtful.  Henry  was  clear  in  one  opinion,  Richard  Henry  Lee  in  an 
opposite  opinion,  and  Washington  doubted  between  the  two." 

The  sentiments  of  Mr.  Lee,  were  those  of  the  great  majority  of  the 
nation.  They  were  strongly  attached  to  the  mother  country,  and  believed 
that  the  feeling  was  mutual.  They  felt  confident  both  of  her  justice  and 
generosity.  But  these  fond  anticipations  were  destined  not  to  be  realized. 
The  ministers  of  England,  at  that  time,  were  deficient  in  high,  magnani- 
mous, and  statesman-like  views,  and  were  resolved  to  use  no  arguments 
but  those  of  force.  They,  as  well  as  the  whole  people,  were  ignorant,  to  a 
ludicrous  degree,  of  the  condition,  extent,  population,  geography,  and 
resources  of  the  colonies.  Even  the  Prime  Minister  talks  of  the  "  island" 
of  Virginia. 

The  Congress  adjourned  in  November,  and  Mr.  Adams  returned  to  his 
family.  At  this  time,  his  literary  talents  were  again  called  into  exertion 
for  the  service  of  his  country.  His  friend,  Mr.  Sewall,  the  Attorney 
General,  had  been  publishing  a  series  of  able  essays,  under  the  name  of 
Massachusettensis,  contending  for  the  supreme  authority  of  the  Parliament 
and  against  the  revolutionary  spirit  of  the  country.  Mr.  Adams  wrote  a 
series  of  papers,  under  the  name  of  Novanglus,  in  defence  of  the  doctrines 
and  conduct  of  the  whigs.  These  are  written  with  strength  and  ability, 
and  are  remarkable,  as  showing  the  extent  of  the  author's  general  read- 
ing, and,  in  particular,  his  acquaintance  with  colonial  history.  This  last 
merit,  even  his  adversary  was  compelled  to  acknowledge.  "  Novanglus," 
he  says,  "  strives  to  hide  the  inconsistencies  of  his  hypothesis  under  a 
huge  pile  of  learning."  In  writing  these  papers,  Mr.  Adams  was  em- 
barrassed with  peculiar  difficulties.  He  was  obliged  to  defend  the 
principles  of  natural  liberty  and  equality,  to  deny  the  authority  of  Parlia- 
ment, but,  at  the  same  time,  to  acknowledge  the  rightful  power  of  the 
King.  To  the  monarch  himself  the  people  were  so  much  attached,  that 
even  after  the  battle  of  Lexington,  which,  one  would  think,  would  have 
severed  every  tie  which  bound  them  to  Great  Britain,  the  militia  that  had 
been  engaged  in  actual  battle  with  the  royal  forces,  were  called  the 
"  King's  troops,"  and  the  regular  soldiers  were  termed  "  Bute's  men,"  in 
allusion  to  Lord  Bute,  who  was  highly  unpopular,  and  was  supposed  to 
exercise  a  pernicious  influence  over  the  young  King's  mind. 

Mr.  Adams  and  his  colleagues  were  reelected  members  of  the  Conti- 
nental Congress,  John  Hancock  being  chosen  in  the  place  of  Mr. 
Bowdoin.  It  assembled  in  Philadelphia,  on  the  tenth  of  May,  1775.  In 
the  month  of  April  of  that  year,  the  first  blood  of  the  revolution  had  been 
shed  at  Lexington  aid  Concord,  and  Congress  were  obliged  to  take 
measures  for  active  res  -tance.  Still,  the  minds  of  men  were  not  ripe  for 


ADAMS.  79 

independence,  arid  they  clung  to  the  hope  that  their  grievances  would  be 
redressed.  They  took  up  arms  in  self-defence  merely.  It  was  necessary 
to  select  some  one  for  the  post  of  commander-in-chief  of  the  forces  raised, 
and  to  be  raised.  A  short  history  of  this  transaction  will  afford  proof  of 
Mr.  Adams'  disinterested  patriotism,  and  sacrifice  of  sectional  prejudice 
to  the  common  good. 

The  only  thing  like  an  army  at  that  time  in  the  country,  was  a  hand- 
ful of  New-England  militia,  hastily  assembled  at  Boston,  in  consequence 
of  the  skirmishes  at  Lexington  and  Concord.  These  were  under  the 
command  of  General  Artemas  Ward,  whom  the  New-England  delegation 
were  desirous  of  having  made  commander-in-chief;  but  Mr.  Adams 
urged  them  to  lay  aside  all  local  partialities,  and  appoint  Colonel  George 
Washington,  of  Virginia,  who  had  given  proof  of  uncommon  military 
talents  in  the  French  war.  His  colleagues  were  extremely  averse  to  this 
plan.  They  thought  it  disrespectful  to  their  own  friends,  to  appoint  a 
stranger,  who  had  no  higher  rank  than  that  of  colonel,  over  the  heads  of 
generals,  at  the  head  of  brigades  and  divisions.  Mr.  Adams  persisted  in 
his  own  views,  and  in  the  determination  that  Washington  should  be  ap- 
pointed. He  was  accordingly  nominated  the  next  day,  by  Governor 
Johnson,  of  Maryland,  at  the  instigation  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  seconded  by 
him,  to  the  great  surprise  of  many  of  the  members,  and  none  more  so, 
than  of  Washington  himself,  who  was  present  as  a  member,  and  who, 
with  characteristic  modesty,  immediately  rose  and  left  the  house.  It  is 
needless  to  remark  how  honorable  this  selection  was,  not  only  to  Mr. 
Adams'  patriotism,  but  to  his  sagacity.  It  is  impossible  to  say  how  large 
a  part  of  the  success  of  any  undertaking  is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  agency 
of  any  one  individual,  but  it  seems  to  us,  that  our  revolutionary  struggle, 
if  it  had  been  successful  at  all,  must  have  been  protracted  many  years 
longer,  and  have  cost  much  more  blood  and  treasure,  if  any  other  man 
than  Washington  had  been  at  the  head  of  our  armies.  Soon  after  the 
appointment  of  General  Washington,  Mr.  Jefferson  took  his  seat  in 
Congress  from  Virginia,  having  been  chosen  in  the  place  of  Mr.  Peyton 
Randolph,  who  had  retired  on  account  of  ill  health.  Between  him  and 
Mr.  Adams,  a  warm  intimacy,  arising  from  congeniality  of  feeling  and 
agreement  on  the  great  points  which  agitated  the  minds  of  men,  com- 
menced, which  continued,  with  some  unfortunate  interruptions,  as  long  as 
they  lived. 

The  Congress  assembled  agair*  in  the  spring  of  1776.  At  this  time  the 
feelings  of  the  people  had  undergone  a  material  change.  The  battle  of 
Bunker  Hill  had  been  fought,  and  the  British  army  had  evacuated  Boston. 
The  Parliament  had  declared  the  provinces  in  a  state  of  rebellion,  and  it 
was  voted  to  raise  and  equip  a  force  of  twenty-eight  thousand  seamen  and 
fifty-five  thousand  land  troops.  The  indignation  of  the  people  was  raised 
to  the  highest  pitch,  by  learning  that  Lord  North  had  engaged  sixteen 
thousand  German  mercenaries,  to  assist  in  subduing  them.  To  cherish 
the  hope  of  an  amicable  adjustment  of  their  differences,  was  little  short 
of  madness.  The  time  had  come  for  them  to  draw  the  sword  and  throw 
away  the  scabbard ;  to  assume  the  erect  attitude  and  bold  tone  of  inde- 
pendence. Such  had  been  Mr.  Adams'  opinions  from  the  first  com- 


80  ADAMS. 

mencement  of  the  difficulties ;  and  the  time  had  now  come,  when  it  was 
no  longer  dangerous  or  inexpedient  to  express  them.  Accordingly,  on 
the  sixth  of  May,  1776,  he  moved  in  Congress  a  resolution,  which  was  in 
fact  a  declaration  of  independence,  recommending  to  the  colonies  "to 
adopt  such  a  government  as  would,  in  the  opinion  of  the  representatives 
of  the  people,  best  conduce  to  the  happiness  and  safety  of  their  constitu- 
ents and  of  America." 

This  proposition  was  adopted  on  the  tenth.  On  the  same  day,  the 
Massachusetts  House  of  Representatives  voted  a  resolution,  that  if  the 
Congress  should  think  proper  to  declare  independence,  they  were  ready 
to  support  it  with  their  lives  and  fortunes. 

Five  days  afterwards,  Mr.  Adams  reported  and  advocated  a  preamble 
to  the  resolutions  already  passed,  which,  after  reciting  the  insults  and 
aggressions  of  the  British  government,  and  that  they  had  called  in  the 
assistance  of  foreign  mercenaries,  proceeded  in  the  following  terms; 
"  Whereas  it  appears  absolutely  irreconcilable  to  reason  and  good  con- 
science, for  the  people  of  these  colonies  now  to  take  the  oaths  and 
affirmations  necessary  for  the  support  of  any  government  under  the  crown 
of  Great  Britain,  and  it  is  necessary  that  the  exercise  of  every  kind  of 
authority  under  the  said  crown  should  be  totally  suppressed,  and  all  the 
powers  of  government  exerted  under  the  authority  of  the  people  of  the 
colonies,  for  the  preservation  of  internal  peace,  virtue,  and  good  order,  as 
well  as  for  the  defence  of  their  lives,  liberties,  and  properties,  against  the 
hostile  invasions  and  cruel  depredations  of  their  enemies." 

This  preamble  was  adopted,  after  an  animated  discussion.  It  was 
published  for  the  consideration  of  the  colonies.  They  all  expressed  a 
wish  for  independence ;  North  Carolina  being  the  first,  and  Pennsylvania 
the  last,  to  make  it  publicly  known. 

It  now  remained  to  issue  a  formal  Declaration  of  Independence,  in  the 
name  of  the  United  Colonies.  Virginia  being  the  leading  state,  it  was 
thought  proper  that  the  motion  should  proceed  from  one  of  her  delegation. 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  being  chosen  by  his  colleagues,  offered,  on  the 
seventh  of  June,  the  glorious  and  immortal  resolution,  "  that  these  United 
Colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  states  ;  that 
they  are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  crown  ;  and  that  all 
political  connexion  between  them  and  the  state  of  Great  Britain  is,  and 
of  right  ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved."  This  motion  was  seconded  by 
Mr.  Adams,  and  was  debated  with  great  warmth  till  the  tenth,  when  the 
further  discussion  of  it  was  postponed  till  the  first  of  July.  At  the  same 
time,  it  was  voted,  that  a  committee  be  appointed  to  prepare  a  draft  of 
a  declaration,  to  be  submitted  to  Congress  for  its  consideration.  This 
committee  was  chosen  by  ballot,  and  consisted  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  John 
Adams,  Benjamin  Franklin,  Roger  Sherman,  and  Robert  R.  Livingston  ; 
being  arranged  in  order,  according  to  the  number  of  votes  which  each 
had  received.  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Adams,  being  at  the  head  of  the 
committee,  were  requested  by  the  other  members  to  act  as  a  subcom- 
mittee, to  prepare  the  draft  ;  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  at  Mr.  Adams'  earnest 
request,  drew  up  the  paper. 

The  declaration  was  reported  to  Congress  by  the  committee,  on  the 


ADAMS.  81 

first  day  of  July.  Mr.  Lee's  original  resolution  was  passed  on  the  second, 
and  on  the  fourth,  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  after  having  under- 
gone a  few  changes,  was  adopted  in  the  committee  of  the  whole.  It  was 
not  engrossed  and  signed,  however,  till  the  second  of  August.  We  omit 
to  make  any  remarks  on  the  Declaration  itself,  as  they  more  properly 
belong  to  the  life  of  Jefferson. 

During  all  the  discussions  that  preceded  this  important  measure,  and 
they  were  long  and  animated,  Mr.  Adams  took  the  lead.  Mr.  Jefferson 
has  said,  "  that  the  great  pillar  of  support  to  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence, and  its  ablest  advocate  and  champion  on  the  floor  of  the  house,  was 
John  Adams."  On  another  occasion,  he  said  of  him,  "  He  was  our 
Colossus  on  the  floor.  Not  graceful,  not  elegant,  not  always  fluent  in 
his  public  addresses,  he  yet  came  out  with  a  power,  both  of  thought  and 
expression,  which  moved  us  from  our  seats." 

The  Congress  of  the  Revolution  debated  with  closed  doors,  and  their 
discussions  are  preserved  only  by  memory  and  tradition.  The  late  Go- 
vernor M'Kean,  of  Pennsylvania,  said,  on  this  point,  "  I  do  not  recollect 
any  formal  speeches,  such  as  are  made  in  the  British  Parliament,  and  our 
late  Congress,  to  have  been  made  in  the  Revolutionary  Congress  ;  we  had 
no  time  to  hear  such  speeches,  little  for  deliberation  ;  action  was  the  order 
of  the  day." 

The  eloquence  of  Mr.  Adams  was  precisely  adapted  to  the  state  of  the 
times.  It  was  manly  and  energetic,  warmed  and  animated  by  his  ardent 
temperament,  and  bold,  independent  character.  He  has  indeed,  without 
being  consciou^of  it,  drawn  the  character  of  his  own  eloquence: 
"  Oratory,  as  vf  consists  in  expressions  of  the  countenance,  graces  of 
attitude  and  motion,  and  intonation  of  voice,  although  it  is  altogether 
superficial  and  ornamental,  will  always  command  admiration ;  yet  it 
deserves  little  veneration.  Flashes  of  wit,  coruscations  of  imagination, 
and  gay  pictures,  what  are  they  ?  Strict  truth,  rapid  reason,  and  pure 
integrity,  are  the  only  ingredients  in  sound  oratory.  I  flatter  myself  that 
Demosthenes,  by  his  '  action !  action !  action !'  meant  to  express  the 
same  opinion." 

On  the  day  after  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  passed,  while 
his  soul  was  yet  warm  with  the  glow  of  excited  feeling,  he  wrote  a  letter 
to  his  wife,  which,  as  we  read  it  now,  seems  to  have  been  dictated  by  the 
spirit  of  prophecy.  "  Yesterday,"  he  says,  "  the  greatest  question  was 
decided  that  ever  was  debated  in  America ;  and  greater,  perhaps,  never 
was  or  will  be  decided  among  men.  A  resolution  was  passed,  without 
one  dissenting  colony,  '  that  these  United  States  are,  and  of  right  ought 
to  be,  free  and  independent  states.'  The  day  is  passed.  The  fourth  of 
July,  1776,  will  be  a  memorable  epoch  in  the  history  of  America.  I  am 
apt  to  believe  it  will  be  celebrated,  by  succeeding  generations,  as  the 
great  anniversary  festival.  It  ought  to  be  commemorated  as  the  day  of 
deliverance,  by  solemn  acts  of  devotion  to  Almighty  God.  It  ought  to 
be  solemnized  with  pomps,  shows,  games,  sports,  guns,  bells,  bonfires, 
and  illuminations,  from  one  end  of  the  continent  to  the  other,  from  this 
time  forward  for  ever.  You  will  think  me  transported  with  enthusiasm, 
but  I  am  not.  I  am  well  aware  of  the  toil,  and  blood,  and  treasure,  that 
11 


82  ADAMS. 

it  will  cost  to  maintain  this  declaration,  and  support  and  defend  these 
states  ;  yet,  through  all  the  gloom,  I  can  see  the  rays  of  light  and  glory. 
I  can  see  that  the  end  is  worth  more  than  all  the  means  ;  and  that  poste- 
rity will  triumph,  although  you  and  I  may  rue,  which  I  hope  we  shall  not." 

On  his  return  to  Massachusetts,  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  Massachusetts,  which  occupied  the  place  formerly  held  by  the 
Governor's  Council.  He  accepted  the  appointment,  and  assisted  in  their 
deliberations,  but  declined  the  office  of  Chief  Justice,  which  they  urged 
upon  him,  since  it  would  interfere  with  his  duties  in  Congress. 

In  August,  1776,  the  American  army  on  Long  Island  were  attacked 
and  defeated  by  the  forces  under  Lord  Howe,  who,  supposing  this  a 
favorable  moment  for  negotiation,  requested  an  interview  with  some  of 
the  members  of  Congress.  Mr.  Adams  opposed  the  plan,  as  likely  to 
produce  no  favorable  result;  but  he  was  overruled,  and  a  committee 
appointed  to  treat  with  the  British  General,  consisting  of  himself,  Dr. 
Franklin,  and  Edward  Rutledge.  They  were  received  with  much  polite- 
ness by  General  Howe,  but  he  was  not  willing  to  treat  with  them  as  a 
committee  of  Congress,  and  they  were  not  willing  to  be  considered  in  any 
other  capacity.  "  You  may  view  me  in  any  light  you  please,"  said  Mr. 
Adams,  "  except  in  that  of  a  British  subject."  The  only  terms  on  which 
peace  was  offered,  were,  that  the  colonies  should  return  to  the  allegiance 
and  government  of  Great  Britain,  and  these,  the  commissioners  stated  to 
him,  were  entirely  out  of  the  question  ;  and  thus,  as  Mr.  Adams  had 
predicted,  the  negotiation  was  entirely  fruitless. 

During  the  remainder  of  the  year  1770,  and  throughout  1777,  Mr. 
Adams  was  assiduous  in  his  attendance  upon  Congress,  and  in  attention 
to  public  affairs.  He  was  a  member  of  ninety  committees,  a  greater 
number  than  any  other  member,  and  twice  as  many  as  any,  except  R.  H. 
Lee  and  Samuel  Adams.  Of  these  he  was  the  chairman  of  twenty-five, 
and  in  particular,  of  the  laborious  and  important  board  of  war.  From 
these  arduous  duties  he  was  relieved  by  being  appointed,  in  November, 
1777,  a  commissioner  to  France,  in  the  place  of  Silas  Deane,  who  was 
recalled.  The  other  members  were  Dr.  Franklin  and  Arthur  Lee.  The 
object  of  the  mission  was,  to  obtain  assistance,  in  arms  and  money,  from 
the  French  government. 

Mr.  Adams  accepted  the  appointment  without  hesitation,  though  it 
separated  him  from  his  family,  and  obliged  him  to  cross  the  ocean  in  the 
depth  of  winter,  and  when  it  was  swarming  with  ships  of  the  enemy,  and 
he  knew  that  he  should  be  treated  with  the  utmost  rigor  if  captured.  He 
embarked  on  board  the  frigate  Boston,  in  the  month  of  February,  1778, 
from  the  shores  of  his  native  town.  An  incident  occurred  on  the  voyage, 
which  proved  that  Mr.  Adams'  courage  was  not  exclusively  moral.  Captain 
Tucker,  the  commander  of  the  Boston,  saw  a  large  English  ship,  showing 
a  tier  of  guns,  and  asked  Mr.  Adams'  consent  to  engage  her.  This  was 
readily  granted.  Upon  hailing  her,  she  answered  by  a  broadside.  Mr. 
Adams  had  been  requested  to  retire  to  the  cockpit ;  but  Tucker,  looking 
forward,  observed  him  among  the  marines,  with  a  musket  in  his  hands, 
having  privately  applied  to  the  officer  of  the  marines  for  a  gun,  and  taken 
his  station  among  them.  At  this  sight  Captain  Tucker  became  alarmed ; 


ADAMS.  83 

and,  walking  up  to  the  ambassador,  desired  to  know  how  he  came  there  ? 
Upon  which  the  other  smiled,  gave  up  his  gun,  and  went  immediately 
below. 

The  treaty  of  alliance  and  commerce  with  France  had  been  signed, 
before  Mr.  Adams  arrived  in  Europe ;  and  on  the  appointment  of  Dr. 
Franklin  as  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  Mr.  Adams  asked  and  received 
permission  to  return  home,  which  he  accordingly  did,  in  the  summer  of 
1779. 

On  his  return  to  America,  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  Convention 
which  was  called  to  prepare  a  constitution  for  the  state  of  Massachusetts. 
He  was  placed  on  the  subcommittee  chosen  to  draft  the  plan  of  the 
constitution ;  and  much  of  its  character  and  spirit  is  due  to  his  exertions. 

Soon  after  this,  Congress  determined  to  send  a  Minister  Plenipotentiary 
to  negotiate  a  peace  with  Great  Britain.  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Jay,  at 
that  time  President  of  Congress,  were  put  in  nomination,  and  received  an 
equal  number  of  votes.  On  the  next  day,  it  being  proposed  to  send  a 
Minister  to  Spain,  Mr.  Jay  was  almost  unanimously  elected,  and  Mr. 
Adams  received  the  appointment  of  Minister  to  England.  He  received 
instructions,  by  which  he  was  to  be  guided  ;  among  which  were,  that  the 
United  States  should  be  treated  with  as  a  free  and  independent  state,  and 
that  the  right  to  the  fisheries  should  be  insisted  on.  His  salary  was  fixed 
at  twenty-five  hundred  pounds  sterling.  He  embarked  in  the  French 
frigate  La  Sensible',  November  17,  1779,  and  was  obliged  to  land  at 
Corunna,  in  Spain,  from  which  place  he  travelled  over  the  mountains  to 
Paris,  where  he  arrived  in  February,  1780.  He  communicated  the 
objects  of  his  mission  immediately,  to  Dr.  Franklin,  the  American  Envoy 
at  Paris,  and  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  the  French  Prime  Minister.  The 
latter  was  very  pressing  to  learn  the  nature  of  Mr.  Adams'  instructions, 
but  they  were  not  communicated  to  him.  Mr.  Adams  soon  became  con- 
vinced, that  a  peace  with  Great  Britain  on  the  terms  required,  was  quite 
impracticable,  and  that  it  would  be  needless  for  him  to  go  to  that  country. 
The  French  government,  also,  were  averse  to  the  negotiation.  He 
accordingly  remained  in  Paris  for  some  time.  In  August,  1780,  he 
repaired  to  Holland,  and  a  vote  of  approbation  was  passed  upon  his 
conduct.  Congress,  upon  hearing  of  the  captivity  of  Mr.  Laurens,  who 
had  gone  out  as  Minister  to  Holland,  appointed  Mr.  Adams  in  his  place, 
to  negotiate  a  loan  ;  and  in  December  he  was  invested  with  full  powers 
to  conclude  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  with  that  country. 

Mr.  Adams  had  great  difficulties  to  contend  with  in  Holland.  He  was 
thrown  among  capitalists  and  money  brokers,  with  the  details  of  whose 
business  he  was  unacquainted,  and  with  whom  he  had  often  no  language 
in  common.  He  was  opposed  by  the  whole  strength  of  the  British  in- 
fluence. The  Dutch  people  were  extremely  ignorant  of  the  resources 
and  wealth  of  the  United  States,  and  of  course,  their  moneyed  men  were 
unwilling  to  advance  their  property,  without  knowing  what  security  they 
had  to  depend  upon.  Mr.  Adams  commenced  the  writing  of  a  series  of 
papers,  in  answer  to  a  set  of  queries  proposed  to  him  by  Mr.  Kalkoen,  an 
eminent  jurist  of  Amsterdam,  containing  an  account  of  the  rise  and 
progress  of  the  disputes  between  the  colonies  and  the  mother  country ; 


84  ADAMS. 

and  of  the  resources  and  prospects  of  the  United  States,  These  papers 
were  circulated  by  newspapers,  all  over  Holland,  and  had  a  good  deal 
of  effect  upon  public  opinion.  We  will  leave,  for  a  moment,  the  order 
of  dates,  and  state  that  this  portion  of  Mr.  Adams'  labors  was  concluded 
by  the  negotiation  of  a  loan,  in  September,  1782,  of  eight  millions  of 
gilders,  upon  reasonably  favorable  terms. 

In  July,  1781,  while  residing  at  Holland,  he  was  summoned  to  Paris, 
for  the  purpose  of  consulting  upon  a  plan  of  mediation,  proposed  by  the 
Courts  of  Austria  and  Russia,  which  was  not  accepted,  as  the  mediating 
powers  would  not  acknowledge  the  independence  of  America,  without 
the  consent  of  Great  Britain.  During  these  negotiations,  Mr.  Adams 
was  much  annoyed,  and  the  interests  of  his  country  much  injured,  by 
the  selfish  and  intriguing  conduct  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes.  He 
seems  to  have  taken  a  dislike  to  the  straight  forward,  manly  character 
of  the  American  minister.  It  was  the  policy  of  France,  also,  that  the 
Americans  should  be  debarred  from  some  of  the  advantages  which  they 
insisted  upon  as  indispensable  preliminaries  of  a  pacification  with  Great 
Britain.  It  was  not  desirable  for  France,  that  the  British  Parliament 
should  be  aware  of  Mr.  Adams'  powers,  respecting  a  treaty  of  commerce, 
because  it  was  her  intention,  as  the  more  important  country,  in  settling 
the  conditions  of  peace,  to  secure  to  herself  the  lion's  share  of  the  com- 
mercial privileges,  which  England  might  be  disposed  to  yield  to  her 
colonies.  But  Mr.  Adams  had  too  much  skill,  and»too  much  indepen- 
dence to  be  either  the  dupe  or  the  tool  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes. 
Early  in  the  year  1781,  a  message  was  transmitted  to  Congress,  through 
the  French  Minister,  at  Philadelphia,  complaining  somewhat  of  the  con- 
duct of  the  Plenipotentiary,  and  requesting  them,  "  to  be  impressed  with 
the  necessity  of  prescribing  to  their  Plenipotentiary,  a  perfect  and  open 
confidence  in  the  French  Ministers,  and  a  thorough  reliance  on  the 
King ;  and  would  direct  him  to  take  no  step  without  the  approbation  of 
his  Majesty  ;  and  after  giving  him,  in  his  instructions,  the  principal  and 
most  important  outlines  for  his  conduct,  they  would  order  him,  with 
respect  to  the  manner  of  carrying  them  into  execution,  to  receive  his 
directions  from  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  or  from  the  person  who  might 
be  charged  with  the  negotiations,  in  the  name  of  the  King." 

Congress  instructed  their  Minister  to  repose  the  utmost  confidence  in 
the  Ministers  of  the  King  of  France,  and  to  undertake  nothing  in  the 
negotiation  for  peace  or  truce  without  their  knowledge  and  concurrence. 
But,  as  we  have  stated,  the  negotiation  was  broken  off,  and  Mr.  Adams 
returned  to  Holland. 

In  1782,  Congress  appointed  Mr.  Adams,  Dr.  Franklin,  Mr.  Jay,  Mr. 
Henry  Laurens,  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  commissioners  for  negotiating  a  peace  ; 
and,  in  a  spirit  of  unworthy  concession  to  the  French  government,  added 
to  their  instructions  that  "  they  should  govern  themselves  by  the  advice 
and  opinion  of  the  Ministers  of  the  King  of  France."  This  placed  them 
almost  entirely  under  the  control  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes.  The  com- 
missioners were  displeased  at  finding  themselves  thus  shackled,  and 
strangers  appointed  to  act  upon  the  most  vital  interests  of  their  country. 
They  determined,  therefore,  to  disobey!  the  rash  orders  of  Congress,  and 

' 


ADAMS.  85 

to  secure  for  their  country  much  better  terms  than  fell  in  with  the  views 
of  the  French  Ministry.  The  treaty  of  peace  was  signed  November 
30, 17S2,  and  ratified  January  14,  1784;  and  its  honorable  and  favorable 
terms  are  mainly  due  to  the  firmness  and  ability  of  the  commissioners. 

A  full  account  of  Mr.  Adams'  labors  and  services,  from  his  first  arrival 
in  Europe  to  the  peace,  belongs  to  the  diplomatic  history  of  the  country, 
and  not  to  a  sketch  of  his  own  life.  The  works  which  can  be  advanta- 
geously consulted  on  this  subject,  are  Lyman's  Diplomatic  History  of  the 
United  States,  and  Sparks'  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  Revolution. 

In  January,  1785,  Congress  resolved  to  appoint  a  Minister  Plenipoten- 
tiary at  the  Court  of  Great  Britain,  and  Mr.  Adams  was  chosen  for  this 
important  and  delicate  office.  A  letter  was  written  by  him,  to  Mr.  Jay, 
giving  a  graphic  and  interesting  account  of  the  circumstances  of  his 
public  reception,  which  we  will  quote. 

"  During  my  interview  with  the  Marquis  of  Carmarthen,  he  told  me  it 
was  customary  for  every  foreign  Minister,  at  his  first  presentation  to  the 
King,  to  make  his  Majesty  some  compliments  conformable  to  the  spirit  of 
his  credentials ;  and  when  Sir  Clement  Cottrel  Dormer,  the  master  of 
the  ceremonies,  came  to  inform  me  that  he  should  accompany  me  to 
the  Secretary  of  State  and  to  court,  he  said  that  every  foreign  minister 
whom  he  had  attended  to  the  Queen,  had  always  made  an  harangue 
to  her  Majesty,  and  he  understood,  though  he  had  not  been  present,  that 
they  always  harangued  the  King.  On  Tuesday  evening  the  Baron 
de  Lynden  (Dutch  ambassador)  called  upon  me,  and  said  he  came 
from  the  Baron  de  Nolkin,  (Swedish  envoy,)  and  had  been  convers- 
ing upon  the  singular  situation  I  was  in,  and  they  agreed  in  opinion 
that  it  was  indispensable  that  I  should  make  a  speech,  and  that  it 
should  be  as  complimentary  as  possible.  All  this  was  parallel  to  the 
advice  lately  given  by  the  Count  de  Vergennes  to  Mr.  Jefferson.  So 
that  finding  it  was  a  custom  established  at  both  these  great  courts, 
that  this  court  and  the  foreign  ministers  expected  it,  I  thought  I  could 
not  avoid  it,  although  my  first  thought  and  inclination  had  been  to 
deliver  my  credentials  silently  and  retire.  At  one,  on  Wednesday,  the 
first  of  June,  the  master  of  ceremonies  called  at  my  house,  and  went  with 
me  to  the  Secretary  of  State's  office,  in  Cleveland  Row.  where  the 
Marquis  of  Carmarthen  received  me,  and  introduced  me  to  Mr.  Frazier, 
his  under  secretary,  who  had  been,  as  his  lordship  said,  uninterruptedly 
in  that  office,  through  all  the  changes  in  administration  for  thirty  years, 
having  first  been  appointed  by  the  Earl  of  Holderness.  After  a  short 
conversation  upon  the  subject  of  importing  my  effects  from  Holland  and 
France  free  of  duty,  which  Mr.  Frazier  himself  introduced,  Lord  Car- 
marthen invited  me  to  go  with  him  in  his  coach  to  court.  When  we 
arrived  in  the  antichamber,  the  CEil  de  Boeuf  of  St.  James,  the  master  of 
the  ceremonies  met  me  and  attended  me  while  the  Secretary  of  State  went 
to  take  the  commands  of  the  King.  While  I  stood  in  this  place,  where  it 
seems  all  ministers  stand  upon  such  occasions,  always  attended  by  the 
master  of  ceremonies,  the  room  very  full  of  ministers  of  state,  bishops,  and 
all  other  sorts  of  courtiers,  as  well  as  the  next  room,  which  is  the  King's 
bedchamber,  you  may  well  suppose  that  I  was  the  focus  of  all  eyes.  I 


86  ADAMS. 

was  relieved,  however,  from  the  embarrassment  of  it,  by  the  Swedish  and 
Dutch  ministers,  who  came  to  me  and  entertained  me  in  a  very  agreeable 
conversation  during  the  whole  time.  Some  other  gentlemen  whom  I 
had  seen  before,  came  to  make  their  compliments  too  ;  until  the  Marquis 
of  Carmarthen  returned  and  desired  me  to  go  with  him  to  his  Majesty  ! 
I  went  with  his  lordship  through  the  levee  room  into  the  King's  closet. 
The  door  was  shut,  and  I  was  left  with  his  Majesty  and  the  Secretary  of 
State  alone.  I  made  the  three  reverences;  one  at  the  door,  another 
about  half  way,  and  the  third  before  the  presence,  according  to  the  usage 
established  at  this  and  all  the  northern  courts  of  Europe,  and  then 
addressed  myself  to  his  Majesty  in  the  following  words :  '  Sir,  the  United 
States  of  America  have  appointed  me  their  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to 
your  Majesty,  and  have  directed  me  to  deliver  to  your  Majesty  this  letter, 
which  contains  the  evidence  of  it.  It  is  in  obedience  to  their  express 
commands,  that  I  have  the  honor  to  assure  your  Majesty  of  their  unani- 
mous disposition  and  desire  to  cultivate  the  most  friendly  and  liberal 
intercourse  between  your  Majesty's  subjects  and  their  citizens,  and  of 
their  best  wishes  for  your  Majesty's  health  and  happiness,  and  for  that  of 
your  royal  family. 

" '  The  appointment  of  a  Minister  from  the  United  States  to  your 
Majesty's  court,  will  form  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  England  and 
America.  I  think  myself  more  fortunate  than  all  my  fellow-citizens,  in 
having  the  distinguished  honor  to  be  the  first  to  stand  in  your  Majesty's 
royal  presence,  in  a  diplomatic  character ;  and  I  shall  esteem  myself  the 
happiest  of  men,  if  I  can  be  instrumental  in  recommending  my  country 
more  and  more  to  your  Majesty's  royal  benevolence,  and  of  restoring  an 
entire  esteem,  confidence,  and  affection,  or  in  better  words,  "  the  old 
good  nature,  and  the  old  good  harmony,"  between  people,  who,  though 
separated  by  an  ocean,  and  under  different  governments,  have  the  same 
language,  a  similar  religion,  and  kindred  blood.  I  beg  your  Majesty's 
permission  to  add,  that  although  I  have  sometimes  before  been  intrusted 
by  my  country,  it  was  never  in  my  whole  life,  in  a  manner  so  agreeable 
to  myself.'  The  King  listened  to  every  word  I  said,  with  dignity,  it  is 
true,  but  with  apparent  emotion.  Whether  it  was  the  nature  of  the 
interview,  or  whether  it  was  my  visible  agitation,  for  I  felt  more  than  I 
did  or  could  express,  that  touched  him,  I  cannot  say,  but  he  was  much 
affected,  and  answered  me  with  more  tremor  than  I  had  spoken  with,  and 
said,  '  Sir — The  circumstances  of  this  audience  are  so  extraordinary,  the 
language  you  have  now  held  is  so  extremely  proper,  and  the  feelings  you 
have  discovered,  so  justly  adapted  to  the  occasion,  that  I  must  say,  that 
I  not  only  receive  with  pleasure  the  assurances  of  the  friendly  disposi- 
tion of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  but  that  I  am  very  glad  the  choice 
has  fallen  upon  you  to  be  their  Minister.  I  wish  you,  Sir,  to  believe,  and 
that  it  may  be  understood  in  America,  that  I  have  done  nothing  in  the 
late  contest,  but  what  I  thought  myself  indispensably  bound  to  do,  by 
the  duty  which  I  owed  to  my  people.  I  will  be  frank  with  you.  I  was 
the  last  to  conform  to  the  separation :  but  the  separation  having  been 
made,  and  having  become  inevitable,  I  have  always  said,  as  I  say  now, 
that  I  would  be  the  first  to  meet  the  friendship  of  the  United  States,  as 


ADAMS.  87 

an  independent  power.  The  moment  I  see  such  sentiments  and  language 
as  yours  prevail,  and  a  disposition  to  give  this  country  the  preference, 
that  moment  I  shall  say,  let  the  circumstances  of  language,  religion,  and 
blood,  have  their  natural  and  full  effect.' 

"  I  dare  not  say  that  these  were  the  King's  precise  words,  and  it  is 
even  possible  that  I  may  have,  in  some  particular,  mistaken  his  meaning ; 
for  although  his  pronunciation  is  as  distinct  as  I  ever  heard,  he  hesi- 
tated sometimes  between  his  periods,  and  between  the  members  of  the 
same  period.  He  was  indeed  much  affected,  and  I  was  not  less  so,  and 
therefore  I  cannot  be  certain  that  I  was  so  attentive,  heard  so  clearly, 
and  understood  so  perfectly,  as  to  be  confident  of  all  his  words  or  sense  ; 
this  I  do  say,  that  the  foregoing  is  his  Majesty's  meaning,  as  I  then 
understood  it,  and  his  own  words  as  nearly  as  I  can  recollect  them. 

"  The  King  then  asked  me,  whether  I  came  last  from  France  ?  and 
upon  my  answering  in  the  affirmative,  he  put  on  an  air  of  familiarity,  and 
smiling,  or  rather  laughing,  said,  '  there  is  an  opinion  among  some 
people,  that  you  are  not  the  most  attached  of  all  your  countrymen  to  the 
manners  of  France.'  I  was  surprised  at  this,  because  I  thought  it  an 
indiscretion,  and  a  descent  from  his  dignity.  I  was  a  little  embarrassed, 
but  determined  not  to  deny  the  truth  on  one  hand,  nor  leave  him  to  infer 
from  it  any  attachment  to  England  on  the  other.  I  threw  off  as  much 
gravity  as  I  could,  and  assumed  an  air  of  gaiety  and  a  tone  of  decision, 
as  far  as  it  was  decent,  and  said  '  That  opinion,  Sir,  is  not  mistaken.  I 
must  avow  to  your  Majesty  I  have  no  attachment  but  to  my  own  country.' 
The  King  replied  as  quick  as  lightning,  '  An  honest'man  will  never  have 
any  other.' 

"  The  King  then  said  a  word  or  two  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  which, 
being  between  them,  I  did  not  hear ;  and  then  turned  round  and  bowed 
to  me,  as  is  customary  with  all  kings  and  princes,  when  they  give  the 
signal  to  retire.  I  retreated,  stepping  backwards,  as  is  the  etiquette,  and 
making  my  last  reverence  at  the  door  of  the  chamber,  I  went  my  way  ; 
the  master  of  ceremonies  joined  me  at  the  moment  of  my  coming  out  of 
the  King's  closet,  and  accompanied  me  through  all  the  apartments  down 
to  my  carriage.  Several  stages  of  servants,  gentlemen  porters,  and  under 
porters,  roared  out  like  thunder  as  I  went  along,  '  Mr.  Adams'  servants. 
Mr.  Adams'  carriage,'  "  &-c. 

Notwithstanding  this  courteous  reception  at  the  Brifish  court,  the 
feelings  of  the  Ministry  were  soon  discovered  to  be  unfriendly  towards 
the  United  States.  The  irritations  produced  by  the  long  strife  were  not 
yet  allayed,  and  the  parent  had  not  quite  magnanimity  enough  to  forgive 
her  rebellious  child.  They  refused  to  listen  to  any  proposals  for  entering 
into  a  commercial  treaty. 

While  Mr.  Adams  was  residing  in  London,  he  was  enabled  to  render 
his  country  material  service  by  the  exercise  of  his  literary  talents.  The 
new  states  of  America  were  of  course  objects  of  great  interest  to  the 
philosophers  and  statesmen  of  Europe,  and  a  variety  of  opinions  were 
held  upon  their  policy  and  prospects.  Among  those  who  expressed 
themselves  as  dissatisfied  with  their  political  organization,  were  Mons. 
Turgot,  the  Abbe  de  Mably,  and  Dr.  Price.  M.  Turgot,  in  a  letter  to 


ADAMS. 

Dr  Price,  observes,  "  The  Americans  have  established  three  bodies, 
viz.  a  Governor,  Council,  and  House  of  Representatives,  merely  because 
there  is  in  England  a  King,  a  House  of  Lords,  and  a  House  of  Commons  ; 
as  if  this  equilibrium,  which,  in  England,  may  be  a  necessary  check  to 
the  enormous  influence  of  royalty,  could  be  of  any  use  in  republics 
founded  upon  the  equality  of  all  the  citizens."  M.  Turgot  recommends 
the  concentration  of  the  whole  power  upon  one  representative  assembly. 
These  opinions  derived  weight  from  the  high  character  of  their  author. 
This  was  a  dark  period  in  our  history — the  federal  government  was  not 
yet  formed — our  credit  was  low — and  the  minds  of  men  desponding  and 
disposed  to  regard  any  state  of  things  as  better  than  that  which  actually 
existed. 

To  counteract  these  impressions,  Mr.  Adams  wrote  and  published  in 
London,  his  Defence  of  the  American  Constitutions,  in  three  volumes. 
It  is  a  work  of  learning  and  ability,  though  bearing  marks  of  the  haste 
with  which  it  was  written.  It  did  much  service  to  his  country,  not  only 
in  correcting  the  influence  of  the  above-mentioned  writings  at  home,  but 
in  rendering  the  American  cause  respectable  abroad.  Mr.  Adams  moved 
in  the  most  enlightened  circles  of  English  society,  and  occupied  himself 
in  gathering  information  which  might  be  useful  to  his  own  country. 

In  1787,  he  asked,  and  received  permission  to  return  home,  and  had 
the  happiness  to  join  his  family  and  friends,  after  an  absence  of  between 
eight  and  nine  years.  Congress  at  the  same  time,  passed  a  resolution 
of  thanks  to  be  presented  to  him,  for  his  able  and  faithful  discharge  of 
the  various  and  important  commissions  with  which  he  had  been  entrusted 
while  abroad. 

In  1788,  he  was  elected  Vice  President  of  the  United  States,  and  re- 
eiected  in  1792.  In  1796,  General  Washington  retired  from  public  life, 
and  Mr.  Adams  was  elected  President  of  the  United  States,  though  not 
without  a  good  deal  of  opposition.  After  serving  in  this  office  four  years, 
he  was  succeeded,  as  is  well  known,  by  Mr.  Jefferson. 

To  trace  the  history  of  Mr.  Adams'  administration,  and  to  show  the 
causes  of  his  unpopularity,  would  fall  within  the  province  of  general 
history,  rather  than  of  biography.  But  a  slight  sketch  of  his  motives  and 
principles,  is  due  both  to  his  own  character  and  to  the  expectations  of 
those  who  wish  to  obtain  correct  views  of  it. 

The  French  Revolution  was  the  point  upon  which  he  was  at  issue 
with  the  majority  of  his  countrymen.  That  tremendous  political  con- 
vulsion shook  the  whole  earth  to  its  centre,  and  created  the  most  frantic 
excitement  throughout  the  civilized  world.  The  young  and  the  enthu- 
siastic, hailed  it  as  the  dawn  of  a  brighter  day,  not  only  for  France,  but 
for  Europe,  and  pardoned  its  sanguinary  excesses,  regarding  them  as 
the  natural  results  of  that  wild  transport  which  would  take  possession  of 
an  uneducated  population,  at  the  sudden  change  from  the  most  galling 
despotism  to  entire  freedom.  In  this  country,  in  particular,  just  begin- 
ning to  enjoy  the  republican  institutions  which  we  had  so  dearly  purchas- 
ed, there  was  an  almost  universal  expression  of  admiration  and  sympathy. 
But  there  were  not  wanting  many,  even  in  our  own  country,  who  viewed 
the  French  Revolution  with  alarm  and  disgust.  They  abhorred  its 


ADAMS.  89 

atrocities,  regarded  with  suspicion  and  dislike  the  characters  of  its 
leaders,  and  dreaded  the  influence  of  its  principles,  as  tending  to  over- 
throw the  whole  social  fabric,  and  introduce  the  most  visionary  schemes 
of  polity  in  the  place  of  the  governments,  whose  excellence  had  stood 
the  test  of  ages.  To  this  latter  class,  Mr.  Adams  and  his  party  belong- 
ed. He  had  imbibed  a  strong,  and,  in  truth,  an  unreasonable  prejudice 
against  the  French  people,  while  he  resided  in  Europe ;  and  he  viewed 
them,  and  their  conduct,  through  its  distorting  medium.  At  the  very 
commencement  of  his  administration  he  found  the  country  involved  in 
a  dispute  with  France,  and  one  of  his  earliest  communications  to  Con- 
gress complained,  in  dignified  and  elegant  language,  of  an  insult  offered 
to  the  ambassador  of  the  United  States,  by  the  government  of  that  coun- 
try. So  strong,  however,  was  the  partiality  to  the  French,  that  many 
believed  that  the  first  provocation  had  been  given  by  us,  and  that  it 
was  our  duty  to  tender  an  apology,  and  not  demand  satisfaction.  Mr. 
Adams  persisted,  however,  in  the  course  which  he  deemed  required  by 
a  regard  for  the  honor  of  his  country.  He  sent  a  commission,  consisting 
of  three  envoys,  Messrs.  Pinckney,  Marshall,  and  Gerry,  to  France,  who 
were  treated  with  insolence  and  contumely  by  the  French  Directory. 
In  these  transactions,  it  was  Mr.  Adams'  misfortune  to  please  neither 
one  of  the  great  parties,  which  then  divided  the  country.  The  demo- 
cratic party  considered  them  as  too  strong,  and  actuated  by  too  great 
an  hostility  towards  France,  while  the  federalists  thought  a  more  high- 
spirited  conduct  and  more  dignified  attitude  were  required  by  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  case. 

The  bitterness  with  which  this  party  strife  was  carried  on,  is  probably 
fresh  in  the  recollections  of  many  of  our  readers.  It  was  actively  foment- 
ed by  a  most  licentious  press,  which  violated  all  the  confidences  of 
private  life,  and  indulged  in  the  most  unwarrantable  personal  allusions 
and  reflections.  Mr.  Adams  was  accused  of  favoring  monarchical  insti- 
tutions, though  his  whole  life  had  been  spent  in  resisting  them.  It  is 
curious  to  observe  how  the  malice  of  his  enemies  warped  and  perverted 
the  best  acts  of  his  life.  His  Defence  of  the  American  Constitution, 
which  favors  the  plan  of  having  an  executive  and  two  houses  of  legisla- 
tion, was  quoted  as  a  proof  of  his  prepossessions  in  favor  of  a  king,  lords, 
and  commons ;  and  his  noble,  moral  courage,  at  the  beginning  of  his 
career,  in  defending  Captain  Preston  and  his  soldiers,  was  brought  up  at 
this  late  day,  as  giving  evidence  of  his  being  under  British  influence.  It 
is  but  doing  justice  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  the  leader  of  the  opposing  and  tri- 
umphant party,  to  state,  that  he  always  retained  the  highest  personal 
respect  for  Mr.  Adams,  though,  in  political  opinions,  he  differed  so  wide- 
ly from  him.  When  some  young  politicians  were,  in  his  presence,  accus- 
ing Mr.  Adams  of  designs  hostile  to  republican  institutions,  he  remarked, 
"  Gentlemen,  you  do  not  know  that  man ;  there  is  not  upon  this  earth  a 
more  perfectly  honest  man  than  John  Adams.  Concealment  is  no  part 
of  his  character.  It  is  not  in  his  nature  to  meditate  any  thing  that  he 
would  not  publish  to  the  world.  The  measures  of  the  general  govern- 
ment, are  a  fair  subject  for  differences  of  opinion,  but  do  not  found  your 
opinion  on  the  notion  that  there  is  the  smallest  spice  of  dishonesty,  moral 
12 


90  ADAMS. 

or  political,  in  the  character  of  John  Adams,  for  I  know  him  well,  and  I 
repeat,  that  a  man  more  perfectly  honest  never  issued  from  the  hands 
of  his  Creator." 

Mr.  Adams  was  also  firm  in  his  conviction  of  the  importance  of  a 
naval  establishment,  and  he  deserves'  the  title  of  Father  of  the  American 
Navy.  Time  has  confirmed  the  justness  of  his  views  on  this  subject,  but 
they  were  not  popular  at  the  time. 

His  own  manners  and  bearing  were  not  dignified  or  conciliating,  and, 
in  this  respect,  he  was  detidedly  inferior  to  Mr.  Jefferson.  The  warmth 
of  his  temperament,  and  the  ardor  of  his  feelings,  often  betrayed  him 
into  intemperate  expressions  and  rash  actions,  which  no  one  would  re- 
gret more  than  he,  in  his  cool  moments. 

In  March,  1801,  in  the  sixty-seventh  year  of  his  age,  he  retired  to  his 
quiet  home,  at  Quincy,  where  he  passed  the  remainder  of  his  days.  He 
amused  himself  with  agricultural  pursuits,  and  still  retained  a  lively 
interest  in  the  politics  and  literature  of  the  day.  He  had  an  extensive 
correspondence,  to  fill  up  his  leisure  hours,  and  a  large  circle  of  friends, 
to  whom  he  devoted  much  of  his  time.  He  was  invited  to  become  a  candi- 
date for  the  office  of  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  but  declined.  He  de- 
fended the  policy  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration  towards  England;  and 
when  the  dispute  terminated  in  war,  he  advocated  its  expediency  and  ne- 
cessity, in  opposition  to  the  views  and  sentiments  of  the  majority  of  the 
people  of  Massachusetts.  He  published  a  series  of  letters  on  this  subject, 
in  one  of  the  Boston  papers,  and  when  a  loan  was  opened  by  the  General 
Government,  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  war,  he  immediately  took  up  a 
portion  of  the  stock.  In  1815,  he  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  his  son  at 
the  head  of  the  commission  which  signed  the  treaty  of  peace  with  Great 
Britain.  He  also  renewed  that  friendship  with  Mr.  Jefferson,  which  had 
been  interrupted  by  party  strife,  and  some  beautiful  and  characteristic 
letters  passed  between  them,  many  of  which  have  been  printed.  In 
1816,  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  college  of  electors,  which  voted 
for  Mr.  Monroe  for  President. 

In  1818  he  was  called  upon  to  sustain  the  severest  affliction  that  had 
ever  befallen  him,  by  the  death  of  his  beloved  wife,  who  had  been  for  so 
many  years  his  guide,  solace,  and  friend,  and  who  had  shared  his 
patriotic  enthusiasm,  and  borne  without  a  murmur,  all  the  sacrifices 
which  duty  to  their  country  had  required  them  both  to  make.  On  tins 
occasion  he  received  the  following  beautiful  letter  from  Mr.  Jefferson. 

"  Monticello,  November  13, 1818. 

"  The  public  papers,  my  dear  friend,  announce  the  fatal  event  of  which 
your  letter,  of  October  twentieth,  had  given  me  ominous  foreboding. 
Tried  myself  in  the  school  of  affliction,  by  the  loss  of  every  form  of 
connexion  which  can  rive  the  human  heart,  I  know  well,  and  feel,  what 
you  have  lost — what  you  have  suffered — are  suffering — and  have  yet  to 
endure.  The  same  trials  have  taught  me,  that,  for  ills  so  immeasurable, 
time  and  silence  are  the  only  medicines.  I  will  not,  therefore,  by  useless 
condolences,  open  afresh  the  sluices  of  your  grief,  nor,  although  mingling 
sincerely  my  tears  with  yours,  will  I  say  a  word  more  where  words  arc 


ADAMS. 

vain,  but  that  it  is  of  some  comfort  to  us  both,  that  the  term  is  not  very 
distant,  at  which  we  are  to  deposit,  in  the  same  cerement,  our  sorrows  and 
suffering  bodies ;  and  to  ascend,  in  essence,  to  an  ecstatic  meeting  with 
the  friends  we  have  loved  and  lost,  and  whom  we  shall  still  love  and 
never  lose  again.  God  bless  you  and  support  you  under  your  heavy 
afflictions.  THOMAS  JEFFERSON." 

In  1820,  a  Convention  of  the  people  of  Massachusetts  was  called,  for 
the  purpose  of  revising  their  State  Constitution,  and  Mr.  Adams  was 
elected  a  member  from  Q,uincy.  The  Convention  testified  their  sense  of 
his  services  to  his  country,  and  their  respect  for  his  character,  by  electing 
him  unanimously  to  the  office  of  President,  passing  at  the  same  time  the 
following  highly  flattering  resolution. 

"  IN  CONVENTION,  NOVEMBER  15,  1820. 

"  Whereas,  the  Honorable  John  Adams,  a  member  of  this  Convention, 
and  elected  the  President  thereof,  has,  for  more  than  half  a  century 
devoted  the  great  powers  of  his  mind  and  his  profound  wisdom  anti 
learning  to  the  service  of  his  country  and  mankind : 

"  In  fearlessly  vindicating  the  rights  of  the  North  American  provinces 
against  the  usurpations  and  encroachments  of  the  superintendant  govern- 
ment : 

"  In  diffusing  a  knowledge  of  the  principles  of  civil  liberty  among  his 
fellow  subjects,  and  exciting  them  to  a  firm  and  resolute  defence  of  the 
privileges  of  freemen  : 

"In  early  conceiving,  asserting,  and  maint.-  'uirgthe  justice  and  practi- 
cability of  establishing  the  independence  of  the  United  States  of  America: 

"In  giving  the  powerful  aid  of  his  political  knowledge  in  the  formation 
of  the  Constitution  of  this  his  native  state,  which  Constitution  became,  in 
a  great  measure,  the  model  of  those  which  were  subsequently  formed  : 

"In  conciliating  the  favor  of  foreign  powers,  and  obtaining  their  coun- 
tenance and  support  in  the  arduous  struggle  for  independence  : 

"  In  negotiating  the  treaty  of  peace,  which  secured  forever  the  sove- 
reignty of  the  United  States,  and  in  defeating  all  attempts  to  prevent  it, 
and  especially  in  preserving  in  that  treaty  the  vital  interest  of  the  New- 
England  States  . 

"  In  demonstrating  to  the  world,  in  his  Defence  of  the  Constitutions  of 
the  several  United  States,  the  contested  principle,  since  admitted  as  an 
axiom,  that  checks  and  balances,  in  legislative  power,  are  essential  to 
True  liberty  : 

"  In  devoting  his  lime  and  talents  to  the  service  of  the  nation,  in  the 
high  and  important  trusts  of  Vice-President  and  President  of  the  United 
States  : 

"  And,  lastly,  in  passing  an  honorable  old  age  in  dignified  retirement, 
in  the  practice  of  all  the  domestic  virtues ;  thus  exhibiting  to  his  country- 
men and  to  posterity  an  example  of  true  greatness  of  mind  and  of  genuine 
patriotism  : 

"  Therefore,  Resolved,  That  the  members  of  this  Convention,  repre- 
senting the  people  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts,  do  joyfully 
avail  themselves  of  this  opportunity  to  testify  their  respect  and  gratitud? 


92  ADAMS 

to  this  eminent  patriot  and  statesman,  for  the  great  services  rendered  by 
him  to  his  country,  and  their  high  gratification  that,  at  this  late  period  of 
life,  he  is  permitted,  by  divine  Providence,  to  assist  them  with  his  counsel 
in  revising  the  Constitution,  which,  forty  years  ago,  his  wisdom  and  pru- 
dence assisted  to  form. 

"  Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  twelve  be  appointed  by  the  chair,  to 
communicate  this  proceeding  to  the  Honorable  John  Adams,  to  inform 
him  of  his  election  to  preside  in  this  body,  and  to  introduce  him  to  the 
chair  of  this  Convention." 

This  station  he  declined  on  account  of  his  advanced  age,  being  then 
eighty-five  years  old,  but  he  was  able  to  attend  upon  the  Convention  and 
fulfil  his  duties  as  a  member. 

The  world  has  hardly  ever  seen  a  spectacle  of  more  moral  beauty  and 
grandeur,  than  was  presented  by  the  old  age  of  Mr.  Adams.  The 
violence  of  party  feeling  had  died  away,  and  he  had  begun  to  receive  that 
just  appreciation  which,  to  most  men,  is  not  accorded  till  after  death. 
He  had  been  always  happy  in  his  domestic  relations,  and  he  had  a  large 
circle  of  friends  and  acquaintances,  who  looked  up  to  him  with  affectionate 
admiration.  He  was  also  an  object  of  great  interest  to  intelligent 
strangers  from  all  parts  of  the  world,  all  of  whom  were  desirous  of  seeing 
a  man  who  done  so  much  for  the  glory  and  happiness  of  his  country. 
No  one  could  look  upon  his  venerable  form,  and  think  of  what  he  had 
done  and  suffered,  and  how  he  had  given  up  all  the  prime  and  strength 
of  his  life  to  the  public  good,  without  the  deepest  emotions  of  gratitude 
and  respect.  It  was  his  peculiar  good  fortune,  to  witness  the  complete 
success  of  the  institutions  which  he  had  been  so.  active  in  creating  and 
supporting.  He  saw,  every  day,  the  influences  of  the  revolution 
widening  and  extending,  and  the  genial  light  of  freedom  continually 
adding  increase  to  the  wealth,  intelligence,  and  happiness  of  his  country- 
men. He  could  look  around  upon  the  thriving  towns,  the  smiling 
villages,  the  busy  factories,  the  crowded  warehouses  of  his  country,  and 
exclaim,  "  Behold  the  work  of  my  hands,  the  fruits  of  my  labors,  the 
result  of  my  toils,  dangers,  and  sacrifices."  It  was  his  privilege  also  to 
preserve  his  mind  unclouded  to  the  last.  He  always  retained  his  enjoy- 
ment of  books,  conversation,  and  reflection.  In  1824,  his  cup  of  happi- 
ness was  filled  to  the  brim,  by  seeing  his  son  elevated  to  the  highest 
station  in  the  gift  of  the  people. 

The  fourth  of  July,  1826,  which  completed  the  half  century  since  the 
signing  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  arrived,  and  there  were  but 
three  of  the  signers  of  that  immortal  instrument  left  upon  earth,  to  hail 
its  morning  light.  And,  as  it  is  well  known,  on  that  day  two  of  these 
finished  their  earthly  pilgrimage,  a  coincidence  so  remarkable,  as  to  seem 
miraculous.  For  a  few  days  before,  Mr.  Adams  had  been  rapidly  fail- 
ing, and  on  the  morning  of  the  fourth,  he  found  himself  too  weak  to  rise 
from  his  bed.  On  being  requested  to  name  a  toast  for  the  customary 
celebration  of  the  day,  he  exclaimed,  "  INDEPENDENCE  FOREVER." 
When  the  day  was  ushered  in,  by  the  ringing  of  bells,  and  the  firing  of 
cannon,  he  was  asked  by  one  of  his  attendants,  if  he  knew  what  day  it 


ADAMS.  93 

was  ?  He  replied,  "  O  yes ;  it  is  the  glorious  fourth  of  July — God  bless  it 
— God  bless  you  all."  In  the  course  of  the  day  he  said,  "  It  is  a  great 
and  glorious  day."  The  last  words  he  uttered  were,  "  Jefferson  survives." 
But  he  had,  at  one  o'clock,  resigned  his  spirit  into  the  hands  of  his  God. 

When  the  news  was  spread  throughout  the  country  that  these  two 
men,  who  had  been  associated  together  in  so  many  important  labors,  and 
whose  names  were  identified  with  the  glory  and  prosperity  of  their  country, 
had  both  died  on  the  same  day,  and  on  that  which  completed  the  half 
century  since  they  signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  of  which  one 
was  the  author,  and  the  other  the  most  powerful  advocate  and  defender ; 
the  effect  was  solemn  and  thrilling  in  the  highest  degree.  It  seemed  a 
direct  and  special  manifestation  of  God's  power.  The  general  feeling 
was,  (to  borrow  the  beautiful  words  of  one  of  their  eulogists,)  "  that  had 
the  prophet  lent  his  '  chariot  of  fire,'  and  his  '  horses  of  fire,'  their  ascent 
could  hardly  have  been  more  glorious."  In  all  parts  of  the  country  a 
day  was  set  apart,  by  the  large  towns,  for  the  solemn  commemoration  of 
their  death,  and  men  of  the  most  distinguished  talents  were  invited  to 
pronounce  their  eulogies.  All  political  prejudices  were  forgotten  in  the 
general  burst  of  feeling ;  nothing  was  recollected  but  their  long  lives  of 
devoted  patriotism,  and  the  sublime  circumstances  which  attended  their 
close. 

The  character  of  Mr.  Adams  has  been  displayed  in  his  life  so  fully, 
that  only  a  few  remarks  need  now  be  made  upon  it.  He  was  a  man  of 
bold  and  ardent  temperament,  and  strong  passions,  and  was  occasionally 
led  by  them  into  imprudences  and  indiscretions.  But  his  motives  were 
always  high  and  honorable.  No  man  was  less  selfish,  or  less  swayed  by 
personal  considerations.  He  was  ready  to  sacrifice  every  thing  to  the 
public  good.  He  thought  for  himself,  and  expressed  his  sentiments  and 
opinions  with  great,  sometimes  with  too  great,  boldness.  He  did  not 
always  treat  with  proper  respect  the  views  of  those  who  differed  from 
him,  nor  show  a  sufficient  toleration  to  their  honest  prejudices.  But  his 
frank,  manly,  intrepid  character  and  bearing,  which  kept  nothing  in 
reserve,  and  permitted  his  weakness  and  his  strength  to  be  equally  seen, 
secured  him  the  warm  attachment  of  his  friends,  and  the  respect  of  his 
political  enemies.  His  intellectual  powers  were  of  a  high  order.  He 
had  much  of  that  vividness  of  conception,  and  glow  of  feeling,  which 
belong  to  the  temperament  of  genius.  But  there  was  nothing  that  was 
visionary  and  Utopian  in  his  mind ;  on  the  contrary,  it  was  distinguished 
by  a  large  share  of  the  practical  and  useful,  by  good  sense,  judgment, 
shrewdness,  and  knowledge  of  the  world.  He  had  read  and  studied,  both 
books  and  men,  with  great  attention  ;  his  writings  bear  witness  to  the 
former,  and  his  life  to  the  latter.  He  took  large  and  comprehensive 
views,  and  saw  a  great  way  ahead ;  we  have  already  remarked  in  his 
life,  that,  from  the  first  beginning  of  the  disturbances,  he  clearly  foresaw 
that  it  must  end  in  a  rupture  between  the  two  countries,  and  an  appeal 
to  arms ;  and  in  this  opinion  he  was  almost  alone  for  some  time.  Time 
has  also  shown,  how  correct  his  views  were,  with  regard  to  the  French 
Revolution,  though  they  were  those,  at  the  moment,  of  a  very  small 


94  ADAMS. 

majority.  He  was  a  nervous,  eloquent,  and  impressive  speaker ;  and,  in 
this  respect,  had  a  decided  advantage  over  his  great  rival,  Mr.  Jefferson. 
In  their  written  compositions  there  was  a  marked  difference  ;  each  being 
characteristic  of  the  temperament,  education,  and  habits  of  thought  of  the 
two.  The  style  of  Mr.  Adams  was  vigorous,  condensed,  and  abrupt, 
sacrificing  elegance  to  strength,  going  straight  to  the  point  proposed, 
and  not  stopping  to  gather  ornaments  by  the  way  ;  that  of  Mr.  Jefferson 
was  more  marked  by  ease,  gracefulness,  finish,  and  a  happy  selection  of 
words,  and  by  a  vein  of  philosophical  reflection,  which  we  do  not  see 
in  the  writings  of  Mr.  Adams. 

The  eloquence  of  Mr.  Adams  has  been  delineated  in  a  passage  of  great 
power  and  splendor  by  Mr.  Webster.  Though  often  quoted,  it  is  of  such 
uncommon  merit,  both  in  thought  and  style,  that  we  have  no  hesitation 
in  transcribing  it. 

"  The  eloquence  of  Mr.  Adams  resembled  his  general  character,  and 
formed  indeed  a  part  of  it.  It  was  bold,  manly,  and  energetic  ;  and  such 
the  crisis  required.  When  public  bodies  are  to  be  addressed  on  momen- 
tous occasions,  when  great  interests  are  at  stake,  and  strong  passions 
excited,  nothing  is  valuable  in  speech,  farther  than  it  is  connected  with 
high  intellectual  and  moral  endowments.  Clearness,  force,  and  earnest- 
ness are  the  qualities  which  produce  conviction.  True  eloquence,  indeed, 
does  not  consist  in  speech.  It  cannot  be  brought  from  far.  Labor  and 
learning  may  toil  for  it,  but  they  will  toil  in  vain.  Words  and  phrases 
may  be  marshaled  in  every  way,  but  they  cannot  compass  it.  It  must 
exist  in  the  man,  in  the  subject,  and  in  the  occasion.  Aifected  passion, 
intense  expression,  the  pomp  of  declamation,  all  may  aspire  after  it, — they 
cannot  reach  it.  It  comes,  if  it  comes  at  all,  like  the  outbreaking  of  a 
fountain  from  the  earth,  or  the  bursting  forth  of  volcanic  fires,  with 
spontaneous,  original,  native  force.  The  graces  taught  in  the  schools, 
the  costly  ornaments  and  studied  contrivances  of  speech,  shock  and 
disgust  men,  when  their  own  lives,  and  the  fate  of  their  wives,  their 
children,  and  their  country,  hang  on  the  decision  of  the  hour.  Then 
words  have  lost  their  power,  rhetoric  is  vain,  and  all  elaborate  oratory 
contemptible.  Even  genius  itself  then  feels  rebuked  and  subdued,  as  in 
the  presence  of  higher  qualities.  Then  patriotism  is  eloquent :  then  self 
devotion  is  eloquent.  The  clear  conception,  outrunning  the  deductions 
of  logic,  the  high  purpose,  the  firm  resolve,  the  dauntless  spirit,  speaking 
on  the  tongue,  beaming  from  the  eye,  informing  every  feature,  and  urging 
the  whole  man  onward,  right  onward  to  his  object, — this,  this  is  elo- 
quence ;  or  rather,  it  is  something  greater  and  higher  than  eloquence, — 
it  is  action,  noble,  sublime,  godlike  action." 

The  personal  appearance  and  manners  of  Mr.  Adams  were  not 
particularly  prepossessing.  His  face,  as  his  portraits  manifest,  was 
intellectual  and  expressive,  but  his  figure  was  low  and  ungraceful,  and 
his  manners  were  frequently  abrupt  and  uncourteous.  He  had  neither 
the  lofty  dignity  of  Washington,  nor  the  engaging  elegance  and 
gracefulness,  which  marked  the  manners  and  address  of  Jefferson. 

Mr.  Adams  was  the  father  of  four  children,  of  whom  none  but  the 


ADAMS.  95 

Hon.  John  Q,uincy  Adams  are  now  living.  Mr.  Adams  left  to  this  son 
his  mansion  house,  and  many  valuable  papers.  He  gave  to  the  town  of 
Quincy  a  lot  of  land,  to  erect  a  church  for  the  society,  of  which  he  was 
for  sixty  years  a  member.  This  edifice  is  now  completed,  and  is  one  of 
the  most  beautiful  churches  in  New-England.  He  also  bequeathed 
another  lot  of  land  to  the  town  for  an  Academy,  and  his  library,  of 
more  than  two  thousand  volumes,  for  the  use  of  that  Academy. 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

THE  early  life  of  any  man  so  distinguished  as  the  subject  of  this 
memoir,  must  ever  be  interesting,  not  only  to  the  philosopher,  who  de- 
lights to  follow  the  gradually  expanding  mind,  from  the  weakness  of 
infancy,  through  all  the  stages  of  existence,  to  the  full  maturity  of  man- 
hood, and  to  mark  the  effect  of  even  trifling  causes  in  ennobling  or 
debasing  the  mind,  and  in  forming  the  character ;  but  also,  in  a  degree, 
to  all,  whose  interest  in  mankind  is  not  lost  in  self.  When  we  find  a 
man,  to  whom  have  been  intrusted  the  destinies  of  nations ;  who  has  con- 
structed and  set  in  motion  great  moral  machines,  whose  influence  and 
effects  have  been  felt  long  after  he  has  passed  away;  who  has  been  active 
in  promoting  either  the  good  or  the  evil  of  the  human  race ;  we  naturally 
ask,  whence  he  has  sprung?  With  eager  curiosity  we  look  back,  and  in 
the  sports  of  the  child,  in  the  pursuits  and  occupations  of  youth,  we  seek 
the  origin  and  source  of  all  that  is  noble  and  exalted  in  the  man,  the 
germ  and  the  bud  from  which  have  burst  forth  the  fair  fruit  and  the 
beautiful  flower ;  and  we  carefully  treasure  up  each  trifling  incident  and 
chi'.'lish  expression,  in  the  hope  to  trace  in  them  some  feature  of  his 
after  greatness. 

Feeling  tint  even  the  childhood  of  a  man  like  Thomas  Jefferson,  and 
the  growth  of  those  feelings  and  opinions  which*  afterwards  embodied 
themselves  in  the  Declaration  of  American  Independence,  \vould  be 
interesting  to  every  American,  we  should  deem  it  fortunate,  could  we 
give  even  a  short  sketch  of  his  early  life.  But  of  this,  or  of  his  family, 
we  have  few  accounts ;  and  must,  therefore,  content  ourselves  with  a 
general  outline  of  his  after  life,  so  full  of  striking  events  and  useful  labors. 

THOMAS  JEFFERSON,  the  third  President  of  the  United  States,  was  born 
on  the  second  day  of  April,  1743,  (Old  Style,)  at  Shadwell,  an  estate  own- 
ed by  his  father,  in  Albermarle  County,  Virginia,  and  near  to  Monticello, 
where  he  afterwards  resided.  His  family  emigrated  at  a  very  early  period 
from  a  part  of  Wales,  near  Mount  Snowden,  as  is  supposed,  and  occu- 
pied a  most  respectable  situation  in  the  colony.  His  father,  Peter  Jeffer- 
son, although  self  educated,  was  a  man  of  talent  and  science,  as  would 
appear  from  the  fact,  that  he  was  appointed,  together  with  Joshua  Fry, 
then  Professor  of  Mathematics,  in  William  and  Mary  College,  to  com- 
plete the  boundary  line  between  Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  which 
had  been  begun  some  time  before ;  and  also  to  make  the  first  map  of  the 
State,  since  that  made,  or  rather  conjectured,  by  Captain  Smith,  could 
scarcely  be  called  one.  His  father  was  married  in  1739,  to  Jane,  daugh- 
ter of  Isham  Randolph,  by  whom  he  had  six  daughters  and  two  sons,  of 
whom  Thomas  was  the  elder. 
13 


98  JEFFERSON. 

At  the  age  of  five  years,  Thomas  was  sent  to  an  English  school,  and 
at  the  age  of  nine,  was  placed  under  the  care  of  Mr.  Douglass,  with 
whom  he  continued  till  his  father's  death,  in  August,  1757 ;  by  which 
event  he  became  possessed  of  the  estate  of  Shad  well,  his  birth-place. 
The  two  years  after  his  father's  decease  were  passed  under  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Maury,  who  is  represented  to  have  been  a  fine 
classical  scholar,  at  the  termination  of  which  period,  that  is,  in  1760,  he 
entered  William  and  Mary  College,  where  he  remained  two  years. 
While  at  this  institution,  he  enjoyed  the  instruction  and  conversation  of 
Dr.  Small,  Professor  of  Mathematics ;  and  we  do  not  know  how  we  can 
better  express  the  benefit  he  received  from  that  source,  than  in  Jeffer- 
son's own  words.  "  It  was  my  great  good  fortune,"  says  he,  in  the  short 
memoir  he  has  left  us,  "  and  probably  fixed  the  destinies  of  my  life,  that 
Dr.  William  Small,  of  Scotland,  was  then  Professor  of  Mathematics  ;  a 
man  profound  in  most  of  the  useful  branches  of  science,  with  a  happy 
talent  of  communication,  correct  and  gentlemanly  manners,  and  an 
enlarged  and  liberal  mind.  He,  most  happily  for  me,  became  soon 
attached  to  me,  and  made  me  his  daily  companion,  when  not  engaged 
in  the  school ;  and  from  his  conversation,  I  got  my  first  views  of  the 
expansion  of  science,  and  of  the  system  of  things  in  which  we  are  plac- 
ed. Fortunately,  the  philosophical  chair  became  vacant  soon  after  my 
arrival  at  college,  and  he  was  appointed  to  fill  it  per  interim :  and  he 
was  the  first  who  ever  gave,  in  that  college,  regular  lectures  in  Ethics, 
Rhetoric,  and  Belles  Lettres.  He  returned  to  Europe  in  1762,  having 
previously  filled  up  the  measure  of  his  goodness  to  me,  by  procuring  for 
me,  from  his  most  intimate  friend,  George  Wythe,  a  reception  as  a 
student  of  law,  under  his  direction,  and  introduced  me  to  the  acquain- 
tance and  familiar  taole  of  Governor  Fauquier,  the  ablest  man  who  had 
ever  filled  that  office.  With  him  and  at  his  table,  Dr.  Small  and  Mr. 
Wythe,  his  amid  omnium  horarum,  and  myself,  formed  a  partie  quarrec, 
and  to  the  habitual  conversations  on  these  occasions,  I  owed  much  instruc- 
tion. Mr.  Wythe  continued  to  be  my  faithful  and  beloved  Mentor  in 
youth,  and  my  most  affectionate  friend  through  life." 

In  1767,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  called  to  the  bar ;  and  for  the  short  time 
he  continued  in  the  practice  of  his  profession,  rose  rapidly,  and  distin- 
guished himself  by  his  energy  and  acuteness  as  a  lawyer,  and  by  his 
enlarged  and  liberal  views.  But  the  times  called  for  greater  action  ;  and 
the  dull  pleadings  and  circumscribed  sphere  of  a  colonial  court  were  ill 
fitted  for  such  a  mind  and  for  such  views  as  Jefferson's.  The  policy  of 
England,  never  kind  and  affectionate  towards  her  colonies,  whom  she 
was  disposed  to  treat  as  a  froward  child,  had  for  several  years  past, 
manifested  itself  in  more  open  violations  of  the  rights  of  her  American 
subjects.  Her  ministers  seemed  blinded  to  consequences,  and  wholly 
forgetful  that  the  same  spirit  of  liberty,  which  led  the  Pilgrims  across  the 
Atlantic  to  seek  a  refuge  from  the  oppressions  of  a  king  and  an  arch- 
bishop, would  compel  them,  now  that  the  arm  of  the  oppressor  had  fol- 
lowed them  across  the  waters,  to  resist  even  unto  blood  the  exactions  of 
a  Parliament.  This  spirit  of  resistance  was  already  roused  among  the 
colonists,  and  was  gradually  spreading  itself  from  Massachusetts  Bay  to 


JEFFERSON.  99 

the  Carolinas  ;  and  every  proceeding  of  the  mother  country  was  scruti- 
nized and  weighed  with  the  utmost  jealousy.  This,  then,  was  no  time 
for  mere  professional  labor ;  the  political  arena  was  open,  and  the  courts 
of  law  were  soon  deserted ;  the  rights  of  individuals  were  forgotten  for 
the  rights  of  nations ;  the  contests  for  things  were  neglected,  in  the  con- 
test for  principles. 

The  enlarged  views  which  Mr.  Jefferson  had  ever  entertained,  soon 
led  him  to  take  an  active  part  in  political  life,  and  he  abandoned,  in  a 
great  measure,  the  profession  of  the  law.  In  1769,  he  was  elected  a 
member  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia,  for  Albemarle  County, 
and  it  was  in  this  body  that  he  made  his  first  effort  in  favor  of  the  eman- 
cipation of  slaves,  but  without  success ;  for,  as  he  himself  remarks,  under 
a  regal  government,  and  while  every  thing  was  to  be  made  subservient 
to  the  interests  of  the  mother  country,  "  nothing  liberal  could  expect 
success."  This  session  was  of  short  duration,  the  Assembly  being  very 
early  dissolved  by  the  Governor,  Lord  Botetourt,  on  account  of  some 
offensive  resolutions  which  were  passed,  countenancing  the  proceedings 
of  Massachusetts.  Mr.  Jefferson  was,  however,  immediately  reelected, 
and  continued  a  member  until  the  Revolution  put  an  end  to  the  meeting 
of  those  bodies. 

In  1773  the  Legislature  of  Virginia  appointed  a  committee  of  corres- 
pondence, of  which  Mr.  Jefferson  was  one,  to  communicate  with  similar 
committees,  which  should  be  appointed  in  the  other  parts  of  the  country, 
for  tlie  purpose  of  animating  the  people  of  the  different  colonies  in  their 
resistance  to  British  aggression  ;  and  the  wisdom  of  this  measure  soon 
became  apparent  in  the  unity  of  operations  which  it  produced  during  that 
eventful  period,  and  in  the  community  of  sentiment  and  brotherhood 
among  the  inhabitants  of  the  several  colonies,  whose  cause  was  the  same, 
and  who  now  began  to  feel'themselves  one  nation. 

The  people  of  Virginia,  though  they  had  already  shown  themselves 
determined  not  to  submit  to  any  infringement  of  their  liberties,  were  yet 
far  behind  Massachusetts  in  their  opposition  to  the  encroachments  of  the 
British  government.  They  had  not  yet  felt  the  full  weight  of  the  iron 
arm  of  oppression ;  the  acts  of  Parliament  had  pressed  most  heavily  on 
Massachusetts;  and  the  cup  of  her  wrongs  was  nearly  full, when  the  Boston 
Port  Bill  completed  the  measure.  The  passage  of  this  bill  sent  a  shock 
through  the  colonies,  that  roused  them  to  a  consideration  of  their  situation ; 
for  although  it  was  aimed  at  and  intended  to  operate  in  a  single  place, 
yet  it  showed  too  well  the  determination  of  the  government  to  de- 
stroy, one  by  one,  the  liberties  of  America ;  it  taught  them  that  they 
must  live  and  die  the  slaves  of  absolute  power,  or  promptly  and  manfully 
make  common  cause  with  Massachusetts.  The  news  of  the  passage  of 
this  bill  was  received  while  the  Assembly  of  Virginia  was  in  session ;  and 
through  the  agency  of  Patrick  Henry,  Jefferson,  and  a  few  other  members, 
•a  resolution  was  passed,  setting  apart  the  first  day  of  June,  1774,  on  which 
the  act  was  to  go  into  operation,  as  a  day  of  fasting,  humiliation,  and 
prayer,  "  devoutly  to  implore  the  divine  interposition  for  averting  the 
heavy  calamities  which  threatened  destruction  to  their  civil  rights,  and 
the  evils  of  a  civil  war,  and  to  give  them  one  mind  to  oppose,  by  all  just 
and  proper  means,  every  injury  to  American  rights." 


100  JEFFERSON. 

This  resolution  was  of  course  highly  offensive  to  the  royal  Governor, 
Lord'Dunmore,  who  immediately  had  recourse  to  the  usual  expedient, 
and  dissolved  the  assembly.  He  could  not,  however,  prevent  the  mem- 
bers from  meeting  in  convention  as  private  individuals,  which  they 
immediately  did,  and  passed  resolutions,  recommending  the  people  of  the 
colony  to  elect  deputies  to  a  State  Convention,  for  the  purpose  of  con- 
sidering the  affairs  of  the  colony,  and  also  to  appoint  delegates  to  a 
a  General  Congress,  in  case  such  a  measure  should  be  agreed  to  by  the 
other  colonies.  Mr.  Jefferson  was  afterwards  chosen  a  member  of  the 
State  Convention,  which  met  in  pursuance  of  these  resolutions,  but  was 
himself  unable  to  attend  from  sickness.  He  sent  them,  however,  a 
draught  of  some  instructions  for  the  delegates  to  the  General  Congress, 
which,  though  not  adopted,  were  published  by  the  convention,  under  the 
title  of  "  A  Summary  View  of  the  Rights  of  British  America."  The 
terms  in  which  the  rights  of  the  colonies  were  asserted,  the  authority 
claimed  by  the  Parliament  absolutely  and  totally  denied,  and  the  conduct 
of  the  King  and  the  administration  commented  upon,  were  esteemed  so 
bold  and  severe  by  the  majority  of  the  members,  that  they  refused  to 
adopt  them  ;  and,  in  consequence,  more  mild  and  temperate  instructions 
were  given.  The  pamphlet  soon  found  its  way  to  England,  where, 
after  undergoing  some  alterations  by  Mr.  Burke,  it  was  published,  and 
several  editions  circulated.  In  consequence  of  this  publication,  Mr. 
Jefferson  was  threatened  with  a  prosecution  for  high  treason  by  Lord 
Dunmore,  and  in  England  his  name  was  added  to  those  of  Hancock, 
Henry,  the  Adamses,  and  others,  in  a  bill  of  attainder  commenced  in 
Parliament,  but  suppressed  in  its  early  stages. 

The  doctrine  advocated  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  however  universally  admitted 
at  the  present  day,  must  then  have  been  esteemed  singularly  bold,  as  is 
indeed  evident  from  the  fact,  that  it  was  disapproved  by  some  of  the 
most  ardent  patriots  of  the  Revolution.  The  people,  attached  as  they 
were  to  England,  were  certainly  not  prepared  for  it  at  that  period.  The 
substance  of  it  is  given  by  Mr.  Jefferson  as  follows.  "  I  took  the  ground 
that,  from  the  beginning,  I  had  thought  the  only  one  orthodox  or  tena- 
ble, which  was,  that  the  relation  between  Great  Britain  and  these 
colonies,  was  exactly  the  same  as  that  of  England  and  Scotland,  after 
the  accession  of  James  and  until  the  Union,  and  the  same  .as  her  present 
relations  with  Hanover,  having  the  same  executive  chief,  but  no 
other  necessary  political  connexion ;  and  that  our  emigration  from  Eng- 
land to  this  country,  gave  her  no  more  rights  over  us,  than  the  emigra- 
tions of  the  Danes  and  Saxons,  gave  to  the  present  authorities  of  the 
mother  country  over  England.  In  this  doctrine,  however,  I  had  never 
been  able  to  get  any  one  to  agree  with  me  but  Mr.  Wythe.  He  con- 
curred in  it  from  the  first  dawn  of  the  question,  What  was  the  political 
relation  between  us  and  England  ?  Our  other  patriots,  Randolph,  the 
Lees,  Nicholas,  Pendleton,  stopped  at  the  half-way  house  of  John 
Dickinson,  who  admitted  that  England  had  a  right  to  regulate  our  com- 
merce, and  to  lay  duties  on  it  for  the  purposes  of  regulation,  but  not  of 
raising  revenue.  But  for  this  ground  there  was  no  foundation  in  com- 
pact, in  any  acknowledged  principles  of  colonization,  nor  in  reason ; 


JEFFERSON.  101 

expatriation  being  a  natural  right,  and  acted  on  as  such  by  all  nations, 
in  all  ages." 

The  proceedings  of  the  first  Congress  which  met  at  Philadelphia  on 
the  fifth  September,  1774,  in  pursuance  of  resolutions  passed  by  the 
several  colonies,  similar  to  those  of  Virginia,  do  not  properly  belong  to 
the  life  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  was  not  a  member,  and  are  therefore  passed 
over  here  without  remark.  Before  the  meeting  of  the  second  Congress, 
however,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  elected  in  the  place  of  Peyton  Randolph, 
who,  as  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia,  was  obliged  to 
attend  the  meeting  of  that  body,  and  accordingly  took  his  seat  on  the 
twenty-first  June,  1775,  and  was  very  soon  placed  on  several  very 
important  committees. 

As  Mr.  Jefferson,  with  his  colleagues,  Mr.  Lee  and  Mr.  Harrison, 
were  on  their  way  to  Philadelphia,  an  incident  is  said  to  have  occurred 
of  a  most  flattering  nature,  showing  the  confidence  placed  in  them  by 
their  fellow-citizens.  They  were  met  by  some  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
colony,  who,  living  in  the  remoter  parts  of  the  country,  had  heard  only 
by  report  of  the  tyranny  which  was  preparing  for  them,  and  thus  ad- 
dressed :  "  You  assert  that  there  is  a  fixed  design  to  invade  our  rights 
and  privileges.  We  own  that  we  do  not  see  this  clearly,  but  since  you 
assure  us  that  it  is  so,  we  believe  the  fact.  We  are  about  to  take  a  very 
dangerous  step,  but  we  confide  in  you,  and  are  ready  to  support  you  in 
every  measure  you  shall  think  proper  to  adopt." 

In  August,  1775,  Mr.  Jeffersoft  was  reelected  by  the  Convention  of 
Virginia,  to  the  third  Congress,  and,  during  the  winter,  took  an  active 
part  in  all  its  proceedings. 

To  us  who  now  look  calmly  back  on  the  events  of  that  momentous 
period,  the  conduct  of  the  British  Ministry  seems  little  short  of  infatua- 
tion. When  the  American  colonists  first  raised  their  voice  against  the 
acts  of  the  Parliament,  it  was  but  to  obtain  a  redress  of  a  few  particular 
grievances ;  the  thought  had  not  occurred  to  them  of  a  separation  from 
the  mother  country,  and  had  it  been  but  whispered  to  them,  the  proposi- 
tion would  have  been  universally  rejected.  They  loved  their  father- 
land ;  they  were  Englishmen,  or  the  sons  of  Englishmen,  and  they  look- 
ed up  to  the  institutions  and  the  customs  of  England,  with  the  deepest 
veneration.  They  would  have  endured  any  thing,  but  slavery,  every 
thing,  but  the  loss  of  those  rights,  which,  as  Englishmen,  they  believed 
unalienable,  and  which  they  held  dearer  than  existence  itself;  and  had 
the  British  Ministry  but  adopted  conciliatory  measures,  and  relaxed 
somewhat  of  their  pretensions,  they  might  still  have  retained  the  brightest 
jewel  of  the  British  crown.  But  instead  of  adopting  the  wise  counsels 
of  Chatham  and  Burke,  they  imposed  greater  burdens,  and  added  insult 
to  oppression,  till  it  was  too  late;  till  the  spirit  of  opposition  had  acquired 
a  fearful  and  resistless  energy ;  till  the  cloud,  at  first  no  bigger  than  a 
man's  hand,  had  spread  over  the  whole  heavens,  and  the  storm  burst  with 
a  violence  that  swept  before  it  the  firmest  bulwar.ks  of  British  power. 
For  a  year  or  two  before  the  meeting  of  the  Congress  of  '70,  the  belief 
that  a  separation  from  the  mother  country  was  necessary,  had  prevailed 
among  the  leading  men  of  the  colonies,  and  was  now  fast  increasing 


102  JEFFERSON. 

among  the  great  body  of  the  people.  They  felt  that  the  period  for 
reconciliation  had  gone  by ;  the  blood  of  American  citizens  had  been 
shed  on  the  plains  of  Lexington  and  Concord,  and  on  the  heights  of 
Bunker  Hill,  and  nothing  was  now  left  but  a  resort  to  arms,  and  an  as- 
sumption of  their  rights  as  an  independent  nation. 

On  Friday,  June  seventh,  1776,  in  conformity  with  the  instructions 
given  them  by  the  Convention,  the  Virginia  delegates  in  Congress  moved, 
"  that  the  Congress  should  declare  that  these  United  Colonies  are,  and 
of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  States ;  that  they  are  absolved 
from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  crown,  and  that  all  political  connexion 
between  them  and  the  State  of  Great  Britain,  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally 
dissolved ;  that  measures  should  be  immediately  taken  for  procuring  the 
assistance  of  foreign  powers,  and  a  confederation  be  formed  to  bind  the 
colonists  more  closely  together."  A  proposition  like  this,  fraught  as  it 
was  with  the  most  momentous  consequences,  was  not  to  be  adopted 
hastily.  It  was  very  fully  discussed  on  the  Saturday  and  Monday  fol- 
lowing, when  the  further  consideration  of  it  was  postponed  to  the  first 
day  of  July,  and  a  committee  of  five  were  appointed  in  the  mean  time  to 
draft  a  Declaration  of  Independence.  This  committee  consisted  of 
Thomas  Jefferson,  John  Adams,  Dr.  Franklin,  Roger  Sherman,  and 
Robert  R.  Livingston.  Mr.  Jefferson,  as  chairman  of  the  committee, 
was  desired  by  his  colleagues  to  prepare  the  draft. 

Here  let  us  pause  for  a  moment,  and  consider  the  causes,  which, 
operating  for  a  series  of  years,  had  at  fcist  led,  or  rather  compelled,  the 
colonists,  to  sever  the  ties  which  had  so  long  bound  them  to  England. 

The  measures  which  Great  Britain  had  adopted  towards  her  American 
colonies,  had  ever  been  most  arbitrary  and  unjust.  These  colonies  had 
grown  up  entirely  without  her  aid  or  fostering  care.  Separated  by  the 
wide  Atlantic  from  every  civilized  nation,  unassisted  by  the  troops  or 
the  money  of  England,  they  had  struggled  successfully  against  all  the 
dangers  and  disadvantages  of  their  situation.  With  a  savage  foe  con- 
tinually hovering  on  their  borders,  and  whose  incursions  were  every 
where  marked  by  the  blood  of  their  wives  and  children,  and  the  ashes 
of  their  dwellings,  the  settlers  had  still  subdued  the  forests,  cultivated 
the  soil,  built  up  flourishing  towns  over  every  part  of  the  Atlantic  States, 
and  sent  forth  their  ships  to  every  part  of  the  commercial  world.  When 
the  parent  saw  her  colonies  thus  rapidly  increasing  in  wealth  and  power, 
and  that,  so  far  from  being  a  burden  and  a  drawback,  they  could  be  made 
a  source  of  a  great  and  continually  growing  revenue,  it  was  then  that  she 
thought  of  protection.  From  that  moment  it  became  the  fixed  and 
determined  policy  of  the  British  government  to  make  America,  in  every- 
thing, contribute  to  the  wealth,  the  importance, -and  the  glory  of  England  ; 
and  every  measure  tended  to  this  end,  no  matter  how  injurious  in  its 
effects  to  the  colonies.  One  of  the  first  encroachments  upon  their  right." 
was,  by  denying  them  the  exercise  of  free  trade  with  all  parts  of  the 
world.  In  order  to  make  them  a  source  of  profit,  Great  Britain  was  to 
be  the  depot  of  all  their  most  valuable  exports,  which  were  afterwards  to 
be  shipped  to  other  countries  by  the  British  merchant  for  his  own  benefit. 
All  the  most  necessary  articles  for  home  consumption  were  to  be  purchased 


JEFFERSON.  103 

of  the  British  manufacturers,  at  such  prices  as  they,  fearing  no  competi- 
tion from  abroad,  might  choose  to  demand  ;  and,  to  enhance  this  profit, 
the  colonies  were  not  only  forbidden  to  purchase  of  any  other  nation  than 
England,  but  even  to  manufacture  themselves.  Or  if  this  privilege  was 
in  any  case  granted  them,  they  were  prohibited  from  advancing  beyond 
the  first  stages,  and  were  only  allowed  to  prepare  the  material  for  the 
hands  of  the  British  workman  ;  and  the  Governors  of  the  different  pro- 
vinces were  directed,  under  severe  penalties,  to  abate  the  manufactories 
and  mills  of  certain  sorts  as  common  nuisances.  But  Great  Britain  did  i  lot 
content  herself  with  barely  regulating  the  commerce  of  her  colonies,  she 
soon  interfered  with  their  domestic  affairs,  and  made  manifest  her  deter- 
mination to  reduce  them  to  a  state  of  absolute  dependence  and  subjection. 
It  is  not  our  intention  here  to  particularize  all  the  various  encroachments 
upon  American  liberties ;  such  detail  would  far  exceed  the  narrow 
compass  of  this  work.  Let  the  Stamp  Act,  the  Tea  Act,  the  Boston 
Port  Bill,  bear  witness  to  those  invasions.  But  the  descendants  of  those 
men  who  had  dared  all  the  hardships  of  an  inhospitable  shore,  and  an 
unexplored  wilderness,  were  not  to  be  tamely  enslaved  ;  they  were  not  the 
men  to  sit  quietly  by,  and  see  their  rights  and  liberties,  as  Englishmen, 
as  men,  one  by  one  taken  from  them,  without  raising  a  voice  or  an  arm 
in  their  defence.  They  believed,  that  although  the  Atlantic  rolled 
between,  they  were  still  entitled  to  the  same  rights  and  the  same  privi- 
leges as  British  subjects  in  the  old  world,  and  they  determined  to  contend 
for  those  rights.  When  the  course  of  oppression  began,  they  petitioned ; 
those  petitions  were  but  the  occasion  of  new  injuries.  They  remonstrated 
respectfully,  but  firmly;  those  remonstrances  were  disregarded,  insult  was 
added  to  oppression,  and  every  opportunity  was  taken  to  irritate  and  ex- 
asperate them.  In  vain  did  Burke  raise  his  voice  against  this  mad  policy 
of  the  Ministry  ;  in  vain  did  Chatham  warn  them  of  the  disastrous  conse- 
quences. Led  on  by  a  blind  fate,  they  heeded  not,  they  stopped  not, 
till  America,  stript  of  every  resource,  and  driven  to  desperation,  could 
only  appeal  to  arms.  The  moment  when  that  appeal  was  to  be  made,  so 
full  of  interest,  so  big  with  the  destinies  of  a  world,  had  now  arrived. 
The  step  which  was  now  to  be  taken,  could  never  be  retraced ;  the 
declaration  now  to  be  made  could  never  be  recalled  ;  once  made,  there 
could  be  no  hope  of  reconciliation  but  in  absolute  submission.  The 
Rubicon  was  before  them.  On  the  one  side  was  slavery  ;  on  the  other — 
clouds  and  darkness. 

What  must  have  been  the  feelings  of  that  man — what  the  emotions 
which  swelled  his  breast — who  was  charged  with  the  preparation  of  that 
Declaration,  which,  while  it  made  known  the  wrongs  of  America,  was 
also  to  publish  her  to  the  world,  free,  sovereign,  and  independent  ?  For 
himself  he  had  not  a  thought ;  a  cold,  calculating  prudence,  in  vain 
warned  him  how  great  was  the  risk,  how  few  the  chances  of  success;  in 
vain  told  him  of  his  country  pillaged  by  foreign  troops,  and  deluged  in  the 
blood  of  its  own  citizens ;  in  vain  pointed  to  the  gibbet,  the  rebel's  doom. 
What  though  the  loss  of  all  things,  and  the  death  of  a  traitor  were  before 
him — it  was  his  country  demanded  the  sacrifice,  and  it  was  cheerfully  made. 
Through  all  the  darkness  of  the  present,  he  saw  the  brightness  of  the 


104  JLiFERSON. 

future  ;  he  saw,  in  imagination,  his  country  the  abode  of  a  free  and  happy 
people,  and  he  was  content ;  his  hand  trembled  not,  as  he  wrote,  America, 
Free  and  Independent. 

Living  as  we  now  do  in  a  free  land,  far  removed  from  all  the  troubles 
and  vicissitudes  of  war,  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  liberties,  which  seem  as 
necessary  to  our  existence  as  the  air  we  breathe,  we  can  hardly  conceive 
of  the  thoughts  which  must  have  crowded  on  the  mind  of  Jefferson,  while 
penning  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  A  man  of  weaker  mind,  or 
less  firmness  and  decision  of  character,  would  have  been  overwhelmed, 
and  have  shrunk  in  dismay  from  the  task.  But  Jefferson  did  not  disap- 
point the  high  expectations  which  had  been  formed  of  him.  He  went  to 
his  task  with  the  full  assurance  that  his  cause  was  the  cause  of  liberty ; 
and  he  rose  from  it  confirmed  in  the  resolution,  to  die,  if  necessary,  in  its 
defence.  The  Declaration  of  Independence  is  one  of  the  most  remarka- 
ble papers  ever  written  ;  and  did  no  other  effort  of  the  mind  of  its  author 
exist,  that  alone  would  be  sufficient  to  stamp  his  name  with  immortality. 
The  Declaration,  as  drafted  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  was  by  him  submitted  to 
his  colleagues,  and,  after  a  few  unimportant  alterations  made  by  them, 
was  reported  by  the  committee,  and  read  on  Friday,  the  twenty-eighth  of 
June.  The  original  motion  made  by  the  Virginia  delegation,  namely, 
that  Congress  should  declare  the  colonies  free,  sovereign,  and  indepen- 
dent, having  been  disposed  of  in  the  affirmative,  on  Tuesday,  the  second 
of  July,  by  a  vote  of  all  the  States  except  New- York,  (whose  members  did 
not  consider  themselves  authorized  by  their  instructions  to  vote  on  this 
question,)  Congress  proceeded  to  a  consideration  of  the  Declaration,  which, 
after  being  debated  during  the  greater  parts  of  the  second,  third,  and 
fourth  of  July,  and  after  some  passages  which  were  thought  objectionable 
had  been  stricken  out,  and  some  other  alterations  made,  was  finally 
agreed  to  by  the  House,  and  signed  on  the  evening  of  the  fourth  by  all 
the  members  present,  except  Mr.  Dickinson. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  is  so  intimately  connected  with  the 
name  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  that  any  sketch  of  his  life  would  seem  imper- 
fect without  it.  We  therefore  present  it  as  originally  reported  by  him, 
together  with  the  alterations  of  Congress. 

A  Declaration  by  the  Representatives  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
in  [General]  Congress  assembled.* 

When  in  the  course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  neces- 
sary for  one  people  to  dissolve  the  political  bands  which^ 
have  connected  them  with  another,  and  to  assume  among 
the  powers  of  the  earth,  the  separate  and  equal  station  to 
which  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  nature's  God  entitle  them, 
a  decent  respect  to  the  opinions  of  mankind,  requires  that 
they  should  declare  the  causfcs  which  impel  them  to  the 
separation. 

•  The  parts  struck  out  by  Congres?  are  printed  in  italics,  and  enclosed  in  brackets 
sad  the  parts  added  are  placed  in  the  margin,  or  in  a  concurrent  column. 


JEFFERSON. 


105 


We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self  evident:  that  all  men 
are  created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Crea- 
tor with  [inherent  and]  inalienable  rights ;  that  among  certain 
these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  ;  that 
to  secure  these  rights,  governments  are  instituted  among 
men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the 
governed ;  that  whenever  any  form  of  government  becomes 
destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to 
alter  or  abolish  it ;  and  to  institute  new  government,  lay- 
ing its  foundation  on  such  principles,  and  organizing  its 
powers  in  such  form,  as  to  them  shall  seem  most  likely  to 
effect  their  safety  and  happiness.  Prudence,  indeed,  will 
dictate,  that  governments  long  established,  should  not  be 
changed  for  light  and  transient  causes ;  and  accordingly 
all  experience  hath  shown,  that  mankind  are  more  disposed 
to  suffer  while  evils  are  sufferable,  than  to  right  them- 
selves, by  abolishing  the  forms  to  which  they  are  accus- 
tomed. But  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpations 
[begun  at  a  distinguished  period  and]  pursuing  invariably 
the  same  object,  evinces  a  design  to  reduce  them  under 
absolute  despotism,  it  is  their  right,  it  is  their  duty,  to 
throw  off  such  government,  and  to  provide  new  guards  for 
their  future  security.  Such  has  been  the  patient  suffer- 
ance of  these  colonies ;  and  such  is  now  the  necessity 
which  constrains  them  to  [expunge]  their  former  systems  alter 
of  government.  The  histo-y  of  the  present  King  of  Great 
Britain,  is  a  history  of  [unremitting]  injuries  and  usurpa-  repeated 
tions,  [among  which  appears  no  solitary  fact  to  contradict  all  having 
the  uniform  tenor  of  the  rest,  but  all  have]  in  direct  object 
the  establishment  of  an  absolute  tyranny  over  these  states. 
To  prove  this,  let  facts  be  submitted  to  a  candid  world, 
[for  the  truth  of  which  we  pledge  a  faith  yet  unsullied  by 
falsehood.] 

He  has  refused  his  assent  to  laws  the  most  wholesome, 
and  necessary  for  the  public  good. 

He  has  forbidden  his  governors  to  pass  laws  of  immedi- 
ate and  pressing  importance,  unless  suspended  in  their 
operation,  till  his  assent  should  be  obtained,  and  when  so 
suspended,  he  has  utterly  neglected  to  attend  to  them. 

He  has  refused  to  pass  other  laws,  for  the   accommoda-       ' 
tion   of    large   districts   of    people,    unless   those   people 
would  relinquish  the  right  of  representation  in  the  legis- 
lature, a  right  inestimable  to  them,  and  formidable  to  tyrants 
only. 

He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies  at  places  unu- 
sual, uncomfortable,  and  distant  from  the  depository  of 
their  public  records,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  fatiguing  them 
into  compliance  with  his  measures. 

He  has  dissolved  representatives  houses  repeatedly  [and 
14 


106  JEFFERSON. 

continually]  for  opposing  with  manly  firmness,  his  inva- 
sions on  the  rights  of  the  people. 

He  has  refused  for  a  long  time  after  such  dissolutions, 
to  cause  others  to  be  elected,  whereby  the  legislative 
powers,  incapable  of  annihilation,  have  returned  to  the 
people  at  large  for  their  exercise,  the  state  remaining,  in 
the  mean  time,  exposed  to  all  the  dangers  of  invasion  from 
without,  and  convulsions  within. 

He  has  endeavored  to  prevent  the  population  of  these 
states  ;  for  that  purpose  obstructing  the  laws  for  naturali- 
zation of  foreigners,  refusing  to  pass  others  to  encourage 
their  migrations  "hither,  and  raising  the  conditions  of  new 
appropriations  of  lands. 

obstructed          He  has  [suffered]  the  administration  of  justice,  [totally 
by  to  cease  in  some  of  these  states]  refusing  his  assent  to  laws 

for  establishing  judiciary  powers. 

He  has  made  [our]  judges  dependant  on  his  will  alone, 
for  the  tenure  of  their  offices,  and  the  amount  and  payment 
of  their  salaries. 

He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  new  offices,  [by  a  self- 
assumed  power]  and  sent  hither  swarms  of  new  officers,  to 
harass  our  people,  and  eat  out  their  substance. 

He  has  kept  among  us  in  times  of  peace,  standing  armies 
[and  ships  of  war]  without  the  consent  of  our  legislatures. 

He  has  affected  to  render  the  military  independent  of, 
and  superior  to,  the  civil  power. 

He  has  combined  with  others,  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdic- 
tion foreign  to  our  constitutions,  and  unacknowledged  by 
our  laws,  giving  his  assent  to  their  acts  of  pretended 
legislation,  for  quartering  large  bodies  of  armed  troops 
among  us ;  for  protecting  them  by  a  mock  trial  from  pun- 
ishment for  any  murders  which  they  should  commit  on 
the  inhabitants  of  these  states;  for  cutting  off  our  trade 
with  all  parts  of  the  world ;  for  imposing  taxes  on  us  with 
in  many  cases  out  our  consent ;  for  depriving  us  [  ]  of  the  benefits  of 
trial  by  jury ;  for  transporting  us  beyond  seas,  to  be  tried 
for  pretended  offences ;  for  abolishing  the  free  system  of 
English  laws,  in  a  neighboring  province ;  establishing 
therein  an  arbitrary  government,  and  enlarging  its  boun- 
daries, so  as  to  render  it  at  once  an  example  and  fit  instru- 
ment for  introducing  the  same  absolute  rule  into  these 
colonies  [states;]  for  taking  away  our  charters,  abolishing  our  most 
valuable  laws,  and  altering  fundamentally  the  forms  of  our 
governments ;  for  suspending  our  own  legislatures,  and 
declaring  themselves  invested  with  power  to  legislate  for 
us,  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 

by    declaring      He  has  abdicated  government  here,  [tcitlidrawing  his  gov- 
us  out  of  his  ernors,  and  declaring  us  out  of  his  allegiance  and  protection.] 
protection, 
and  waging  war  against  us 


JEFFERSON.  107 

He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our  coasts,  burnt 
our  towns,  and  destroyed  the  lives  of  our  people. 

He  is  at  this  time  transporting  large   armies  of  foreign 
mercenaries,  to  complete  the  works  of  death,  desolation, 
and  tyranny,  already  begun  with  circumstances  of  cruelty, 
and  perfidy,  [  ]  unworthy  the  head  of  a  civilized  nation,      scarcely     pa- 
He  has  constrained  our  fellow-citizens  taken  captive  on  ralleled  in  the 
the  high  seas,  to  bear  arms  against  their  country,  to  be-  most   barbar- 
come  the  executioners  of  their  friends  and  brethren,  or  to  ous  ages,  and 
fall  themselves  by  their  hands.  totally 

He  has  [  ]  endeavored  to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  excited  do- 
our  frontiers,  the  merciless  Indian  savages,  whose  known  mestic  insur- 
rule  of  warfare,  is  an  undistinguished  destruction  of  all  rections  a- 
ages,  sexes,  and  conditions  [of  existence.']  mong  us,  and 

[He  has  incited  treasonable  insurrections  of  our  fellow-  nas 
citizens,  with  the  allurements  of  forfeiture,  and  confiscation 
of  our  property. 

He  has  waged  cruel  war  against  human  nature  itself, 
violating  its  most  sacred  rights  of  life  and  liberty,  in  the 
persons  of  a  distant  people,  who  never  offended  him,  cap- 
tivating and  carrying  them  into  slavery  in  another  hemis- 
phere, or  to  incur  miserable  death  in  their  transportation 
thither.  This  piratical  warfare,  the  opprobium  of  infidel 
powers,  is  the  warfare  of  the  Christian  King  of  Great 
Britain.  Determined  to  keep  open  a  market,  where  men 
should  be  bought  and  sold,  he  has  prostituted  his  negative 
for  suppressing  every  legislative  attempt  to  prohibit  or  to 
restrain  this  execrable  commerce.  And  that  this  assemblage 
of  horrors  might  want  no  fact  of  distinguished  die,  he  is 
now  exciting  thos£  very  people  to  rise  in  arms  among  us, 
and  to  purchase  that  liberty  of  which  he  has  deprived 
them,  by  murdering  the  people  on  whom  he  also  obtruded 
them :  thus  paying  off  former  crimes  committed  against 
the  liberties  of  one  people,  with  crimes  which  he  urges  them  { 
to  commit  against  the  lives  of  another.] 

In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions,  we  have  petitioned 
for  redress,  in  the  most  humble  terms ;  our  repeated  peti- 
tions have  been  answered  only  by  repeated  injuries. 

A  prince  whose  character  is  thus  marked  by  every  act 
which  may  define  a  tyrant,  is  unfit  to  be  the  ruler  of  a  [  ]  free 

people,  [who  mean  to  be  free.  Future  ages  will  scarcely 
believe,  that  the  hardiness  of  one  man  adventured,  within 
the  short  compass  of  twelve  years  only,  to  lay  a  foundation 
so  broad  and  so  undisguised  for  tyranny,  over  a  people 
fostered  and  fixed  in  principles  of  freedom.] 

Nor  have  we  been  wanting  in  attentions  to  our  British 
brethren.     We  have  warned  them  from  dme  to  time  of 
attempts  by  their  legislature,   to  extend  [a]  jurisdiction  an        unwar- 
over  [these  our  states.]     We  have  reminded  them  of  the  rantable 

US' 


108 


JEFFERSON. 


circumstances  of  our  emigration  and    settlement   here, 
[no  one  of  which  could  warrant  so  strange  a  pretension : 
that  these  were  effected  at  the  expense  of  our  own  blood  and 
treasure,  unassisted  by  the  wealth  or  the  strength  of  Great 
Britain :  that  in  constituting  indeed  our  several  forms  of 
government,  we  had  adopted  one  common  Icing,  thereby  lay- 
ing a  foundation  for  perpetual  league  and  amity  with  them, 
but  that  submission  to  their  Parliament,  was  no  part  of 
our  constitution,  nor  ever  in  idea,  if  history  may  be  crcdit- 
nave          ed,  and]  we  [  ]  appealed  to  their  native  justice   and  mag- 
and  we  have  nanimity,  [as  well  as  to]  the  ties  of  our  common   kindred 
conjured  to  disavow  these  usurpations  which  [were  likely  to]  inter- 

them  by  rupt  our  connexion  and  correspondence.     They  too  have 

would    inevi-  been  deaf  to  the  voice  of  justice  and  of  consanguinity, 
tably  [and  when  occasions  have  been  given  them,  by  the  regular 

course  of  their  laws,  of  removing  from  their  councils  the 
disturbers  of  our  harmony,  they  have,  by  their  free  election, 
reestablished  them  in  power.     At  this  very  time,  too,  they 
are  permitting  their  Chief  Magistrate  to  send  over  not  only 
soldiers  of  our  common  blood,  but  Scotch  and  foreign  mer- 
cenaries, to  invade  and  destroy  us.      These  facts  have  given 
the  last  stab  to  agonizing  affection,  and  manly  spirit  bids 
us  to  renounce  forever  these  unfeeling  brethren.      We  must 
endeavor  to  forget  our  former  love  for  them,  and  hold  them 
as  we  hold  the  rest  of  mankind,  enemies  in  war,  in  peace 
friends.     We  might  have  been  a  free  and  a  great  people 
together;  but  a  communication  of  grandeur  and  of  free- 
dom, it  seems,  is  below  their  dignity.     Be  it  so,  since  they 
must  wm  jiave  jf      The  road  to  happiness  and  to  glory  is  open 
to  us  too.      We  will  tread  it  apart  from  them,  and]  acqui- 
esce in  the  necessity  which  denounces  our   [eternal]  sep- 
and  hold  them  aration  [  ] ! 
as  we  hold  the 
rest  of  man- 
kind, enemies 
in     war,     in 
peace  friends. 


We 

therefore 


We  therefore,  the  representatives 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  in 
general  Congress  assembled,  do  in 
the  name,  and  by  the  authority  of 
the  good  people  of  these  [states  re- 
ject and  renounce  all  allegiance  and 
subjection  to  the  Kings  of  Great 
Britain,  and  all  others,  who  may 
hereafter  claim  by,  through,  or  un- 
der them;  we  utterly  dissolve  all 
political  connexion  which  may  here- 


We  therefore,  the  representatives 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  in 
general  Congress  assembled,  appeal- 
ing to  the  Supreme  Judge  of  the 
world  for  the  rectitude  of  our  inten- 
tions, do  in  the  name,  and  by  the 
authority  of  the  good  people  of  these 
colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  de- 
clare, that  these  united  colonies  are, 
and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and 
independent  states ;  that  they  are 


JEFFERSON. 


109 


to/ore  have  sttbsisted  between  us  and 
the  people  or  Parliament  of  Great 
Britain ;  and  finally  ice  do  assert 
and  declare  these  colonies  to  be  free 
and  independent  states]  and  that,  as 
free  and  independent  states,  they 
have  full  power  to  levy  war,  con- 
clude peace,  contract  alliances,  es- 
tablish commerce,  and  to  do  all 
other  acts  and  things  which  inde- 
pendent states  may  of  right  do. 
And  for  the  support  of  this  declara- 
tion, we  mutually  pledge  to  each 
other  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and 
our  sacred  honor. 


absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the 
British  crown,  and  that  all  political 
connexion  between  them  and  the 
state  of  Great  Britain  is,  and  ought 
to  be,  totally  dissolved  ;  and  that, 
as  free  and  independent  states,  they 
have  full  power  to  levy  war,  con- 
clude peace,  contract  alliances,  es- 
tablish commerce,  and  to  do  all 
other  acts  and  things,  which  inde- 
pendent states  may  of  right  do. 

And  for  the  support  of  this  decla- 
ration, with  a  firm  reliance  on  the 
protection  of  Divine  Providence,  we 
mutually  pledge  to  each  other  our 
lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred 
honor. 

Mr.  Jefferson  continued  an  active  member  of  the  second  Congress, 
and  was  appointed,  together  with  Dr.  Franklin  and  Silas  Deane,  a  Com- 
missioner to  the  Court  of  France,  to  negotiate  treaties  of  alliance  and 
commerce  with  that  nation,  but  was  compelled,  on  account  of  the  state  of 
his  health,  and  other  causes  of  a  private  nature,  to  decline  the  appoint- 
ment. During  the  year  1776,  the  people  of  Virginia  had  been  occupied 
in  forming  a  constitution  and  plan  of  government  for  that  state,  and  now 
that  the  more  important  measures  of  Congress  had  been  carried,  and  the 
bark  of  Independence  fairly  launched,  and  though  still  tossing  upon  a 
wide  and  tempestuous  sea,  was  yet  under  the  guidance  of  bold  hearts  and 
strong  hands,  Mr.  Jefferson  turned  his  attention  to  his  native  state,  and 
thinking  that  he  could  be  of  more  use  in  her  counsels,  resigned  the  seat 
to  which  he  had  been  elected  in  the  third  Congress,  in  September,  1776, 
and  having  been  returned  a  member  of  the  state  legislature,  immediate- 
ly took  his  seat  in  that  body  in  the  following  October. 

Early  in  the  session,  a  committee  was  appointed  in  pursuance  of  a  mo- 
tion made  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  to  make  a  careful  revision  of  the  laws  of  the 
state.  This  committee  consisted  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  Edmund  Pendleton, 
George -Mason,  Thomas  L.  Lee,  and  George  Wythe,  the  former  instructor 
of  Jefferson,  and  afterwards  Chancellor  of  Virginia.  From  this  commit- 
tee Mr.  Mason  and  Mr.  Lee  soon  excused  themselves,  considering  them- 
selves as  not  qualified  for  the  undertaking,  on  account  of  their  not  being 
lawyers.  The  work  was  therefore  divided  between  the  other  three  mem- 
bers, who  in  June,  1779,  reported  to  the  legislature  a  code  of  laws, 
comprised  in  the  compass  of  one  hundred  and  twenty -six  bills.  A  few 
of  these  were  from  time  to  time  passed  by  the  legislature,  as  occasion  or 
necessity  required,  but  the  greater  part  were  deferred  until  after  the  peace 
in  1785,  when  most  of  them  were  enacted  with  little  alteration. 

The  labors  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  while  a  member  of  this  committee,  were 
so  various  and  so  extensive,  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  convey  an 
adequate  idea  of  them,  without  encroaching  upon  other  matters,  of  equal 


110  JEFFERSON. 

importance,  and,  perchance,  of  more  interest.  Mr.  Jefferson  has  perhaps 
been  considered  by  many,  as  an  innovator ;  as  too  fond  of  destroying  the 
old  established  customs  and  laws  of  society,  and  substituting  in  their 
place,  the  fanciful  theories  of  his  own  brain.  He  had,  it  is  true,  no 
veneration  for  old  laws  and  customs,  merely  because  they  were  old  ;  he 
looked  alone  to  their  justice,  and  their  adaptedness  to  human  nature,  and 
the  existing  state  of  things  ;  and  if  he  fouiid  not  those  qualities  in  them, 
their  antiquity  was  no  protection.  He  was  not  willing  to  live  under  a  bad 
law,  because  his  fathers  had  done  so,  when  a  better  one  could  be  obtain- 
ed. But  whether  the  charge  of  love  of  innovation  be  just  or  not,  it  must 
be  confessed  by  all,  that  the  alterations  introduced  by  his  means,  into  the 
constitution  and  laws  of  Virginia,  were  changes  of  the  most  beneficial 
nature.  Many  of  these  were  important,  as  tending  to  abolish  those  cus- 
toms of  the  old  countries,  which,  whenever  introduced,  or  suffered  to  re- 
main in  a  newly  established  nation,  must  prove  serious  obstructions  to  its 
growth  and  prosperity — such,  for  instance,  as  the  laws  converting  estates 
tail  into  fee-simple,  abolishing  the  right  of  primogeniture,  and  establish- 
ing the  freedom  of  religious  opinion.  To  these  may  be  added  the  laws 
for  the  general  establishment  of  schools,  and  the  abolishment  of  the  slave 
trade — all  these  were  proposed,  and  eventually  carried,  though  with  modi- 
fications in  some  cases,  almost  exclusively  by  the  exertions  of  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son. "  I  considered,"  says  Mr.  Jefferson,  "  four  of  these  bills,  passed 
or  reported,  as  forming  a  system,  by  which  every  fibre  would  be  eradi- 
cated, of  ancient  or  future  aristocracy ;  and  a  foundation  laid  for  a  go- 
vernment truly  republican.  The  repeal  of  the  laws  of  entail,  would  pre- 
vent the  accumulation  and  perpetuation  of  wealth,  in  select  families,  and 
preserve  the  soil  of  the  country  from  being  daily  more  and  more  absorbed 
in  mortmain.  The  abolition  of  primogeniture,  and  equal  partition  of 
inheritances,  removed  the  feudal  and  unnatural  distinctions  which  made 
one  member  of  every  family  rich,  and  all  the  rest  poor,  substituting  equal 
partition,  the  best  of  all  Agrarian  laws.  The  restoration  of  the  rights  of 
conscience,  relieved  the  people  from  taxation,  for  the  support  of  a  religion 
not  theirs;  for  the  establishment"  (that  is,  of  the  Church  of  England,) 
,"  was  truly  the  religion  of  the  rich,  the  dissenting  sects  being  entirely 
composed  of  the  less  wealthy  people  ;  and  these,  by  the  bill  for  a  general 
education,  would  be  qualified  to  understand  their  rights,  to  maintain 
them,  and  to  exercise  with  intelligence  their  parts  in  self  government : 
and  all  this  would  be  effected,  without  the  violation  of  a  single  natural 
right,  of  any  one  individual  citizen." 

In  June,  1779,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  elected  successor  to  Mr.  Henry,  as 
Governor  of  Virginia,  a  situation  of  peculiar  difficulty,  to  one  so  entirely 
unused  to  military  matters.  Yet  even  here  his  genius  showed  itself 
equal  to  every  emergency,  and  every  thing  was  done  by  him  that  could 
be,  to  protect  the  state  from  the  attacks  made  by  the  traitor  Arnold 
on  the  seaboard,  and  Tarlton  and  Cornwallis  on  the  southern  frontier: 
but  in  1781,  the  term  for  which  he  was  elected  having  expired,  believing 
that  the  people  would  be  better  satisfied  with  having  a  military  man  at 
the  head  of  affairs,  and  the  defence  of  the  country  better  conducted,  he 
resigned  the  office  and  was  succeeded  by  General  Nelson. 


JEFFERSON.  Ill 

But  two  days  after  his  resignation,  Mr.  Jefferson  narrowly  escaped 
being  made  a  prisoner  by  Tarlton,  who,  with  his  regiment,  of  horse,  had 
been  despatched  by  Lord  Cornwallis,  for  the  purpose  of  surprising  the 
Governor,  and  the  members  of  the  Assembly,  then  in  session  at  Charlottes- 
ville.  Notice  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy  was,  however,  brought  to 
Charlottesville  so  early,  that  the  members  had  time  to  escape. 

Mr.  Jefferson  was  at  breakfast  with  his  family  and  some  guests,  when 
the  intelligence  of  this  movement  was  received  at  Monticello.  He  im- 
mediately sent  off  his  family  to  a  place  of  safety,  while  he  himself  re- 
mained to  make  some  arrangements  in  his  house,  and  while  so  occupied, 
a  neighbor  rode  up  to  inform  him  that  the  enemy  were  then  actually 
ascending  the  hill  at  full  speed,  and  so  near  were  they,  that  he  had  barely 
time  to  throw  himself  upon  his  horse  and  plunge  into  the  woods,  by 
which  means  he  escaped  the  search  that  was  made  for  him. 

Soon  after  Mr.  Jefferson's  retirement  from  office,  however,  some  mem- 
bers of  the  then  legislature,  believing,  or  pretending  to  believe,  that  he 
had  been  remiss,  and  culpably  negligent,  in  the  measures  which  he  had 
adopted  for  the  defence  of  the  seaboard,  at  the  time  of  Arnold's  descent 
upon  Richmond,  moved  for  an  investigation  of  his  conduct.  To  this 
neither  Mr.  Jefferson  or  his  friends  made  any  opposition,  and  at  the  ses- 
sion of  the  legislature,  when  the  investigation  was  to  have  taken  place, 
the  movers,  convinced  that  there  was  no  ground  for  complaint,  wholly  de- 
clined the  farther  prosecution  of  the  charges. 

It  has  been  a  distinguishing  feature  in  the  lives  of  some  of  the  most 
celebrated  characters  the  world  has  ever  produced,  that,  amidst  the  con- 
fusion of  war  or  the  cares  of  state,  they  have  still,  with  that  true  econo- 
my so  little  understood,  the  economy  of  minutes,  found  time  to  devote  to 
the  cause  of  literature  and  science.  It  was  so  with  Mr.  Jefferson  at  this 
period.  Notwithstanding  the  conspicuous  part  he  had  taken  in  public 
affairs,  and  the  laborious  duties  he  had  been  called  upon  to  perform, 
amidst  all  the  tumult  of  a  civil  war,  he  had  still  found  time  for  works  of  a 
more  peaceful  nature.  During  the  year  1781,  M.  de  Marbois,  Secretary 
of  the  French  Legation  in  the  United  States,  having  been  instructed  by 
his  own  Court,  to  obtain  all  useful  statistical  information  concerning  the 
American  States,  that  was  in  his  power,  addressed  some  inquiries  to  Mr. 
Jefferson,  concerning  Virginia.  Mr.  Jefferson  had  ever  been  in  the 
habit  of  committing  to  writing,  all  the  information  he  could  at  any  time 
collect,  and  the  numerous  memoranda  he  had  in  this  way  obtained,  now 
furnished  him  with  materials  for  his  answers  to  M.  de  Marbois'  questions. 
These  he  replied  to  at  great  length,  giving  a  most  interesting  statement 
of  the  natural  history,  the  soil,  productions,  institutions,  and  statistics  of 
his  native  state.  This  work  was  afterwards  published  by  him,  under  the 
title  of  "  Notes  on  Virginia." 

But  in  those  times  of  emergency  and  danger,  talents-  of  so  high  an 
order  as  Mr.  •Jefferson's,  could  not  long  be  spared  by  his  country,  and 
she  therefore  soon  made  a  new  call  for  his  services.  In  the  early  part  of 
1781,  Mr.  Jefferson  had  been  appointed  a  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  to- 
gether with  Mr.  Adams,  Mr.  Jay,  Mr.  Laurens,  and  Dr.  Franklin,  for 
the  negotiation  of  peace  which  was  then  expected  to  take  place.  His  ill 


112  JEFFEHSON. 

health,  and  the4 situation  of  affairs  at  home,  however,  compelled  him  to 
decline  the  appointment,  and  no  progress  was  ever  made  in  regard  to  the 
treaty.  In  1782,  he  was  again  appointed  a  commissioner  for  the  same 
purpose,  and  the  hope  of  promoting  the  public  interests,  and  at  the  same 
time  of  restoring  his  own  health  by  a  change  of  climate,  induced  him  to 
accept  the  appointment ;  but  before  his  embarkation,  news  was  received 
that  the  preliminaries  of  peace  had  already  been  signed  by  the  other 
ministers,  and  he  was  therefore  excused. 

In  1783  and  4,  we  find  Mr.  Jefferson  again  in  Congress,  and  active  in 
all  important  measures,  especially  as  chairman  of  the  committee  upon  the 
state  of  the  treasury,  and  also  of  the  committee  to  which  was  referred 'the 
definitive  treaty  of  peace  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States, 
which  was  finally  ratified  by  this  Congress,  on  the  fourteenth  January, 
1784.  On  the  seventh  May,  of  the  same  year,  in  pursuance  of  a  vote  of 
Congress,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  appointed,  together  with  Mr.  Adams,  and 
Dr.  Franklin,  who  were  then  in  Europe,  a  Minister  Plenipotentiary  for 
the  purpose  of  forming  treaties  of  commerce  with  foreign  nations,  and 
accordingly  embarked,  with  his  eldest  daughter,  at  Boston,  on  the  fifth 
of  July,  and,  after  a  pleasant  voyage,  arrived  at  Paris  on  the  sixth  of 
August,  where  he  was  immediately  joined  by  Dr.  Franklin,  and  soon 
after  by  Mr.  Adams.  The  commissioners  were  by  no  means  as  suc- 
cessful in  their  attempts  to  form  treaties,  as  had  been  anticipated,  and  at 
the  end  of  a  year,  spent  in  almost  fruitless  negotiations,  the  only  powers 
with  whom  treaties  had  been  effected,  were  Prussia  and  Morocco,  and 
their  commission  expired  without  any  thing  of  '.  >:u£  been 

accomplished. 

In  February,  1786,  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  had  been  previously  appointed 
to  succeed  Dr.  Franklin,  as  Minister  to  France,  at  the  solicitation  of  Mr. 
Adams,  then  at  the  Court  of  St.  James,  went  over  to  England,  in  the 
hope  of  effecting  a  treaty  of  commerce  with  that  nation  :  how  dis- 
couraging was  his  reception,  can  best  be  learnt  from  his  own  words. 
"  On  my  presentation,"  says  he,  "  as  usual,  to  the  King  and  Queen  at 
their  levees,  it  was  impossible  for  any  thing  to  be  more  ungracious,  than 
their  notice  of  Mr.  Adams  and  myself.  I  saw  at  once,  that  the  ulcera- 
tions  of  mind  in  that  quarter,  left  nothing  to  be  expected  on  the  subject 
of  my  attendance ;  and  on  the  first  conference  with  the  Marquis  of 
Caermarthen,  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  the  distance  and  disinclina- 
tion which  he  betrayed  in  his  conversation,  the  vagueness  and  evasions 
of  his  answers  to  us,  confirmed  me  in  the  belief  of  their  aversion  to  have 
any  thing  to  do  with  us."  Mr.  Jefferson,  therefore,  finding  his  visit  fruit- 
less, returned  to  Paris  on  the  thirtieth  of  April,  after  an  absence  of  seven 
weeks. 

It  would  be  useless,  in  this  hasty  sketch,  to  attempt  to  give  any  account 
of  the  various  diplomatic  transactions  in  which  Mr.  Jefferson  was  engag- 
ed, during  his  residence  in  France,  a  period  of  little  more  than  five  years, 
from  August,  1784,  to  October,  1789,  especially,  as  they  would  not  be 
of  great  interest  to  the  general  reader.  As  the  representative  of  a  new 
country  at^a  foreign  court,  there  was,  of  course,  much  to  be  done  by  him, 
yet  there  was  nothing  which  required  the  exercise  of  any  great  talents  or 


JEFFERSON.  113 

powers  of  mind,  at  least  when  compared  with  the  scenes  of  deep  and 
eventful  interest  through  which  we  have  lately  followed  him ;  and  after 
contemplating  such  scenes  and  such  transactions,  the  mere  details  of 
business  and  diplomatic  negotiations  must  necessarily  appear  dull  and 
even  insignificant.  But  the  years  passed  by  Mr.  Jefferson  in  Europe, 
although  not  now  so  interesting  to  most  readers,  as  the  other  periods  of 
his  life,  was  still  one  of  great  enjoyment  to  him.  Fond  as  he  had  ever  been 
of  science,  the  stirring  scenes  in  which  he  had  been  called  to  take  so 
conspicuous  a  part,  had  allowed  him  little  time  for  study  and  invesjiga- 
tion  :  that  time,  it  is  true,  had  been  carefully  employed,  but  he  now  found 
full  opportunity  for  the  free  indulgence  of  his  literary  and  scientific  tastes. 
In  the  most  polite  court  in  Europe,  surrounded  by  the  most  learned  men 
of  the  age,  honored  and  esteemed  by  them,  not  only  as  a  statesman,  but 
as  a  philosopher,  he  led  a  life  most  congenial  to  a  mind  like  his,  so  eager 
in  the  pursuit  of  knowledge,  and  so  capable  of  enjoying  all  that  was 
elegant  and  refined.  He  was,  too,  the  friend  of  Franklin,  and  so  great 
was  the  enthusiasm  felt  by  the  French  people  for  that  remarkable  man, 
that  to  be  his  friend,  was  of  itself,  apart  from  all  other  circumstances  of 
public  character,  a  sufficient  passport  to  the  society  and  friendship  of 
Condorcet,  Buffon,  D'Alembert,  and  all  the  wise  and  learned  of  the 
French  capital.  To  the  happiness  Mr.  Jefferson  experienced  there,  and 
the  many  pleasant  attachments  formed  there,  must  be  in  part  attributed 
the  strong  preference  he  ever  afterwards  exhibited  towards  that  nation. 
In  his  memoirs,  when  speaking  of  his  departure  from  France  on  his  re- 
turn to  America,  he  adds,  "  And  here  I  cannot  leave  this  great  and 
good  country,  without  expressing  my  sense  of  its  preeminence  of  charac- 
ter among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  A  more  benevolent  people  I  have 
never  known,  nor  greater  warmth  and  devotedness  in  their  select  friend- 
ships. Their  kindness  and  accommodation  to  strangers  is  unparalleled, 
and  the  hospitality  of  Paris  is  beyond  any  thing  I  had  conceived  to  be 
practicable  in  a  large  city.  Their  eminence  too  in  science,  the  commu- 
nicative dispositions  of  their  scientific  men,  the  politeness  of  the  general 
manners,  the  ease  and  vivacity  of  their  conversation,  give  a  charm  to 
their  society,  to  be  found  no  where  else.  In  a  comparison  of  this  with 
other  countries,  we  have  the  proof  of  primacy,  which  was  given  to  The- 
mistocles  after  the  battle  of  Salamis.  Every  general  voted  to  himself  the 
first  reward  of  valor,  and  the  second  to  Themistocles.  So,  ask  tSe  trav- 
elled inhabitant  of  any  nation,  In  what  country  on  earth  would  you  rather 
live  ?  Certainly  in  my  own,  where  are  all  my  friends,  my  relations,  and 
the  earliest  and  sweetest  affections  and  recollections  of  my  life.  Which 
would  be  your  second  choice  ?  France." 

Yet  notwithstanding  his  love  of  France  and  its  society,  America  still 
held  the  first  place  in  his  heart,  and,  amidst  all  the  refinement  and  learn- 
ing of  Paris,  he  often  sighed  for  the  retirement  of  Monticello.  In  a  letter 
to  the  Baron  Geismer,  dated  at  Paris,  September  sixth,  1785,  he  says, 
"  The  character  in  which  1  am  here,  at  present,  co'nfmes  me  to  this 
place,  and  will  confine  me  as  long  as  I  continue  in  Europe.  How  long 
this  will  be,  I  cannot  tell.  I  am  now  of  an  age,  which  does  not  easily 
accommodate  itself  to  new  manners  and  new  modes  of  living,  and  I  am 
15 


114  JEFFERSON. 

savage  enough  to  prefer  the  woods,  the  wilds,  and  the  independence  of 
Monticello,  to  all  the  brilliant  pleasures  of  this  gay  capital.  I  shall 
therefore  rejoin  myself  to  my  native  country,  with  new  attachments,  and 
with  exaggerated  esteem  for  its  advantages ;  for  though  there  is  less 
wealth  there,  there  is  more  freedom,  more  ease,  and  less  misery." 

Mr.  Jefferson  was  naturally  led,  during  his  residence  in  Europe,  to  com- 
pare the  state  of  the  French  people,  their  advancement  in  morals,  in 
science,  and  the  arts  of  life,  with  his  own  countrymen.  As  a  citizen  of  a 
new  republic,  where  perfect  freedom  of  religious  opinions  existed,  and 
where  the  only  end  of  government  was  to  improve  the  people,  and  deeply 
anxious  as  to  the  result  of  the  great  experiment  which  was  then  on  trial, 
Whether  the  people  could  rule  themselves  ? — he  was  constantly  watching 
the  effects  of  the  government,  and  the  long  established  institutions  of 
France,  on  the  character  and  happiness  of  the  people,  and  instituting 
comparisons  between  the  inhabitants  of  that  and  of  his  own  land;  and 
although  America  was  even  then  suffering  all  the  evils  which  a  Jong  and 
bloody  war,  carried  on  in  the  midst  of  her  own  territories,  had  inflicted 
on  her,  the  result  of  his  observations  was  uniformly  in  her  favor.  In  a 
letter  to  Mr.  Bellini,  dated  Paris,  1785,  he  thus  expresses  himself — "  Be- 
hold me  at  length  on  the  vaunted  scene  of  Europe !  It  is  not  necessary 
for  your  information,  that  I  should  enter  into  details  concerning  it.  But 
you  are,  perhaps,  curious  to  know  how  this  new  scene  has  struck  a  sa- 
vage of  the  mountains  of  America.  Not  advantageously,  I  assure  you. 
I  find  the  general  fate  of  humanity  here  most  deplorable.  The  truth  of 
Voltaire's  observation  offers  itself  perpetually,  that  every  man  here  must 
be  either  the  hammer  or  the  anvil.  While  the  great  mass  of  the  people 
ire  thus  suffering  under  physical  and  moral  oppression,  I  have  endeavor- 
ed to  examine  more  nearly  the  condition  of  the  great,  to  appreciate  the 
true  value  of  the  circumstances  in  their  situation,  which  dazzle  the  bulk 
of  spectators,  and,  especially,  to  compare  it  with  that  degree  of  happiness 
which  is  enjoyed  in  America  by  every  class  of  people.  Intrigues  of  love 
occupy  the  younger,  and  those  of  ambition  the  elder  part  of  the  great. 
Conjugal  love  having  no  existence  among  them,  domestic  happiness,  of 
which  that  is  the  basis,  is  utterly  unknown.  In  lieu  of  this,  are  substitut- 
ed pursuits  which  nourish  and  invigorate  all  our  bad  passions,  and  which 
offer  only  moments  of  ecstacy,  amidst  days  and  months  of  restlessness 
and  torment.  Much,  very  much  inferior,  this,  to  the  tranquil,  perma- 
nent felicity,  with  which  domestic  society  in  America  blesses  most  of  its 
inhabitants;  leaving  them  to  follow  steadily  those  pursuits  which  health 
and  reason  approve,  and  rendering  truly  delicious  the  intervals  of  those 
pursuits. 

"  In  science  the  mass  of  the  people  is  two  centuries  behind  ours  ;  their 
literati,  half  a  dozen  years  before  us.  With  respect  to  what  are  termed 
polite  manners,  without  sacrificing  too  much  the  sincerity  of  language,  I 
would  wish  my  countrymen  to  adopt  just  so  much  of  European  politeness, 
as  to  be  ready  to  make  all  those  little  sacrifices  of  self,  which  really  ren- 
der European  manners  amiable,  and  relieve  society  from  the  disagreeable 
scenes  to  which  rudeness  often  subjects  it.  Here,  it  seems  that  a  man 
might  pass  a  life  without  encountering  a  single  rudeness.  In  the  plea- 


JEFFERSON.  115 

sures  of  the  table  they  are  far  before  us,  because  with  good  taste  they  unite 
temperance.  They  do  not  terminate  the  most  sociable  meals  by  trans- 
forming themselves  into  brutes.  I  have  never  yet  seen  a  man  drunk  in 
France,  even  among  the  lowest  of  the  people.  Were  I  to  proceed  to  tell  you 
how  much  I  enjpy  their  architecture,  sculpture,  painting,  music,  I  should 
want  words.  It  is  in  these  acts  they  shine.  The  last  of  them,  particu- 
larly, is  an  enjoyment,  the  deprivation  of  which  with  us  cannot  be  calcu- 
lated. I  am  almost  ready  to  say,  it  is  the  only  thing  which  from  my 
heart  I  envy  them,  and  which,  in  spite  of  all  the  authority  of  the  Deca- 
logue, I  do  covet." 

In  another  letter  to  Mr.  Wythe,  dated  Paris,  August,  1786,  when 
speaking  of  the  revision  of  the  laws  in  which  the  Assembly  of  Virginia 
had  been  engaged,  he  writes — "  I  think,  by  far  the  most  important  bill 
in  our  whole  code,  is  that  for  the  diffusion  of  knowledge  among  the  peo- 
ple. No  other  sure  foundation  can  be  devised  for  the  preservation  of 
freedom  and  happiness.  If  any  body  thinks  that  kings,  nobles,  or 
priests,  are  good  conservators  of  the  public  happiness,  send  him  here.  It 
is  the  best  school  in  the  universe,  to  cure  him  of  that  folly.  He  will  see 
here  with  his  own  eyes,  that  these  descriptions  of  men  are  an  abandoned 
confederacy  against  the  happiness  of  the  mass  of  the  people.  The  om- 
nipotence of  their  effect  cannot  be  better  proved,  than  in  this  country 
particularly,  where  notwithstanding  the  finest  soil  upon  earth,  the  finest 
climate  under  heaven,  and  a  people  of  the  most  benevolent,  the  most  gay 
and  amiable  character,  of  which  the  human  form  is  susceptible ;  where 
such  a  people,  I  say,  surrounded  by  so  many  blessings  from  nature,  are 
loaded  with  misery  by  kings,  nobles,  and  priests,  and  by  them  alone. 
Preach,  my  dear  Sir,  a  crusade  against  ignorance ;  establish  and  im- 
prove the  law  for  educating  the  common  people.  Let  our  country  men 
know,  that  the  people  alone  can  protect  us  against  these  evils,  and  that 
the  tax  which  will  be  paid  for  this  purpose,  is  not  more  than  the  thou- 
sandth part  of  what  will  be  paid  to  kings,  priests,  and  nobles,  who  will 
rise  up  among  us  if  we  leave  the  people  in  ignorance." 

During  Mr.  Jefferson's  residence  in  Europe,  his  official  duties  demand- 
ed so  much  of  his  attention,  and  confined  him  so  closely  to  Paris,  that  he 
had  few  opportunities  for  visiting  the  other  parts  of  the  continent.  We 
have  already  mentioned,  that  soon  after  his  appointment,  at  the  request 
of  Mr.  Adams,  and  in  the  hope  of  effecting  a  commercial  treaty  with 
England,  he  visited  London.  He  also  went  to  the  Hague  at  a  later 
period,  to  meet  Mr.  Adams,  for  the  purpose  of  negotiating  a  loan  to  Con- 
gress, and  returned  thence  along  the  banks  of  the  Rhine.  In  the  early 
part  of  1787,  having  suffered  much  from  a  dislocated  wrist,  he  was  in- 
duced to  try  the  warm  mineral  springs  of  Aix,  in  Provence,  in  the  hope 
that  they  would  prove  beneficial,  but  not  finding  them  of  the  service  he 
had  expected,  he  took  the  opportunity  to  visit  the  southern  provinces  of 
France,  and  the  northern  parts  of  Italy  ;  and  the  short  journal  he  has  left 
us,  is  enough  to  make  us  regret  that  he  had  not  possessed  more  leisure, 
or  that  fortune  had  not  made  him  a  traveller. 

While  in  Paris,  Mr.  Jefferson  became  acquainted  with  Ledyard,  the 
celebrated  American  traveller,  who  had  come  there  with  the  intention  of 


116  JEFFERSON. 

forming  a  company  for  the  prosecution  of  the  fur  trade  on  the  northwest 
coast,  and  in  which  plan  he  found  an  active  coadjutor  in  Paul  Jones, 
who  was  at  that  time  in  France.  Not  succeeding  in  this,  Mr.  Jefferson 
suggested  to  him  the  idea  of  a  journey  through  the  Russian  dominions  to 
Kamschatka ;  thence  to  cross  to  Nootka  Sound,  and  return  across  the 
continent  of  America  to  the  United  States.  This  plan  was  readily  adopt- 
ed by  Ledyard,  who  was  eager  for  any  expedition  of  discovery,  whether 
to  the  frozen  regions  of  Siberia,  or  the  burning  deserts  of  Africa.  Mr. 
Jefferson  accordingly  undertook  to  obtain  the  permission  of  the  Empress 
Catharine,  for  him  to  journey  through  her  dominions.  This,  however, 
was  peremptorily  refused  by  the  Empress.  But  Ledyard,  once  started  in 
an  enterprise,  was  not  to  be  deterred  by  an  obstacle  of  this  nature  ;  he 
therefore  left  Paris  for  St.  Petersburg,  thinking  that  in  person  he  might 
obtain  the  necessary  permission.  Not  finding  the  Empress  at  St.  Peters- 
burg, and  unwilling  to  surfer  any  delay,  he  proceeded  without  it,  and  had 
actually  arrived  on  the  banks  of  the  Lena,  and  within  a  few  days'  journey 
of  Kamschatka,  when  he  was  overtaken  by  officers  despatched  after  him, 
brought  back  to  the  frontiers  of  Russia,  and  there  dismissed. 

Hitherto  we  have  regarded  Mr.  Jefferson  merely  as  a  statesman,  but  it 
is  not  in  this  light  only  that  he  is  to  be  viewed.  During  all  the  time  of 
his  residence  abroad,  the  numerous  letters  to  his  friends  in  America,  de- 
tailing all  the  new  discoveries  made  iu  science  and  the  arts,  prove  how 
deeply  he  was  interested  in  those  subjects ;  and  the  following  letter  will 
show  how  readily  he  could  turn  from  the  cares  of  state,  to  familiar  inter- 
course of  the  lightest  and  most  sportive  kind.  Of  the  lady  to  whom  it 
was  addressed  we  know  nothing,  but  we  are  confident  its  playfulness  and 
the  goodness  of  heart  which  it  exhibits,  will  prove  an  ample  apology  for 
the  length  of  the  extract. 

"  To  MRS.  COSWAY. 

"  Paris,  October  12,  178C. 
"  My  dear  Madam, 

"  Having  performed  the  last  sad  office  of  handing  you  into  your  car- 
riage, at  the  pavilion  de  St.  Denis,  and  seen  the  wheels  get  actually  into 
motion,  I  turned  on  my  heel  and  walked,  more  dead  than  alive,  to  the 
opposite  door,  where  my  own  was  awaiting  me.  Mr.  Danquerville  was 
missing.  He  was  sought  for,  found,  and  dragged  down  stairs.  We  were 
crammed  into  the  carriage,  like  recruits  for  the  Bastile ;  and  not  having 
soul  enough  to  give  orders  to  the  coachman,  he  presumed  Paris  our  des- 
tination, and  drove  off.  After  a  considerable  interval,  silence  was  broke, 
with  a  "  Je  suis  vraiment  afflige  du  depart  de  ces  bans  gens."  This  was 
a  signal  for  mutual  confession  of  distress.  We  began  immediately  to 
talk  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Cosway,  of  their  goodness,  their  talents,  their  amia- 
bility ;  and  though  we  spoke  of  nothing  else,  we  seemed  hardly  to  have 
entered  into  the  matter,  when  the  coachman  announced  the  Rue  Sr. 
Denis,  and  that  we  were  opposite  Mr.  Danquerville's.  He  insisted  on 
descending  there,  and  traversing  a  short  passage  to  his  lodgings,  I  wa* 
carried  home.  Seated  by  my  fireside,  solitary  and  sad,  the  following 
dialogue  took  place  between  my  Head  and  my  Heart. 

"  Head.     Well,  friend,  you  seem  to  be  in  a  pretty  trim. 


JEFFERSON.  117 

"  Heart.  I  am  indeed  the  most  wretched  of  all  earthly  beings.  Over- 
whelmed with  grief,  every  fibre  of  my  frame  distended  beyond  its  natural 
powers  to  bear,  I  would  willingly  meet  whatever  catastrophe  should  leave 
me  no  more  to  feel  or  to  fear. 

"  Head.  These  are  the  eternal  consequences  of  your  warmth  and  pre- 
cipitation. This  is  one  of  the  scrapes  into  which  you  are  ever  leading 
us.  You  confess  your  follies,  indeed ;  but  still  you  hug  and  cherish 
them  ;  and  no  reformation  can  be  hoped,  where  there  is  no  repentance. 

"  Heart.  Oh  !  my  friend,  this  is  no  moment  to  upbraid  my  foibles.  I 
am  rent  into  fragments  by  the  force  of  my  grief !  If  you  have  any  balm, 
pour  it  into  my  wounds ;  if  none,  do  not  harrow  them  by  new  torments. 
Spare  me  in  this  awful  moment.  At  any  other,  I  will  attend  with  pa- 
tience to  your  admonitions. 

"  Head.  On  the  contrary,  I  never  found  that  the  moment  of  triumph, 
with  you,  was  the  moment  of  attention  to  my  admonitions.  'While  suffer- 
ing under  your  follies,  you  may  perhaps  be  made  sensible  0f*them  ;  but 
the  paroxysm  over,  you  fancy  it  can  never  return.  Harsh,  therefore,  as 
the  medicine  may  be,  it  is  my  office  to  administer  it.  ***** 
*  *  *  *  j  wish  to  make  you  sensible  how  imprudent  it  is  to  place 
your  affections  without  reserve  on  objects  you  must  so  soon  lose,  and 
whose  loss,  when  it  comes,  must  cost  you  such  severe  pangs.  Remember 
the  last  night.  You  knew  your  friends  were  to  leave  Paris  to-day.  This 
was  enough  to  throw  you  into  agonies.  All  night  you  tossed  us  from  one 
side  of  the  bed  to  the  other ;  no  sleep,  no  rest.  The  poor  crippled  wrist, 
too,  never  left  one  moment  in  the  same  position  ;  now  up,  now  down,  now 
here,  now  there  ;  was  it  to  be  wondered  at  if  its  pains  returned  ?  The 
surgeon  then  was  to  be  called,  and  to  be  rated  as  an  ignoramus,  because 
he  could  not  divine  the  cause  of  this  extraordinary  change.  In  fine,  my 
friend,  you  must  mend  your  manners.  This  is  not  a  world  to  live  at 
random  in,  as  you  do.  To  avoid  those  eternal  distresses,  to  which  you 
are  forever  exposing  us,  you  must  learn  to  look  forward  before  you  take  a 
step,  which  may  interest  our  peace.  Every  thing  in  this  world  is  matter 
of  calculation.  Advance,  then,  with  caution ;  the  balance  in  your  hand. 
Put  into  one  scale  the  pleasures  which  any  object  may  offer ;  but  put 
fairly  into  the  other  the  pains  which  are  t.o  follow,  and  see  which  prepon- 
derates. The  making  an  acquaintance  is  not  a  matter  of  indifference. 
When  a  new  one  is  proposed  to  you,  view  it  all  round.  Consider  what 
advantages  it  presents,  and  to  what  inconveniences  it  may  expose  you. 
Do  not  bite  at  the  bait  of  pleasure,  till  you  know  there  is  no  hook  beneath 
it.  The  art  of  life  is  the  art  of  avoiding  pain  ;  and  he  is  the  best  pilot, 
who  steers  clearest  of  the  rocks  and  shoals  with  which  it  is  beset.  Pleasure 
is  always  before  us,  but  misfortune  is  at  our  side ;  while  running  after 
that,  this  arrests  us.  The  most  effectual  means  of  being  secure  against 
pain,  is  to  retire  within  ourselves,  and  to  suffice  for  our  own  happiness. 
Those  which  depend  on  ourselves,  are  the  only  pleasures  a  wise  man  will 
count  on ;  for  nothing  is  our  own,  which  another  may  deprive  us  of. 
Hence  the  inestimable  value  of  intellectual  pleasures.  Ever  in  our  own 
power,  always  leading  us  to  something  new,  never  cloying,  we  ride  secure 
and  sublime  above  the  concerns  of  this  mortal  world,  contemplating  truth 


118  JEFFERSON. 

and  nature,  matter  and  motion,  the  laws  which  bind  up  their  existence, 
and  that  eternal  Being,  who  made  and  bound  them  up  by  those  laws. 
Let  this  be  our  employ.  Leave  the  bustle  and  tumult  of  society  to  those 
who  have  not  talents  to  occupy  themselves  without  them.  Friendship  is 
but  another  name  for  an  alliance  with  the  follies  and  the  misfortunes  of 
others.  Our  own  share  of  miseries  is  sufficient.  Why  enter,  then,  as 
volunteers  into  those  of  another?  Is  there  so  little  gall  poured  into  our 
cup,  that  we  must  need  help  to  drink  that  of  our  neighbor  ?  A  friend 
dies  or  leaves  us  :  we  feel  as  if  a  limb  was  cut  off.  He  is  sick  :  we  must 
watch  over  him  and  participate  of  his  pains.  His  fortune  is  shipwrecked  : 
ours  must  be  laid  under  contribution.  He  loses  a  child,  a  parent,  or  a 
partner  :  we  must  mourn  the  loss  as  if  it  were  our  own. 

Heart.  And  what, more  sublime  delight,  than  to  mingle  tears  with 
one  whom  the  hand  of  Heaven  hath  smitten !  to  watch  over  the  bed  of 
sickness,  and  to  beguile  its  tedious  and  its  painful  moments !  to  share 
our  bread  with  one  to  whom  misfortune  has  left  none  !  This  world 
abounds  indeed  with  misery ;  to  lighten  its  burden,  we  must  divide  it  with 
one  another.  But  let  us  now  try  the  virtue  of  your  mathematical  balance  : 
and  as  you  have  put  into  one  scale  the  burdens  of  friendship,  let  me  put 
its  comforts  into  the  other.  When  languishing,  then,  under  disease,  how 
grateful  is  the  solace  of  our  friends !  how  are  we  penetrated  with  their 
assiduities  and  attentions  !  how  much  are  we  supported  by  their  encourage- 
ments and  kind  offices  !  When  Heaven  has  taken  from  us  some  object 
of  our  love,  how  sweet  is  it  to  have  a  bosom  whereon  to  recline  our  heads, 
and  into  which  we  may  pour  the  torrent  of  our  tears  !  Grief  with  such  a 
comfort  is  almost  a  luxury.  In  a  life  where  we  are  perpetually  exposed 
to  want  and  accident,  yours  is  a  wonderful  proposition,  to  insulate  our- 
selves, to  retire  from  all  aid,  and  to  wrap  ourselves  in  the  mantle  of  self- 
sufficiency  !  For  assuredly,  nobody  will  care  for  him,  who  cares  for 
nobody.  But  friendship  is  precious,  not  only  in  the  shade,  but  in  the 
sunshine  of  life  ;  and  thanks  to  a  benevolent  arrangement  of  things,  the 
greater  part  of  life  is  sunshine.  I  will  recur  for  proof  to  the  days  we  have 
lately  passed.  On  these,  indeed,  the  sun  shone  brightly  !  How  gay  did 
the  face  of  nature  appear  !  Hills,  valleys,  chateaux,  gardens,  rivers,  every 
object  wore  its  liveliest  hue  !  Whence  did  they  borrow  it  ?  From  the 
presence  of  our  charming  companion.  They  were  pleasing,  because  she 
seemed  pleased.  Alone,  the  scene  would  have  been  dull  and  insipid  : 
the  participation  of  it  with  her  gave  it  relish.  Let  the  gloomy  monk, 
sequestered  from  the  world,  seek  unsocial  pleasures  in  the  bottom  of  his 
cell !  Let  the  sublimated  philosopher  grasp  visionary  happiness,  while 
pursuing  phantoms  dressed  in  the  garb  of  truth  !  Their  supreme  wisdom 
is  supreme  folly,  and  they  mistake  for  happiness  the  mere  absence  of  pain. 
Had  they  ever  felt  the  solid  pleasure  of  one  generous  spasm  of  the  heart, 
they  would  exchange  for  it  all  the  frigid  speculations  of  their  lives,  which 
you  have  been  vaunting  in  such  elevated  terms.  Believe  me,  then,  my 
friend,  that  that  is  a  miserable  arithmetic,  which  could  estimate  friendship 
at  nothing,  or  at  less  than  nothing.  Respect  for  you  has  induced  me  to 
enter  into  this  discussion,  and  to  hear  principles  uttered,  which  I  detest 
and  abjure.  Respect  for  myself  now  obliges  me  to  recall  you  into  the 


JEFFERSON.  119 

proper  limits  of  your  office.  When  nature  assigned  us  the  same  habita- 
tion, she  gave  us  over  it  a  divided  empire.  To  you  she  allotted  the  field 
of  science,  to  me  that  of  morals.  When  the  circle  is  to  be  squared,  or 
the  orbit  of  a  comet  is  to  be  traced,  when  the  arch  of  greatest  strength  or 
the  solid  of  least  resistance  is  to  be  investigated,  take  up  the  problem ;  it 
is  yours ;  nature  has  given  me  no  cognizance  of  it.  In  like  manner,  in 
denying  to  you  the  feelings  of  sympathy,  of  benevolence,  of  gratitude,  of 
justice,  of  love,  of  friendship,  she  has  excluded  you  from  their  control. 
To  these  she  has  adapted  the  mechanism  of  the  heart.  Morals  were  too 
essential  to  the  happiness  of  man,  to  be  risked  on  the  uncertain  combina- 
tions of  the  head.  She  laid  their  foundation,  therefore,  in  sentiment,  not 
in  science.  That  she  gave  to  all,  as  necessary  to  all ;  this  to  a  few  only, 
as  sufficing  with  a  few.  I  know,  indeed,  that  you  pretend  authority  to  the 
sovereign  control  of  our  conduct  in  all  its  parts  ;  and  a  respect  for  your 
grave  saws  and  maxims,  a  desire  to  do  what  is  right,  has  sometimes 
induced  me  to  conform  to  your  counsels.  A  few  facts,  however,  which  I 
can  readily  recall  to  your  memory,  will  suffice  to  prove  to  you,  that  nature 
has  not  organized  you  for  our  moral  direction.  When  the  poor  wearied 
soldier,  whom  we  overtook  at  Chickahominy,  with  his  pack  on  his  back, 
begged  us  to  let  him  get  up  behind  our  chariot,  you  began  to  calculate 
that  the  road  was  full  of  soldiers,  and  that  if  all  should  be  taken  up,  our 
horses  would  fail  in  their  journey.  We  drove  on  therefore.  But  soon 
becoming  sensible  you  had  made  me  do  wrong,  that '  though  we  cannot 
relieve  all  the  distressed,  we  should  relieve  as  many  as  we  can,  I  turned 
about  to  take  up  the  soldier,  but  he  had  entered  a  by-path,  and  was  no 
more  to  be  found ;  and  from  that  moment  to  this,  I  could  never  find  him 
out  to  ask  his  forgiveness.  Again,  when  the  poor  woman  came  to  ask 
charity  in  Philadelphia,  you  whispered  that  she  looked  like  a  drunkard, 
and  that  half  a  dollar  was  enough  to  give  her  for  the  alehouse.  Those 
who  want  the  dispositions  to  give,  easily  find  reasons  why  they  ought  not 
to  give.  When  I  sought  her  out  afterwards,  and  did  what  I  should  have 
done  at  first,  you  know  that  she  employed  the  money  immediately  towards 
placing  her  child  at  school.  If  our  country,  when  pressed  with  wrongs 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  had  been  governed  by  its  heads  instead  of  its 
hearts,  where  should  we  have  been  now  ?  Hanging  on  a  gallows  as  high 
as  Hainan's.  You  began  to  calculate,  and  to  compare  wealth  and  numbers ; 
we  threw  up  a  few  pulsations  of  our  blood  ;  we  supplied  enthusiasm  against 
wealth  and  numbers  ;  we  put  our  existence  to  the  hazard,  when  the  hazard 
seemed  against  us,  and  we  saved  our  country  :  justifying,  at  the  same  time, 
the  ways  of  Providence,  whose  precept  is  to  do  always  what  is  right,  and 
leave  the  issue  to  Him.  In  short,  my  friend,  as  far  as  my  recollection  serves 
me,  I  do  not  know  that  I  ever -did  a  good  thing  on  your  suggestion,  or  a 
dirty  one  without  it.  I  do  forever,  then,  disclaim  your  interference  in  my 
province.  Fill  paper  as  you  please  with  triangles  and  squares ;  try  how 
many  ways  you  can  hang  and  combine  them  together  :  I  shall  never  envy 
nor  control  your  sublime  delights.  But  leave  me  to  decide  when  and  where 
friendships  are  to  be  contracted.  You  say  I  contract  them  at  random. 
So  you  said  the  woman  at  Philadelphia  was  a  drunkard.  I  receive  none 
into  my  esteem,  till  I  know  they  are  worthy  of  it.  Wealth,  title,  office, 


120  JEFFERSON. 

are  no  recommendations  to  my  friendship.  On  the  contrary,  great  good 
qualities  are  requisite  to  make  amends  for  their  having  wealth,  title,  and 
office.  You  confess  that,  in  the  present  case,  I  could  not  have  made  a 
worthier  choice.  You  only  object  that  I  was  so  soon  to  lose  them.  We 
are  not  immortal  ourselves,  my  friend;  how  can  we  expect  our  enjoyments 
to  be  so  1  We  have  no  rose  without  its  thorn,  no  pleasure  without  its  alloy. 
It  is  the  law  of  our  existence,  and  we  must  acquiesce.  It  is  the  condition 
mnexed  to  all  our  pleasure,  not  by  us  who  receive,  but  by  Him  who  gives 
ihem.  True,  this  condition  is  pressing  cruelly  on  me  at  this  moment.  I 
feel  more  fit  for  death  than  life  ;  but  when  I  look  back  on  the  pleasures 
of  which  it  is  the  consequence,  I  am  conscious  they  were  worth  the  price 
I  am  paying.  Notwithstanding  your  endeavors,  too,  to  damp  my  hopes, 
I  comfort  myself  with  expectations  of  their  promised  return.  Hope  is 
sweeter  than  despair,  and  they  were  too  good  to  mean  to  deceive  me. 
"  In  the  summer,"  said  the  gentleman  ;  but  "  in  the  spring,"  said  the 
lady;  and  I  should  love  her  forever,  were  it  only  for  that.  Know  then, 
my  friend,  that  I  have  taken  these  good  people  into  my  bosom ;  that  I 
have  lodged  them  in  the  warmest  cell  I  could  find;  that  I  love  them,  and 
will  continue  to  love  them  through  life  ;  that  if  fortune  should  dispose 
them  on  one  side  the  globe  and  me  on  the  other,  my  affections  shall 
pervade  its  whole  mass  to  reach  them.  Knowing,  then,  my  determina- 
tion, attempt  not  to  disturb  it.  If  you  can  at  any  time  furnish  matter  for 
their  amusement,  it  will  be  the  office  of  a  good  neighbor  to  do  it.  I  will, 
in  like  manner,  seize  any  occasion  which  may  offer,  to  do  the  like  good 
turn  for  you  with  Condorcet,  Rittenhouse,  Madison,  La  Cretelle,  or  any 
other  of  those  worthy  sons  of  science,  whom  you  so  justly  prize. 

"  I  tnought  this  a  favorable  proposition  whereon  to  rest  the  issue  of  the 
dialogue.  So  I  put  an  end  to  it  by  calling  for  my  nightcap.  Methinks, 
I  hear  you  wish  to  Heaven  I  had  called  a  little  sooner,  and  so  spared  you 
the  ennui  of  such  a  sermon." 

In  October,  1789,  Mr.  Jefferson  having  obtained  from  government  the 
permission  he  had  long  solicited,  to  return  home  for  a  short  time,  em- 
barked at  Havre  for  the  United  States.  It  was  not  his  intention,  at  that 
time,  to  resign  his  station  at  the  Court  of  Versailles.  France,  ever  a  de- 
sirable residence  to  him,  was  at  this  time  an  object  of  the  strongest  inte- 
rest. The  flame  of  revolution  which  Lad  been  kindled  in  America  had 
already  touched  the  shores  of  Europe,  and  the  spirit  of  republicanism  was 
rapidly  spreading  through  all  classes  of  people  in  France.  To  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson, to  the  citizen  of  a  country,  itself  just  emancipated,  just  escaped 
from  servitude,  the  struggle  which  was  now  rapidly  approaching  between 
the  people  and  the  throne,  between  liberty  and  long  established  oppres- 
sion, was  one  of  peculiar  interest,  desirous  as  he  must  have  been  to  see 
the  rights  and  principles  for  which  he  had  so  successfully  contended  in 
America,  transplanted  and  flourishing  in  the  soil  of  Europe.  It  was 
therefore  his  intention,  after  a  short  visit  to  his  native  country,  to  return 
and  resume  his  office.  Immediately,  however,  upon  his  arrival  at  Nor- 
folk, in  the  latter  part  of  November,  he  was  met  by  a  letter  from  General 
Washington,  containing  an  appointment  to  be  Secretary  of  State.  To 
this  Mr.  Jefferson  replied,  stating  his  desire  to  return  to  France,  but  at 


JEFFERSON.  121 

the  same  time  assuring  the  President  of  his  willingness  to  remain,  could 
his  services  be  more  beneficial  to  his  country  at  home.  A  second  letter 
from  the  President,  expressing  the  same  wish  as  the  former,  but  giving 
him  the  choice  of  the  two  situations,  induced  him  to  forego  his  own  in- 
clinations, and  accept  the  appointment.  During  Mr.  Jefferson's  long 
absence,  great  changes  had  taken  place  in  the  United  States.  The 
country  which  he  had  left  five  years  before,  just  emerging  from  a  pro- 
tracted and  exhausting  war,  without  a  government,  and  in  almost  as 
great  danger  from  the  internal  dissensions,  which  were  naturally  to  be 
expected  among  a  people  so  peculiarly  situated,  as  she  had  previously 
been,  from  external  enemies,  he  now  beheld  flourishing,  and  happy,  and 
rapidly  increasing  in  wealth  and  population.  During  that  interval,  the 
Federal  Constitution  had  been  adopted,  a  government  organized,  and  at 
its  head  the  gratitude  of  a  free  people  had  placed  that  man,  who  had  so 
successfully  conducted  her  armies,  and  who,  as  the  first  President  of  the 
Western  Republic,  proved  himself  as  wise  in  counsel,  as  he  had  before 
shown  himself  victorious  in  war. 

Mr.  Jefferson  immediately  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his  station,  and 
during  his  continuance  in  office,  he  ever  discharged  them  with  the 
greatest  zeal  and  ability.  We  can  here,  of  course,  speak  only  in  general 
terms :  to  enter  into  a  detail  of  the  whole  course  of  his  administration 
would  be  impossible,  without  at  the  same  time  writing  the  political  histo- 
ry of  the  country.  The  duties  assumed  by  him  were  of  the  most  arduous 
and  responsible  nature,  embracing  the  superintendance,  both  of  dcmeatic 
affairs,  and  of  foreign  relations  :  and  they  were  at  that  time  more  difficult 
from  the  infancy  both  of  the  office  and  the  government.  Nevertheless, 
our  intercourse  with  foreign  nations,  for  the  management  of  which,  Mr. 
Jefferson  was  eminently  qualified  by  his  former  diplomatic  experience, 
was  so  conducted,  that  the  interests  and  rights  of  the  citizen  were  pro- 
tected, and  the  honor  and  dignity  of  the  nation  supported,  without 
any  infringement  of  the  rights  of  others ;  and  in  the  home  department, 
the  numerous  reports  and  state  papers  on  subjects  of  the  highest  impor- 
tance, which  from  time  to  time  he  laid  before  Congress,  furnish  abun- 
dant proof  of  his  talents  and  industry. 

At  the  close  of  the  year  1793,  Mr.  Jefferson,  finding  himself  one  of  an 
administration,  from  a  majority  of  whose  members  he  differed  in  views, 
which  were  every  day  becoming  of  more  and  more  importance,  and  that 
he  could  not  consistently  act  with  them,  in  the  measures  which  would  be 
adopted,  especially  in  regard  to  our  foreign  relations,  retired  from  the 
office  of  Secretary  of  State.  Party  spirit,  never  long  asleep  in  any  coun- 
try, and  least  of  all  in  a  republic,  had  already  risen  high  in  America,  and 
the  whole  body  of  the  people,  from  the  first  statesman  in  the  cabinet, 
down  to  the  merest  village  alehouse  politician,  were  ranged  under  the 
banners  of  one  or  the  other  of  the  contending  parties.  To  that  one 
of  these  parties,  known  by  the  name  of  Democratic,  Mr.  Jefferson  found 
himself  strongly  drawn  by  the  whole  course  of  his  previous  habits  and 
opinions.  The  other  members  of  the  cabinet,  however,  were  attached 
to  the  opposite  party  ;  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  therefore,  thought  himself  call- 
ed upon  to  withdraw. 

16 


122  JEFFERSON. 

For  a  time,  therefore,  Mr.  Jefferson  retired  from  public  life,  and  de- 
voted himself  to  the  cultivation  of  his  estate,  and  to  those  literary  and 
scientific  pursuits  of  which  he  was  so  fond ;  and  at  Monticello,  in  the 
bosom  of  his  family,  and  undisturbed  by  the  calls  of  office,  he  experienced, 
for  a  few  years,  the  domestic  happiness  and  quiet,  he  was  so  well  fitted  to 
enjoy.  He  was  about  this  time,  too,  chosen  President  of  the  American 
Philosophical  Society,  as  successor  to  Rittenhouse,  and,  for  the  long 
period  that  he  filled  the  chair,  was  active  in  promoting,  in  every  way  in 
his  power,  the  prosperity  of  the  institution.  Mr.  Jefferson,  however,  was 
not  long  permitted  to  remain  a  private  citizen.  In  September,  1796, 
General  Washington,  the  only  person  who  could  unite  the  affections  of 
the  whole  people,  in  his  Farewell  Address  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  declined  being  any  longer  considered  a  candidate  for  the  office 
of  Chief  Magistrate.  The  two  great  parties,  into  which  the  nation  was 
divided,  therefore,  immediately  brought  forward  their  candidates.  Mr. 
Adams  was  nominated  by  the  one,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  by  the  other ;  and 
at  the  election  which  took  place  in  the  fall  of  that  year,  Mr.  Adams  was 
chosen  President,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  Vice-President,  for  the  four  years 
next  ensuing.  As  the  principal  duty  of  the  Vice-President,  unless  in 
case  of  the  death  of  the  President,  is  merely  to  preside  in  the  Senate, 
much  of  these  four  years,  except  during  the  sessions  of  Congress,  was 
spent  by  Mr.  Jefferson  in  the  tranquillity  of  Monticello. 

In  1801,  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  had  again  been  nominated  as  a  candidate, 
in  opposition  to  Mr.  Adams,  received  a  majority  of  the  votes  of  the  peo- 
ple. But  as  the  number  of  votes  given  for  Mr.  Jefferson  and  for  Mr. 
Burr,  who  had  been  nominated  by  the  democratic  party  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent, were  equal,  and  the  constitution  did  not  require  that  the  votes 
should  specify  the  office  to  which  each  one  was  respectively  elected, 
neither  having  such  a  majority  as  was  necessary  to  a  choice,  the  election 
devolved  upon  the  House  of  Representatives.  When  the  election  came 
on,  the  opponents  of  Mr.  Jefferson  threw  their  votes  for  Mr.  Burr,  and  it 
was  not  until  after  thirty-five  unsuccessful  ballots,  that  Mr.  Jefferson  was 
elected  President,  and  Mr.  Burr  became,  of  course,  Vice-President. 

On  the  fourth  of  March,  1801,  Mr.  Jefferson  took  the  oath  of  office, 
and  delivered  his  inaugural  address  in  presence  of  both  houses  of  Con- 
gress. After  declaring  his  diffidence  and  distrust  of  his  own  powers,  in 
the  conduct  of  the  affairs  of  so  vast  a  nation,  he  thus  expresses  the  hope 
that  all  parties  would  unite  in  the  support  of  the  government  and  the 
union.  "  Let  us  then,  fellow-citizens,  unite  with  one  heart  and  one 
mind ;  let  us  restore  to  social  intercourse  that  harmony  and  affection, 
without  which  liberty,  and  even  life  itself,  are  but  dreary  things.  And 
let  us  reflect  that,  having  banished  from  our  land  that  religious  intolerance 
under  which  mankind  so  long  bled  and  suffered,  we  have  yet  gained  little, 
if  we  countenance  a  political  intolerance,  as  despotic,  as  wicked,  and 
capable  of  as  bitter  and  bloody  persecutions.  During  the  throes  and 
convulsions  of  the  ancient  world,  during  the  agonizing  spasms  of  infuri- 
ated man,  seeking  through  blood  and  slaughter  his  long  lost  liberty,  it 
was  not  wonderful  that  the  agitation  of  the  billows  should  reach  even  this 
distant  and  peaceful  shore  ;  that  this  should  be  more  felt  and  feared  by 


JEFFERSON.  123 

some,  and  less  by  others;  and  should  divide  opinions  as  to  measures  of 
safety  ;  but  every  difference  of  opinion  is  not  a  difference  of  principle. 
We  have  called  by  different  names  brethren  of  the  same  principle.  We 
are  all  republicans ;  we  are  all  federalists.  If  there  be  any  among  us  who 
would  wish  to  dissolve  this  union,  or  to  change  its  republican  form,  let 
them  stand  undisturbed  as  monuments  of  the  safety  with  which  error  of 
opinion  may  be  tolerated,  where  reason  is  left  free  to  combat  it.  I  know, 
indeed,  that  some  honest  men  fear  that  a  republican  government  cannot 
be  strong ;  that  this  government  is  not  strong  enough.  But  would  the 
honest  patriot,  in  the  full  tide  of  successful  experiment,  abandon  a  govern- 
ment which  has  so  far  kept  us  free  and  firm,  on  the  theoretic  and  vision- 
ary fear,  that  this  government,  the  world's  best  hope,  may,  by  possibility, 
want  energy  to  preserve  itself?  I  trust  not.  I  believe  this,  on  the  con- 
trary, the  strongest  government  on  earth.  I  believe  it  the  only  one,  where 
every  man,  at  the  call  of  the  law,  would  fly  to  the  standard  of  the  law, 
and  would  meet  invasions  of  the  public  order  as  his  own  personal  concern. 
Sometimes  it  is  said  that  man  cannot  be  trusted  with  the  government  of 
himself.  Can  he  then  be  trusted  with  the  government  of  others  ?  Or 
have  we  found  angels,  in  the  form  of  kings,  to  govern  him  ?  Let  history 
answer  this  question." 

He  then  proceeds  to  give,  in  the  following  summary  manner,  a  brief 
statement  of  the  principles  which  were  to  be  the  rule  of  his  administra- 
tion.    "  About  to  enter,  fellow-citizens,  on  the  exercise  of  duties  which 
comprehend  every  thing  dear  and  valuable  to  you,  it  is  proper  you  should 
understand  what  I  deem  the  essential  principles  of  our  government,  and, 
consequently,  those  which  ought  to  shape  its  administration.     I  will  com- 
press them  within   the  narrowest  compass  they   will   bear,   stating  the 
general  principle,  but  not  all  its  limitations.     Equal  and  exact  justice  to 
all  men,  of  whatever  state  or  persuasion,  religious  or  political ; — peace, 
commerce,  and  honest  friendship  with   all  nations,  entangling  alliances 
with  none  ; — the  support  of  the  state  governments  in   all  their  rights,  as 
the  most  competent  administrations  for  our  domestic  concerns,  and  the 
surest  bulwarks  against  anti-republican  tendencies  ; — the  preservation  of 
the  general  government  in   its  whole   constitutional  vigor,  as  the  sheet 
anchor  of  our  peace  at  home,  and  safety  abroad ; — a  jealous  care  of  the 
rights  of  election  by  the  people,  a  mild  and  safe  corrective  of  abuses  which 
are  lopped  by  the  sword  of  revolution,  where  peaceable  remedies  are  un- 
provided ; — absolute   acquiescence  in  the  decisions  of  the  majority,  the 
vital  principle  of  republics,  from  which  is  no  appeal  but  to  force,  the  vital 
principle  and  immediate  parent  of  despotism  ; — a  well  disciplined  militia, 
our  best  reliance  in  peace,  and   for  the  first  moments  of  war,  till  regulars 
may  relieve  them  ; — the  supremacy  of  the  civil  over  the  military  authority  ; 
— economy  in  the  public  expense,  that  labor  may  be  lightly  burdened ; — 
the  honest  payment  of  our  debts,  and  sacred  preservation  of  the  public 
faith  ; — encouragement  of  agriculture,  and  of  commerce  as  its  handmaid  , 
— the  diffusion  of  information,  and  arraignment  of  all  abuses  at  the  bar 
of  the  public  reason ; — freedom  of  religion,   freedom  of  the  press,  and 
freedom  of  person,  under  the  protection  of  the  habeas  corpus,  and  trials 
by  juries  impartially  selected.     These  principles  form  the  bright  constel- 


124  JEFFERSON. 

lation  which  has  gone  before  us,  and  guided  our  steps  through  an  age  of 
revolution  and  reformation.  The  wisdom  of  our  sages  and  blood  of  our 
heroes  have  been  devoted  to  their  attainment ;  they  should  be  the  creed 
of  our  political  faith,  the  text  of  civic  instruction,  the  touchstone  by 
which  to  try  the  services  of  those  we  trust ; — and  should  we  wander  from 
them  in  moments  of  error  or  of  alarm,  let  us  hasten  to  retrace  our  steps, 
and  to  regain  the  road  which  alone  leads  to  peace,  liberty,  and  safety." 

The  democratic  party  having  now  gained  the  ascendency  in  the 
national  councils,  the  policy  of  the  country  underwent  considerable 
changes.  Of  the  merits  of  the  different  measures  sanctioned  and  pur- 
sued by  the  respective  administrations,  it  is  not  necessary  here  to  speak ; 
the  distinctions  which  then  prevailed,  and  led  to  so  much  bitterness  and 
hostility,  are  passed  away,  and  the  measures  of  government  are  now  to 
be  adjudged  wise  or  unwise,  beneficial  or  injurious,  without  reference  to 
the  party  from  which  they  emanated.  The  policy  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  ad- 
ministration, however,  at  that  time,  was  so  far  approved,  that  in  1805,  at 
the  expiration  of  the  term  for  which  he  had  been  chosen,  he  was  reelect- 
ed  to  the  chief  magistracy  by  a  large  majority,  notwithstanding  all  the 
exertions  of  the  federal  party.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  many  of  the 
acts  of  Mr.  Jefferson  were  beneficial,  and  probably  would  be  allowed  to 
be  so  now,  by  those  who,  in  the  excitement  of  party,  believed  them  to  be 
destructive  of  the  best  interests  of  the  country.  Of  this  character  is  the 
purchase  of  Louisiana,  and  the  annexation  of  all  that  fertile  country  to 
the  United  States,  thereby  giving  us  not  only  a  vast  extent  of  valuable 
territory,  but  what  was  also  of  the  greatest  importance,  t'.c  i.ii.'ispiited 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  the  great  outlet  of  the  west.  Of  others,  as 
of  the  embargo  of  1S07,  the  expediency,  to  say  the  least,  may  be  doubt- 
ful. Since  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  perhaps  no  act  of 
the  government,  at  any  period,  has  ever  been  more  warmly  supported  by 
its  friends,  or  more  violently  and  unsparingly  attacked  by  the  opposition. 
The  deep  and  continued  aggressions  of  the  two  great  belligerent  powers 
of  Europe,  England  and  France,  upon  the  neutral  commerce  of  the 
country,  after  negotiation  and  remonstrance  had  been  tried  in  vain,  call- 
ed for  more  efficient  measures  for  protection  on  the  part  of  the  govern- 
ment. 

These  aggressions,  by  the  injuries  offered  to  our  trade,  especially  with 
the  British  colonies,  by  the  impressment  of  seamen  and  the  numerous 
depredations  on  our  coasts,  had  become  so  annoying,  that,  in  December 
of  1805,  Mr.  Jefferson  thus  calls  the  attention  of  Congress  to  the  subject. 
"  Our  coasts  have  been  infested,  and  our  harbors  watched,  by  private 
armed  vessels,  some  of  them  without  commissions,  some  with  illegal  com- 
missions, others  with  those  of  legal  form,  but  committing  piratical  acts 
beyond  the  authority  of  their  commissions.  They  have  captured  in  the 
very  entrance  of  our  harbors,  as  well  as  on  the  high  seas,  not  only  the 
vessels  of  our  friends  coming  to  trade  with  us,  but  our  own  also.  They 
have  carried  them  off  under  pretence  of  legal  adjudication,  but,  not  daring 
to  approach  a  court  of  justice,  they  have  plundered  and  sunk  them  by  the 
way,  or  in  obscure  places,  where  no  evidence  could  arise  against  them, 
maltreated  the  crews,  and  abandoned  them  in  boats  in  the  open  sf  a,  or 


JEFFERSON.  125 

on  desert  shores,  without  food  or  covering.  The  same  system  of  hovering 
on  our  coasts  and  harbors,  under  color  of  seeking  enemies,  has  been  also 
carried  on  by  public  armed  ships,  to  the  great  annoyance  and  oppression 
of  our  commerce.  New  principles,  too,  have  been  interpolated  into  the 
law  of  nations,  founded  neither  in  justice  nor  the  usage  or  acknowledg- 
ment of  nations.  According  to  these,  a  belligerent  takes  to  itself  a  com- 
merce with  its  own  enemy,  which  it  denies  to  a  neutral,  on  the  ground  of 
its  aiding  that  enemy  in  the  war.  But  reason  revolts  at  such  an  incon- 
sistency ;  and  the  neutral  having  equal  rights  with  the  belligerent  to 
decide  the  question,  the  interests  of  our  constituents,  and  the  duty  of 
maintaining  the  authority  of  reason,  the  only  umpire  between  just  nations, 
impose  on  us  the  obligation  of  providing  an  effectual  and  determined 
opposition  to  a  doctrine  so  injurious  to  the  rights  of  peaceable  nations. 
In  consequence  of  these  suggestions  of  the  Executive,  the  first  measures 
taken  by  Congress  were  the  preparations  for  the  defence  of  our  coast  in 
case  of  a  war,  and  the  non-importation  act,  passed  in  the  early  part  of 
1806.  Commissioners  were  also  appointed  at  the  several  foreign  courts, 
to  make  some  adjustment  of  the  existing  difficulties,  and  prevent  a  repe- 
tition of  such  injuries. 

While  these  negotiations  were  pending,  a  most  flagrant  outrage,  com- 
mitted by  the  British  frigate  Leopard  upon  the  frigate  Chesapeake,  in  our 
very  waters,  and  almost  in  sight  of  our  coast,  produced  the  proclamation 
of  the  President  of  July  second,  1807,  requiring  all  British  armed  vessels, 
then  within  the  waters  of  the  United  States,  to  depart,  and  forbidding 
them  to  enter.  Scarcely,  however,  was  this  injury  disavowed  and  offers 
of  reparation  made,  when  the  British  Orders  in  Council,  of  November  of 
the  same  year,  appeared.  By  these  the  British  government  prohibited  all 
commerce  between  the  United  States  and  the  ports  of  his  enemies  in 
Europe,  unless  the  articles  had  been  first  landed  in  England,  and  the 
duties  paid  for  their  re-exportation.  Under  these  circumstances,  more 
decided  measures  were  called  for  on  the  part  of  our  government.  Sub- 
mission was  not  for  a  moment  thought  of;  and  the  only  alternative  was 
between  open  war,  or  such  measures  as  should  take  us  completely  out  of 
the  power  of  our  enemies  and  the  operation  of  these  orders. 

In  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  the  country  was  not  then  in  a  situation 
to  hazard  a  war  ;  and,  therefore,  the  only  means  left  to  prevent  the  entire 
destruction  of  our  commerce,  was  a  prohibition  of  all  intercourse,  which  it 
was  supposed  would  have  the  desired  effect,  not  only  by  keeping  our  own 
shipping  in  port,  out  of  the  way  of  the  enemy,  but  by  depriving  them  of  the 
benefit  of  our  commerce,  thereby  inducing  them  to  come  to  some  terms 
Consequently,  an  embargo  was  laid  on  all  our  vessels,  prohibiting  their  de- 
parture from  any  port  of  the  United  States,  by  an  act  of  Congress,  passed 
December  twenty-second,  1807.  The  consideration,  whether  this  mea- 
sure was  expedient,  or  the  best  one  which  could  be  adopted,  belongs  to 
the  political  historian. 

The  early  part  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  second  administration,  was  disturbed 
by  an  event,  which  threatened  the  tranquillity  and  peace  of  the  union  ; 
this  was  the  conspiracy  of  Aaron  Burr.  Defeated  in  the  late  election  to 
the  Vice-Presidency,  and  led  on  by  an  unprincipled  ambition,  this 


126  JEFFERSON. 

extraordinary  man  formed  the  plan  of  a  military  expedition  into  the 
Spanish  territories,  on  our  southwestern  frontier,  for  the  purpose  of  form- 
ing there  a  new  republic.  This,  however,  as  has  been  generally  suppos- 
ed, ,was  a  mere  pretext ;  and  although  it  has  never  been  accurately 
known  what  his  real  plans  were,  there  is  no  doubt  that  they  were  of  a  far 
more  dangerous  character.  The  opinion  generally  received,  is,  that  his 
object  was  to  bring  about  a  separation  of  the  states  west  of  the  Allegha- 
nies  from  the  general  government,  and  form  them  into  an  independent 
state.  The  plan,  however,  whatever  it  might  have  been,  was  never  ma- 
tured, for  no  sooner  were  the  government  apprized  that  bodies  of  men 
were  organizing,  and  arming  themselves  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  an 
attack  upon  a  neighboring  government,  then  at  peace  with  us,  without 
the  authority  of  Congress,  than  measures  were  taken  to  disperse  those 
who  had  assembled,  to  seize  their  arms  and  stores,  and  to  arrest  the 
ringleaders.  Immediately  upon  the  discovery  of  the  plan,  Colonel  Burr 
fled,  but  was  soon  overtaken,  and  brought  back  to  Richmond,  Virginia. 
Here  he  was  examined  before  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  upon  a  charge  of 
high  misdemeanor,  in  preparing,  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  an 
expedition  against  the  Spanish  provinces,  and  also  on  a  charge  of  treason, 
and  bound  over  for  trial  on  the  former,  there  not  being  sufficent  evidence 
to  justify  a  commitment  on  the  latter,  and  upon  the  trial  for  the  misde- 
meanor, in  August,  1807,  he  was  also  acquitted  for  a  like  want  of  evi- 
dence. 

In  1809,  at  the  expiration  of  the  second  term  for  which  Mr.  Jefferson 
had  been  elected,  he  determined  to  retire  forever  from  political  life.  For 
a  period  of  nearly  forty  years,  he  had  been  continually  before  the  public, 
and  all  that  time  had  been  employed  in  offices  of  the  greatest  trust  and 
responsibility.  Having  thus  devoted  the  best  part  of  his  life  to  the  ser- 
vice of  his  country,  he  now  felt  desirous  of  that  rest  which  his  declining 
years  required,  and  upon  the  organization  of  the  new  government,  in 
March,  1809,  he  bid  forever  farewell  to  public  life,  and  retired  to  Monti- 
cello,  there  to  enjoy  all 

"  That  which  should  accompany  old  age, 

As  honor,  love,  obedience,  troops  of  friends.'" 

From  this  time,  Mr.  Jefferson  never  took  any  part  in  politics ;  but  to 
one  like  him,  even  old  age  had  its  duties,  and  ,n  the  cultivation  of  his 
estate,  in  study,  and  in  the  exercise  of  a  boundless  hospitality,  he  found 
full  employment  for  his  time.  But  the  object  which  most  interested  him 
during  his  later  years,  was  the  establishment  of  a  system  of  general 
education  in  Virginia,  and  especially  the  superintendance  of  the  new 
university  of  Virginia,  which  was  founded  in  1818,  through  his  instru- 
mentality. Of  this  institution,  which  was  located  at  Charlottesville,  a 
town  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain  on  which  the  estate  of  Monticello  was 
situated,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  chosen  rector  at  the  time  of  its  foundation, 
and  continued  in  that  office  during  the  remainder  of  his  life,  devoting 
himself  unremittingly  to  the  interests  and  advancement  of  this  child  of 
his  old  age. 

There  was  one  circumstance,  however,  which  contributed  in  some 


JEFFERSON.  127 

degree  to  disturb  the  happiness  of  the  last  years  of  his  life.  As  the 
greater  part  of  his  life  had  been  spent  in  the  service  of  his  country,  and 
in  public  stations,  to  the  support  of  which  the  small  salary,  which  the 
more  than  Spartan  economy  of  a  republic  allowed,  was  by  no  means 
equal,  the  estate  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  though  originally  large,  had  been  con- 
stantly diminishing,  and  in  1825,  he  found  himself  obliged  to  apply  to 
the  Legislature  of  Virginia,  for  leave  to  dispose  of  his  estate  of  Monticello 
by  lottery,  to  prevent  its  being  sacrificed,  and  in  order  to  raise  money 
sufficient  to  discharge  his  debts.  This  indeed  was  granted,  but  the  days 
of  the  patriot  were  numbered,  the  time  was  fast  approaching  when  his 
earthly  wants  were  to  cease,  and  the  name  of  Jefferson  must  ever 
remain  another  instance  of  the  tardy  gratitude  of  republics. 

The  fourth  of  July,  1826,  being  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  Declara- 
tion of  American  Independence,  great  preparations  were  made,  in  every 
part  of  the  Union  for  its  celebration,  as  the  nation's  jubilee,  and  the 
citizens  of  Washington,  to  add  to  the  solemnity  of  the  occasion,  invited 
Mr.  Jefferson,  as  the  framer,  and  one  of  the  few  surviving  signers,  of  the 
Declaration,  to  participate  in  their  festivities.  But  an  illness,  which  had 
been  of  several  weeks'  duration,  and  had  been  continually  increasing, 
compelled  him  to  decline  the  invitation.  In  his  reply,  on  the  twenty- 
fourth  of  June,  he  gives  evidence,  that  although-  his  earthly  frame  was 
fast  perishing,  his  mind  was  still  the  same ;  still  animated  with  the  same 
ardent  love  of  liberty,  still  eager  for  the  universal  emancipation  of  man. 
"  It  adds  sensibly,"  he  writes,  "  to  the  sufferings  of  sickness,  to  be  de- 
prived by  it  of  a  personal  participation  in  the  rejoicings  of  that  day ;  but 
acquiescence  under  circumstances,  is  a  duty  not  placed  among  those  we 
are  permitted  to  control.  I-should,  indeed,  with  peculiar  delight,  ha\a 
met  and  exchanged  there  congratulations,  personally,  with  the  small  band, 
the  remnant  of  the  host  of  worthies  who  joined  with  us,  on  that  day,  in 
the  bold  and  doubtful  election  we  were  to  make  for  our  country,  between 
submission  and  the  sword ;  and  to  have  enjoyed  with  them  the  consola- 
tory fact,  that  our  fellow-citizens,  after  half  a  century  of  experience  and 
prosperity,  continue  to  approve  the  choice  we  made.  May  it  be  to  the 
world,  what  I  believe  it  will  be,  (to  some  parts  sooner,  to  others  later, 
but  finally  to  all,)  the  signal  of  arousing  men  to  burst  the  chains,  under 
which  monkish  ignorance  and  superstition  had  persuaded  them  to  bind 
themselves,  and  to  assume  the  blessings  and  security  of  self  government. 
The  form  which  we  have  substituted,  restores  the  free  right  to  the  un- 
bounded exercise  of  reason  and  freedom  of  opinion.  All  eyes  are  opened, 
or  opening,  to  the  rights  of  man.  The  general  spread  of  the  lights  of 
science  has  already  laid  open,  to  every  view,  the  palpable  truth,  that  the 
mass  of  mankind  has  not  been  born  with  saddles  on  their  backs,  nor  a 
favored  few,  booted  and  spurred,  ready  to  ride  them  legitimately,  b)  me 
grace  of  God.  These  are  grounds  of  hope  for  others;  for  ourselves,  let 
the  annual  return  of  this  day  forever  refresh  our  recollections  of  these 
rights,  and  an  undiminished  devotion  to  them." 

Soon  after  this  letter  was  written,  the  illness,  which  before  had  not 
been  considered  at  all  dangerous,  increased  rapidly,  and  on  the  twenty- 
sixth,  he  was  obliged  to  confine  himself  to  his  bed.  On  the  second  of 


128  JEFFERSON. 

July,  the  disease,  under  which  he  was  laboring,  left  him,  but  in  such  a 
reduced  state,  that  his  medical  attendants  entertained  no  hope  of  his 
recovery.  From  this  time  he  himself  was  perfectly  sensible,  that  his  last 
hour  was  at  hand,  and  with  the"utmost  calmness  he  conversed  with  the 
different  members  of  his  family,  and  gave  directions  concerning  his 
coffin,  and  his  funeral,  which  he  was  desirous  should  be  at  Monticello, 
and  without  any  display  or  parade.  On  the  next  day,  which  was  Monday, 
he  asked  of  those  around  him,  the  day  of  the  month,  and  on  being  told 
it  was  the  third  of  July,  he  expressed  the  earnest  wish  that  he  might  be 
permitted  to  breathe  the  air  of  the  fiftieth  anniversary.  His  prayer  was 
heard — that  day,  whose  dawn  was  hailed  with  such  rapture  through  our 
land,  burst  upon  his  eyes,  and  then  they  were  closed  forever.  And  what 
a  noble  consummation  of  a  noble  life  !  To  die  on  that  day, — the  birthday 
of  a  nation, — the  day  which  his  own  name  and  his  own  act  had  rendered 
glorious;  to  die  amidst  the  rejoicings  and  festivities  of  a  whole  nation, 
who  looked  up  to  him,  as  the  author,  under  God,  of  their  greatest  bles- 
sings, was  all  that  was  wanting  to  fill  up  the  record  of  his  life.  Fifty 
summers  had  rolled  over  his  head,  since  the  day  when  the  Congress  of 
'76  declared  America  independent ;  fifty  years  he  had  watched  over  her 
like  a  parent  over  his  child :  and  he  had  been  permitted  to  see  that 
country,  whose  cause  in  her  hour  of  darkness  he  had  so  nobly  maintain- 
ed, prosperous  and  happy.  He  had  prayed  that  he  might  see  that  day  ; 
and  on  that  day,  amidst  the  acclamations  of  twelve  millions  of  freemen, 
in  the  hour  within  which,  fifty  years  before,  he  had  signed  the  Magna 
Charta  of  American  Freedom,  his  spirit  was  freed  from  the  bondage  of 
earth.  Happy  in  his  life,  more  happy  in  his  death,  of  him  it  may  truly 
be  said,  that 

" Nothing  in  his  life, 

Became  him  like  the  leaving  it." 

And  almost  at  the  same  hour,  the  kindred  spirit  of  the  venerable 
Adams,  as  if  to  bear  him  company,  left  the  scene  of  his  earthly  honors. 
Hand  in  hand  they  had  stood  forth,  the  champions  of  freedom  ;  hand  in 
hand,  during  the  dark  and  desperate  struggle  of  the  revolution,  they  had 
cheered  and  animated  their  desponding  countrymen  ;  for  half  a  century 
they  had  labored  together  for  the  good  of  their  country ;  and  now  hand  in 
hand  they  departed.  In  their  lives  they  had  been  united  in  the  same 
great  cause  of  liberty,  and  in  their  deaths  they  were  not  divided. 

At  the  time  of  his  death,  Mr.  Jefferson  had  attained  the  age  of  eighty- 
three  years  and  a  few  months.  In  January,  1772,  he  was  married  to 
Martha,  widow  of  Bathurst  Skelton,  and  daughter  of  John  Wayles,  a 
lawyer  of  considerable  eminence  in  the  then  colony  of  Virginia.  Their 
union,  however,  was  of  short  duration ;  she  died  in  September,  1782, 
leaving  three  daughters,  one  of  whom  died  young,  the  other  two  were 
married,  one  to  Thomas  M.  Randolph,  afterwards  Governor  of  Virginia, 
the  other  to  Mr.  Eppes. 

In  person  Mr.  Jefferson  was  tall-  and  thin,  rather  above  six  feet  in 
height,  but  well  formed ;  his  eyes  were  light,  his  hair,  originally  red,  in 
after  life  became  white  and  silvery ;  his  complexion  was  fair,  his  forehead 
broad,  and  his  whole  countenance  intelligent  and  thoughtful.  He  pos- 


JEFFERSON.  129 

scsscd  great  fortitude  of  mind  as  well  as  personal  courage  ;  and  his  com- 
mand of  temper  was  such,  that  his  oldest  and  most  intimate  friends  never 
recollected  to  have  seen  him  in  a  passion.  His  manners,  though  dignified, 
were  simple  and  unaffected,  and  his  hospitality  was  so  unbounded,  that 
all  found  at  his  house  a  ready  welcome.  In  conversation  he  was  fluent, 
eloquent,  and  enthusiastic  ;  and  his  language  was  remarkably  pure  and 
correct.  He  was  a  finished  classical  scholar,  and  in  his  writings  isx 
discernible  the  care  with  which  he  formed  his  style  upon  the  best  models 
of  antiquity.  His  style  is  pleasing  and  attractive,  seeking  rather  to  per- 
suade by  the  beauty  and  refinement  of  manner,  than  to  convince  by  the 
mere  force  of  argument.  Of  Mr.  Jefferson's  Notes  on  Virginia,  we  have 
already  spoken  ;  another  work  published  by  him,  while  he  was  Vice-Presi- 
dent, arid,  consequently,  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate,  was  a  Manual  of 
Parliamentary  Practice,  which  has  since  been  a  standard  work  on  that 
subject,  and  probably  contains  the  best  collection  of  rules  for  forensic 
debate  in  existence.  But  for  Mr.  Jefferson's  most  numerous  and  mosi 
important  productions,  we  must  go  to  the  archives  of  the  government, 
and  there  in  the  state  papers,  and  reports  made  by  him,  we  shall  find  the 
evidence  of  his  talents,  industry,  and  learning.  His  correspondence  was 
very  extensive,  embracing  not  only  the  great  men  of  his  own  country,  but 
also  the  most  distinguished  philosophers  and  statesmen  of  France.  Since 
his  death,  four  volumes  of  his  writings,  edited  by  his  grandson,  Thomas 
Jefferson  Randolph,  have  been  published,  containing  a  short  memoir  of 
his  life,  to  the  time  of  his  appointment  to  be  Secretary  of  State,  written 
by  himself,  in  1821,  and  also  a  large  collection  of  his  letters,  to  various 
persons,  and  on  various  subjects. 

It  is  neither  our  intention  or  wish,  to  speak  of  the  religious  opinions  of 
Mr.  Jefferson.  Discarding  as  we  do,  all  political  prejudices,  we  have 
heretofore  been  enabled  to  speak  of  him  in  terms  of  approbation,  and 
that  too,  as  we  trust,  without  any  sacrifice  of  truth.  This  could  not  be 
the  case,  however,  should  we  now  enter  upon  the  consideration  of  his 
religious  sentiments.  As  a  mere  moralist,  he  must  ever  be  esteemed  for 
opinions  and  doctrines,  which  would  have  done  honor  to  the  purest  sages 
of  Greece  and  Rome,  and  which  certainly  far  surpassed  the  theories  and 
the  practice  of  his  masters  in  religion,  the  sceptics  of  the  French  school. 

But  little  now  remains  to  be  said  of  Mr.  Jefferson;  his  whole  life  was 
passed  before  the  public  eye,  and  his  actions  speak  his  character  better 
than  any  words  can  express  them.  Whatever  may  be  the  judgment  of 
posterity,  in  regard  to  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration,  it  is  as  the  bold  and 
fearless  patriot  of  the  revolution, — as  the  framer  of  the  Declaration  of 
American  Independence,  that  he  will  be  best  known.  Posterity  may  be 
divided,  as  the  present  age  has  been,  concerning  the  wisdom  and  the 
expediency  of  his  measures,  while  he  occupied  the  chair  of  the  Chief 
Magistrate,  for  those  measures  were  of  such  doubtful  tendency,  that  the 
best  and  wisest  might  differ  concerning  them  ;  but  as  one  of  the  Congress 
of  '76,  as  one  of  the  firmest  opposers  of  British  aggressions,  as  one  of  the 
most  able  statesmen  of  the  revolution,  his  conduct  has  been  stamped  by 
the  approbation  of  a  whole  nation,  and  a  judgment  rendered,  that  no 
future  age  will  ever  reverse.  The  latter  part  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  life  also 
17 


130  JEFFERSON. 

presents  a  most  pleasing  picture.  It  is  delightful  to  see  a  man  of  such 
vast  acquisitions,  and  such  varied  powers,  after  a  life  spent  in  the  service 
of  his  country,  and  in  the  fulfilment  of  the  highest  duties,  calmly  retire 
from  public  stations,  to  spend  his  declining  years,  not  in  inactivity  and 
lethargy,  but  in  untiring  exertions  for  the  advancement  of  the  human 
race;  and  instead  of  sinking  into  a  second  childhood,  by  constant 
exercise  maintaining  all  the  faculties  of  his  mind  unimpaired  to  the 
last.  We  hardly  know  which  is  the  more  interesting  object — Thomas 
Jefferson,  as  the  young  and  ardent  patriot  of  '76,  or  as  the  silver  haired 
philosopher  of  Monticello.  Or  if  the  former  is  the  more  interesting, 
surely  the  latter  is  the  more  pleasing.  When  we  look  upon  the  former, 
while  we  admire  his  noble  spirit,  and  his  holy  daring,  we  yet  tremble  for 
his  safety,  as  we  think  of  the  rocks  and  quicksands  by  which  he  is  sur- 
rounded, and  of  which  the  least  may  make  shipwreck  of  him  forever. 
But  when  we  contemplate  the  latter,  in  all  the  serenity  of  an  honored  old 
age,  resting  from  his  labors,  and  seeking  in  the  cultivation  of  philosophy 
the  highest  pleasures  of  the  intellect,  and  the  means  still  to  benefit  man- 
kind— we  feel  an  emotion  of  thankfulness  rising  in  our  hearts,  at  the 
thought  that  all  those  dangers  we  so  much  dreaded  have  been  passed  ; 
that  the  course  so  prosperously  commenced,  has  been  gloriously  pursued, 
and  the  long  wished  for  haven  at  last  obtained.  The  admiration  we 
involuntarily  feel  for  the  former,  is  more  than  equalled  by  the  veneration 
we  willingly  offer  to  the  latter. 


JAMES  MADISON. 

MATERIALS  for  the  biography  of  a  public  man  are  to  be  found,  for  the 
most  part,  in  the  history  of  the  great  events  in  which  he  was  an  actor. 
In  our  own  country  this  is  particularly  the  case.  It  is,  perhaps,  hardly  to 
be  regretted  that  the  private  life  of  our  distinguished  men  is  in  some  mea- 
sure sacred  from  the  offensive  notoriety  which  is  the  lot  and  the  penalty 
of  eminence  in  other  countries.  The  numerous  dependants  on  the  peri- 
odical press  of  Great  Britain  deem  themselves  privileged  to  annoy  men 
of  any  reputation,  by  what  they  term  sketches  of  their  lives.  They  pick 
up  garbled  and  inaccurate  stories,  invent  one  or  two  leading  incidents, 
and,  to  complete  the  biography,  fasten  upon  its  unfortunate  subject  a  few 
of  the  most  popular  anecdotes  that  have  been  current  for  the  last  century. 
These  accounts  circulate  for  the  truth,  and  a  man  is  obliged  to  see  himself 
the  hero  of  battles  which  he  never  fought,  and  an  actor  upon  boards 
which  he  never  trod. 

But  there  is  some  satisfaction  in  reading  even  an  incorrect,  but  well 
written  account  of  a  great  man's  life,  for  the  same  reason  that  there  is 
pleasure  in  looking  on  an  indifferent  likeness,  which  is  well  painted  and 
handsomely  framed.  Taste  is  pleased,  if  curiosity  is  not  satisfied.  A 
void  is  filled ;  we  have  learned  something,  and  if  that  something  is  not 
accurate,  we  still  have  high  authority  for  believing  that  all  history  is  little 
better  than  fable. 

Of  the  early  life  of  Mr.  Madison  we  have  been  able  to  collect  no  au- 
thentic anecdotes.  His  later  years  were  passed  in  the  most  entire  seclusion, 
as  he  lived  in  the  strictest  privacy  at  his  seat  in  Montpelier,  Virginia.  He 
was  born  in  the  year  1750,  and  took  an  early  and  efficient  interest  in  the 
affairs  of  our  infant  republic.  Sound  principles  on  subjects  of  public  and 
political  interest  seem  to  have  been  instilled  into  him  from  his  birth.  To 
state  what  little  we  know  of  his  private  life,  before  commencing  the  narra- 
tion of  that  part  of  his  career  which  is  the  property  of  his  country,  Mr. 
Madison,  in  1794,  was  married  to  Mrs.  Todd,  in  Philadelphia,  widow  of 
John  Todd,  Esq.  a  practitioner  of  the  Pennsylvania  bar.  Her  maiden 
name  was  Paine,  and  her  father,  who  was  of  the  Society  of  Friends, 
emigrated  from  Virginia  to  Philadelphia.  She  was  eighteen  years  of  age 
at  the  time  of  her  first  marriage,  and  as  her  husband  died  in  less  than 
three  years  afterwards,  she  was  still  quite  young  when  she  became  the 
wife  of  Mr.  Madison.  Her  manners  were  agreeable,  her  deportment 
mild  and  dignified,  and  her  conversation  fascinating.  With  the  wish  to 
please,  and  a  willingness  to  be  pleased,  she  was  popular  in  her  circle  of 
associates ;  and  when  her  second  husband  was  called  to  his  high  office, 
she  discharged,  with  a  dignified  affability,  those  polite  attentions  which 
were  so  constantly  required  of  her.  She  exerted  a  woman's  tender  influ- 


132  .  MADISON. 

ence  to  soften  the  political  asperities  of  the  time  by  the  amenities  of  social 
life  ;  and  strove  to  hide  the  thorns  of  public  controversy  under  the  roses 
of  private  cheerfulness.  It  has  been  said,  to  her  great  praise,  that  in  her 
highest  fortune  she  never  neglected  her  early  friends,  but  extended  to  all 
who  approached  her,  those  a.tentions  which  please  the  exalted  and  inspire 
the  humble  with  confidence. 

The  first  knowledge  that  we  have  of  Mr.  Madison  finds  him,  at  an 
early  age,  a  very  active  member  of  the  Continental  Congress.  To  him, 
more  than  to  any  one  living,  the  people  of  the  United  States  are  indebted 
for  the  constitution  under  which  they  live.  He  was  a  leader  in  the  con- 
vention that  framed  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  the  most  influential  of 
its  supporters  in  the  Virginia  Convention  which  adopted  it.  He  wrote  the 
greatest  part  of  the  Federalist ;  was  the  author  of  the  Virginia  Resolu- 
tions of  1798,  and  the  Virginia  Report  of  1799,  and  for  sixteen  years  was 
charged  with  the  administration  of  the  government,  as  the  incumbent  suc- 
cessively of  the  second  and  first  offices  in  the  Executive. 

The  first  subject  that  pressed  upon  the  attention  of  Congress,  at  the 
close  of  the  revolution,  was  the  debt  incurred  during  the  war,  and  which 
it  was  imperative  upon  them  either  to  fund  or  pay.  The  national  com- 
merce had  been  annihilated.  To  revive  it  was  the  first  step  towards 
reviving  prosperity.  But  as  a  preliminary  to  any  commercial  arrange- 
ments or  treaties  with  foreign  powers,  a  settlement  of  their  own  debt  was 
indispensable  In  this  first  step,  however,  Congress  immediately  felt  its 
utter  inefficiency,  its  incapability  of  even  moving  with  its  actual  powers. 
To  the  impost  laid  on  during  the  war,  divers  states  had  refused  acquies- 
cence. How  was  that  or  any  tax  to  be  now  enforced  ?  Nevertheless  a 
committee  was  appointed.  It  drew  up  a  report,  which  was  soon  issued, 
us  an  address  to  the  several  states,  praying  them  to  make  provision  for 
the  national  creditors.  The  address  was  received  with  the  same  spirit 
which  had  endangered  the  commonwealth  so  lately,  by  holding  out  against 
the  claims  of  the  veterans  of  the  war  ;  and  as  Congress  had  resolved  not 
to  raise  money  from  one  state  till  all  had  consented  to  the  measure,  each 
waited  for  its  neighbor  to  commence,  and  each  excused  itself  by  its 
neighbor's  backwardness. 

At  the  same  time  Congress  felt  its  want  of  authority  marring  the  national 
interests  upon  another  point.  Envoys  had  been  despatched  to  Europe  for 
the  purpose  of  concluding  commercial  treaties.  England,  the  first  applied 
to,  held  off,  declaring  that  Congress  had  not  power  to  conclude  one.  In  vain 
did  Mr.  Jefferson  argue  that  the  American  government  had  in  reality  suffi- 
cient authority.  If  it  had,  it  was  certainly  not  very  clear  ;  and  the  Bri- 
tish ministry,  well  pleased  at  an  opportunity  to  disappoint  the  United 
States  envoys,  and  to  flout  the  inexperience  of  their  government,  held 
firm  in  its  denial. 

The  states  were  in  the  mean  time  dispensed  from  coming  to  a  determi- 
nation respecting  raising  a  general  fund,  as  the  envoys  of  Congress  had 
found  it  necessary  to  meet  pressing  demands  by  a  loan.  Individuals  still 
smarting  from  the  losses  of  a  war  were  very  willing  to  throw  forward, 
as  it  were,  the  burden  of  taxes  to  a  future  and  more  prosperous  time 

They  were  disappointed  in  these  selfish  calculations.     Prosperity  came 


MADISON.  133 

not,  nor  promised  to  come.  Commerce  was  not  restored.  England  still 
kept  up  her  prohibitions  or  high  duties  upon  all  the  great  exports  of 
America;  nor  could  France  consent  to  receive  them,  notwithstanding 
her  own  inclination,  and  all  the  efforts  of  Jefferson.  To  England,  and  to 
some  relaxation  in  that  country's  rigid  prohibition,  they  were  obliged  to 
look ;  and  this  alone  produced  the  consolidation  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment. 

England  had  changed  her  policy.  She  had  laid  aside  the  sword ;  but 
she  still  carried  on,  what,  to  America,  was  as  destructive, — a  commercial 
war.  She  monopolized  the  fisheries,  shut  out  the  American  ships  from 
her  West  Indies,  and  essayed  to  take  to  herself  the  whole  carrying  trade 
of  her  late  colonies.  Jefferson  and  Adams  labored  in  Europe  to  open 
markets  for  their  countrymen.  They  concluded  treaties  with  Portugal, 
with  Sweden,  with  divers  European  powers.  But  shut  out  from  the  Medi- 
terranean by  the  Barbary  corsairs;  from  France,  notwithstanding  the 
amity  of  the  countries,  by  the  monopoly  of  tobacco  and  other  causes ;  the 
only  alternative  left  to  America  was  to  force  England  to  be  equitable. 
This,  however,  could  not  be  done  by  the  state  legislatures ;  for  if  one  ad- 
mitted British  ships,  whilst  the  other  excluded  them,  the  union  of  the  com- 
monwealth was  not  only  destroyed,  but  the  object  of  exclusion  defeated. 
Congress,  in  1784,  therefore,  demanded  powers  to  exclude  generally  the 
vessels  of  all  countries  not  having  treaties  of  commerce  with  America. 
Most  of  the  states  acceded  to  this  request ;  but  delays  and  difficulties 
intervened ;  some  could  not  be  brought  to  understand  it.  Ere  it  was  ac- 
cepted, the  necessity  of  powers  more  extended  and  minute  were  felt,  so 
that  Congress  made  a  fresh  demand  of  being  permitted  to  regulate  the 
entire  commerce  of  the  republic. 

To  these  commercial  difficulties  were  added  political  causes  of  quarrel 
between  England  and  America.  Notwithstanding  the  express  stipulation 
of  the  treaty,  the  British  creditors  remained  still  unpaid ;  and  the  ministry 
refused,  in  consequence,  to  evacuate  the  military  posts  within  the  north- 
western frontier  of  the  United  States.  The  fault  lay  with  divers  states  of 
the  Union,  who  resisted  carrying  into  effect  the  honest  stipulation  of  Con- 
gress. 

The  progress  of  the  United  States  was  thus  effectually  arrested.  It 
was  in  vain  that  Congress  or  its  leading  members  discussed  or  passed  votes 
ibr  forming  treaties,  raising  funds,  or  regulating  commerce.  It  was  vain 
to  devise  remedies  without  the  power  of  applying  them.  Every  American 
of  eminence  and  experience  saw  the  necessity  of  giving  more  authority  to  ' 
Congress,  of  forming  a  federal  head,  and  giving,  in  fact,  an  efficient  go- 
vernment to  the  country. 

The  foremost  in  their  opinions  were  the  Virginians.  Seeing  the  weak- 
ness of  Congress,  this  state  had  early  united  with  Maryland  in  a  prohibi- 
tory system.  Proving  the  good  effect  of  this,  they  had  besought  the  other 
states  to  send  commissioners  to  agree  upon  making  it  general.  This 
proposition,  made  by  Mr.  Madison,  produced  what  was  called  a  conven- 
tion, or  a  meeting  of  delegates  from  live  states,  at  Annapolis,  in  Septem- 
ber, 178(5.  The  assembly  soon  perceived  that  unity  upon  commercial 
regulations  must  depend  upon  the  political  and  fundamental  unity  of  the 


134  MADISON. 

state,  and  that  the  only  possibility  of  agreeing  as  to  a  common  tariff,  was 
to  frame  an  efficient  constitution.  For  this  important  task  the  delegates 
at  Annapolis  were  not  prepared.  They  declared,  however,  the  necessity 
of  taking  such  a  measure  into  consideration,  and,  ere  they  separated, 
agreed  as  to  the  expediency  of  calling  a  more  general  and  solemn  meet- 
ing of  delegates  from  all  the  states,  to  meet  in  the  following  year  at 
Philadelphia. 

At  this  period  broke  forth  that  political  schism,  that  separation  of  the 
Americans  into  two  parties,  which  had  been  brooding  and  preparing  since 
the  peace.  The  war  had  been  a  struggle  between  whig  and  tory  ;  the 
supporters  of  independence  on  one  side,  the  favorers  of  monarchy  and* 
British  connexion  on  the  other.  By  the  destruction  of  the  latter,  the 
independents  were  left  alone  to  split  into  new  parties,  as  the  nature  of 
every  political  society  requires.  Those  which  were  formed  on  the  present 
occasion,  have  ever  since  endured,  and  the  flags  which  each  then  hoisted 
long  continued  to  float  with  their  ancient  principles  inscribed. 

But  the  jealousy  of  certain  states  in  the  preservation  of  their  own  local 
rights  and  interests  was  likely  to  operate  fatally  in  marring  the  project  of 
a  constitution,  and  rendering  any  innovation  for  the  purpose  impracticable ; 
since  the  dissentient  states  were  resolved  not  to  choose  delegates,  or 
accede  to  the  desire  of  Virginia. 

At  length,  however,  the  majority  of  the  state  legislatures  was  brought 
to  coincide  with  the  views  of  the  federal  statesmen.  Convinced  by  late 
experience  of  the  necessity  of  an  established  and  general  government, 
even  for  purposes  of  domestic  security,  the  hitherto  refractory  states  nam- 
ed, without  hesitation,  their  delegates  to  the  appointed  convention  for 
forming  a  constitution.* 

Accordingly,  in  the  month  of  May,  1787,  the  delegates  of  twelve  states 
met  at  Philadelphia.  Washington,  who  had  reluctantly  consented  to 
attend,  was  chosen  president.  The  discussion  and  arrangement  of  the 
several  articles  were  carried  on  with  closed  doors,  and  lasted  four 
months.  And  at  length,  on  the  17th  of  September,  the  proposed  consti- 
tution was  made  public.  It  was  presented  to  Congress,  and  by  that  body 
was  submitted  to  the  several  states  for  acceptance.! 

The  following  interesting  summary  of  Mr.  Madison's  opinions  on  the 
subject  of  confederation  is  from  a  paper  in  the  hand-writing  of  Gene- 
ral Washington,  and  presents  the  substance  of  a  letter  received  by  him  a 

*  The  state  of  Rhode  Island  alone  refused. 

f  A  history  of  this  convention  has  never  been  written.  The  causes  which  led  to 
it  may  be  easily  ascertained  and  traced  out,  but  the  opinions  and  private  movements 
of  the  great  political  leaders  of  the  day,  the  precise  share  of  merit  due  to  each  for 
the  part  he  acted  in  enlightening  the  public  mind,  and  preparing  it  for  the  issue  of 
events,  the  previous  interchange  of  thoughts  and  sentiments,  the  exposition  of  mo- 
tives, the  ultimate  hopes,  and  above  all,  the  proceedings  of  the  convention  itself,  the 
views,  arguments,  and  designs  of  individuals,  and  the  general  voice  of  their  con- 
stituents, as  expressed  by  them  ;  all  these  topics  and  numerous  others  are  yet  in  the 
•  dark,  and  must  remain  so,  till  the  papers  left  by  the  departed  actors  in  the  scene,  and 
such  as  are  still  held  by  the  few  venerable  worthies  that  remain  of  that  dignified 
assembly,  shall  come  under  the  eye  of  the  faithful  historian,  and  receive  a  patient 
inspection  and  a  discriminating  award. — N.  A.  Eevien. 


MADISON.  135 

short  time  previous  to  the  holding  of  the  Convention  at  Philadelphia.  For 
this  valuable  document  we  are  indebted  to  the  twenty-fifth  volume  of  the 
North  American  Review. 

"  Mr.  Madison  thinks  an  individual  independence  of  the  states  utterly  ir- 
reconcilable with  their  aggregate  sovereignty,  and  that  a  consolidation  of 
the  whole  into  one  simple  republic  would  be  as  inexpedient  as  it  is  unat- 
tainable. He  therefore  proposes  a  middle  ground,  which  may  at  once 
support  a  due  supremacy  of  the  national  authority,  and  not  exclude  the  lo- 
cal authorities  whenever  they  can  be  subordinately  useful. 

"  As  the  groundwork,  he  proposes  that  a  change  be  made  in  the  prin- 
ciple of  representation,  and  thinks  there  would  be  no  great  difficulty  in 
effecting  it. 

"  Next,  that,  in  addition  to  the  present  federal  powers,  the  national  go- 
vernment should  be  armed  with  positive  and  complete  authority  in  all 
cases  which  require  uniformity;  such  as  the  regulation  of  trade,  including 
the  right  of  taxing  both  exports  and  imports,  the  fixing  the  terms  and 
forms  of  naturalization,  &c. 

"  Over  and  above  this  positive  power,  a  negative  in  all  cases  whatever  on 
the  legislative  acts  of  the  states,  as  heretofore  exercised  by  the  kingly 
prerogative,  appears  to  him  absolutely  necessary,  and  to  be  the  least  pos- 
sible encroachment  on  the  state  jurisdictions.  Without  this  defensive 
power  he  conceives  that  every  positive  [law  ?]  which  can  be  given  on  paper, 
will  be  evaded. 

"  This  control  over  the  laws  would  prevent  the  internal  vicissitudes  of 
et".te  policy,  and  the  aggressions  of  interested  majorities. 

"  The  national  supremacy  ought  also  to  be  extended,  he  thinks,  to  the 
judiciary  departments ;  the  oaths  of  the  judges  should  at  least  include  a 
fidelity  to  the  general  as  well  as  local  constitution ;  and  that  an  appeal 
should  be  to  some  national  tribunals  in  all  cases,  to  which  foreigners  or  in- 
habitants of  other  states  may  be  parties.  The  admiralty  jurisdictions  to 
fall  entirely  within  the  purview  of  the  national  government. 

"  The  national  supremacy  in  the  executive  departments  is  liable  to 
some  difficulty,  unless  the  officers  administering  them  could  be  made  ap- 
pointable  by  the  supreme  government.  The  militia  ought  entirely  to  be 
placed  in  some  form  or  other  under  the  authority  which  is  interested  with 
the  general  protection  and  defence. 

"  A  government  composed  of  such  extensive  powers  should  be  well  or- 
ganized and  balanced. 

"  The  legislative  department  might  be  divided  into  two  branches,  one 
of  them  chosen  every years  by  the  people  at  large,  or  by  the  legisla- 
tures ;  the  other  to  consist  of  fewer  members,  to  hold  their  places  for  a 
longer  term,  and  to  go  out  in  such  rotation  as  always  to  leave  in  office  a 
large  majority  of  old  members. 

"  Perhaps  the  negative  on  the  laws  might  be  most  conveniently  exer- 
cised by  this  branch. 

"  As  a  further  check,  a  council  of  revision,  including  the  great  ministe- 
rial officers,  might  be  superadded. 

"  A  national  executive  must  also  be  provided.  He  has  scarcely  ventured 
as  yet  to  form  his  own  opinion,  either  of  the  manner  of  which  it  ought  to 
be  constituted,  or  of  the  authorities  with  which  it  ought  to  be  clothed. 


136  MADISON. 

"  An  article  should  be  inserted,  expressly  guarantying  the  tranquillity  of 
the  states  against  internal  as  well  as  external  dangers. 

"  In  like  manner,  the  right  of  coercion  should  be  expressly  declared. 
With  the  resources  of  commerce  in  hand,  the  national  administration 
might  always  find  means  of  exerting  it  either  by  sea  or  land  ;  but  the  dif- 
ficulty and  awkwardness  of  operating  by  force  on  the  collective  will  of  a 
state,  render  it  particularly  desirable  that  the  necessity  of  it  might  be 
precluded.  Perhaps  the  negative  on  the  laws  might  create  such  a  mutual 
dependence  between  the  general  and  particular  authorities  as  to  answer ; 
or  perhaps  some  defined  objects  of  taxation  might  be  submitted  along  with 
commerce  to  the  general  authority. 

"  To  give  a  new  system  its  proper  validity  and  energy,  a  ratification 
must  be  obtained  from  the  people,  and  not  merely  from  the  ordinary  au- 
thority of  the  legislature.  This  will  be  the  more  essential,  as  inroads  on 
the  existing  constitutions  of  the  states  will  be  unavoidable." 

Although  the  party,  designated  as  democratic,  had  given  up  a  con- 
siderable portion  of  its  hostility  to  a  united  government,  still  it  was  far 
from  wanting  representatives  in  the  convention.  We  are  informed,  in- 
deed, that,  in  the  most  important  questions,  votes  were  so  nicely  balanced, 
that  it  was  impossible  to  foretell  any  decision.  During  the  discussions 
the  leading  men  oppqsed  to  the  democrats  published  their  opinions  in  a 
series  of  letters,  signed  the  Federalist,  a  name  which  henceforward 
seemed  to  designate  the  party.  Mr.  Madison  and  Mr.  Jay  were  writers  ; 
but  the  principal  one,  as  well  as  the  most  esteemed  in  his  opinions,  was 
Colonel  or  General  Hamilton.  This  gentleman  wen  I  the  length  of  propos- 
ing that  the  president  and  each  senator  should  hold  hi.<  fffVr,  as  our 
judges  do,  during  their  good  behavior.  The  anti-federalists,  on  the  other 
hand,  of  whom  the  future  leader,  Jefferson,  was,  however,  as  yet  in 
France,  supported  the  principle  of  rotation,  or  frequent  change  in  the 
person  wielding  the  executive  of  the  country.  The  federalists'  side  was 
most  powerful  in  talent,  and  being  supported  by  the  authority  of  Wash- 
ington, their  opinions  mainly  prevailed. 

The  constitution  no  sooner  appeared,  than  it  was  attacked  with  a  host 
of  objections.  One  party  exclaimed  that  it  had  melted  the  states  into  one 
government,  without  fencing  the  people  by  any  declarations  of  rights  ; 
that  a  standing  army  was  not  renounced,  and  the  liberty  of  the  press  not 
secured  ;  that  Congress  reserved  to  itself  the  power  of  suspending  trial 
by  jury  in  civil  cases ;  that  rotation  in  office  was  abandoned  ;  that  the 
president  might  be  re-elected  from  four  years  to  four  years,  so,  as  to  ren- 
der him  a  king  for  life,  like  a  king  of  Poland  ;  and  that  the  check  or  aid 
of  a  council  had  not  been  given  him.  Notwithstanding  these  objections, 
the  constitution  obtained  the  assent  of  all  the  states,  save  two — Rhode 
Island  and  North  Carolina.  New- York  was  said  to  have  acceded,  chiefly, 
from  fear  of  being  excluded  from  the  union  ;  and,  in  consenting,  she  had 
demanded  a  new  convention  to  make  amendments  in  the  act.  Even  Vir- 
ginia thought  it  necessary  to  propose  alterations.  She  required  a  decla- 
ration of  rights,  and  the  limitation  that  the  President  should  be  but  once 
re-elected.  These  discussions  occupied  the  year  17S8,  alter  which  the 
constitution  was  generally  accepted,  and  the  grand  point  of  a  federal 
union  achieved. 


MADISON.  .  137 

The  month  of  March,  1789,  was  the  epoch  appointed  for  the  com- 
mencement of  the  new  government.  So  wanting,  however,  were  many 
of  the  states,  or  their  representatives,  in  zeal,  that  three  weeks  elapsed 
ere  a  full  meeting  of  both  Houses  could  be  procured.  Their  first  neces- 
sary step  was  to  elect  a  President ;  and  George  Washington  was  unani- 
mously chosen  to  the  office.  With  unfeigned  reluctance,  occasioned  both 
by  love  of  retirement  and  tenderness  for  his  reputation,  did  that  great 
man  accept  the  first  office  of  the  commonwealth.  The  sacrifice  was  de- 
manded of  him,  as,  in  the  words  of  Hamilton,  the  success  of  the  great 
experiment,  viz.  the  working  and  existence  of  the  new  government,  alto- 
gether depended  upon  the  moral  force  which  the  name  and  character  of 
Washington  would  bring  to  its  chief  office.  . 

Washington's  progress  from  his  seat  of  Mount  Vernon  to  Philadelphia 
was  a  triumphant  procession,  such  as  few  conquerors  have  known.  The 
ceremony  of  his  inauguration  took  place  on  the  30th  of  April,  and  the 
new  President  addressed  Congress  in  a  noble  and  touching  discourse. 
He  could  not  have  evinced  a  stronger  conviction  of  the  importance  of  his 
own  duties,  as  well  as  of  those  whom  he  addressed,  than  is  conveyed  in 
the  following  words  : — "  The  preservation  of  the  sacred  fire  of  liberty, 
and  the  destiny  of  the  republican  form  of  government,  are  justly  consi- 
dered as  deeply,  perhaps  as  finally,  staked  on  the  experiment  intrusted  to 
the  hands  of  the  American  people." 

No  sooner  was  the  federal  government  thus  completed  by  the  inaugu- 
ration of  it^chief,  than  Congress  proceeded  at  once  to  the  considera- 
tion of  what  most  pressed  upon  its  attention — the  revenue.  But  as  every 
thing  had  hitherto  remained  unsettled,  the  discussion  on  this  point  involv- 
ed the  question  of  foreign  policy  and  preference  ;  and,  leading  to  a  warm 
debate,  occasioned  a  collision  between  parties  at  the  very  outset  of  their 
legislative  career. 

Mr.  Madison  proposed  a  tax  upon  imported  goods  and  tonnage.  This, 
in  principle,  was  objected  to  by  none  ;  but  as  the  tonnage  duty,  pressing 
upon  foreign  vessels  exclusively,  was  intended  to  act  in  favor  of  domestic, 
and  at  the  expense  of  foreign  shipping,  it  excited  opposition.  Some 
urged  that  America  had  few  ships  of  her  own,  and  needed  the  *lse  of 
those  which  this  duty  might  drive  away.  But  Madison  pointed  out,  in 
answer,  the  necessity  of  fostering  the  infant  navy  ofjthe  country,  as  the 
only  defensive  force  that  would  be  required  or  avaiMHle  in  a  future  war. 

This  argument  overcame  the  objections.  But  another  part  of  Mr. 
Madison's  plan, — that  which  favored  the  commerce  of  France  rather  than 
that  of  Great  Britain, — called  forth  greater  heat  and  opposition.  France 
had  contributed  largely  by  her  aid  and  alliance  to  the  cause  of  American 
independence,  from  selfish  reasons,  no  doubt,  rather  than  from  any  love 
either  for  America  or  freedom  ;  but  this  latter  country  was  not  called 
upon  to  scrutinize  her  motives.  In  addition  to  the  claims  of  gratitude  on 
this  account,  the  envoys  of  the  United  States  had  been  received  as  foes 
in  Great  Britain,  as  friends  in  France.  The  correspondence  of  Franklin 
and  Jefferson,  more  especially  the  latter,  exists,  to  attest  how  the  sullen 
pride  of  merely  English  manner  might  have  the  effect  of  exciting  ran- 
cor in  a  statesman,  and  by  consequence  in  his  country. 
18 


138  MADISON 

A  provision  being  made  for  raising  a  revenue  and  answering  the  ju.<( 
debts  of  the  states,  Congress  proceeded  to  the  completion  of  the  machinn 
of  government  by  the  institution  of  ministerial  offices,  according  to  the 
usage  of  the  monarchies  of  Europe.  Departments  were  erected,  of  the 
treasury,  of  war,  and  of  state, — the  latter  including  foreign  and  domestic 
relations.  This  last  important  office  attracted  particular  attention.  The 
bill  for  establishing  it  intrusted  the  President  with  the  power  of  removing 
the  minister  from  office.  It  was  moved,  by  way  of  amendment,  that  the 
President  should  not  have  the  power  of  dismissing  the  minister  without 
the  assent  of  Congress.  This  assent  or  co-operation,  it  was  argued,  hav- 
ing been  considered  requisite  to  the  appointment,  why  should  it  not 
be  indispensable,  to  the  act  of  dismissal  ?  The  government  party  op- 
posed strenuously  this  attempt  to  nullify  the  presidential  office,  which, 
indeed,  if  shorn  of  this  authority,  would  have  been  reduced  to  a  level 
with  that  of  its  secretary.  Nay,  they  were  not  content  with  voting  this 
power  at  present,  but  contended  that  the  rule  should  have  been  a  funda- 
mental part  of  the  constitution.  It  was  now  declared  to  be  so  by  a  vote, 
the  derogatory  amendment  having  been  previously  negatived  ;  and  the 
wholesome  prerogative  of  the  President  was  effectually  secured. 

The  several  ministerial  departments  were  now  filled  up.  Colonel  Ham- 
ilton, the  friend  of  Washington,  and  he  who  had  chiefly  induced  him  to 
accept  the  guidance  of  the  new  government,  was  appointed  to-the  treasury. 
General  Knox,  who  had  been  the  war  minister  under  Cpnmjps,  was  now 
re-appointed  ;  whilst  Jefferson,  envoy  in  France,  but  then  on  his  return  to 
the  United  States,  was  named  secretary  of  the  state  department,  including 
foreign  and  home  affairs. 

At  the  head  of  the  law  was  placed  Mr.  Jay,  as  chief  justice,  one  of  the 
most  estimable  characters  of  the  time.  Mr.  Randolph  was  named 
attorney-general.  Mr.  Adams  had  been  elected  Vice-President :  the  only 
name  of  eminence  omitted  in  the  arrangements  was  that  of  Madison. 

A  particular  view  of  the  successive  administrations  is  given  in  the  life 
of  each  of  the  Presidents.  With  a  short  account,  therefore,  of  Mr.  Madi- 
son's celebrated  commercial  resolutions  offered  to  Congress  in  January, 
1794,  we  shall  pass  to  the  period  and  to  the  most  striking  affairs  of  his 
presidency. 

When  Congress  assembled  in  the  month  of  December,  1793,  a  variety 
of  important  and  interesting  topics  were  pressing  upon  the  public  atten- 
tion. The  British  government  had  declared  France  to  be  in  a  state  of 
blockade,  by  issuing  orders  to  stop  all  neutral  ships  laden  with  provisions 
bound  to  her  ports.  Corn  at  that  time  formed  the  chief  export  of  the 
United  States,  and  to  prohibit  them  from  shipping  it  at  all,  for  the  new 
regulation  amounted  in  fact  to  this,  was  a  grievance  to  which  the  most 
pacific  neutral  could  scarcely  submit.  Another  continually  recurring 
source  of  complaint  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  against  England  was 
the  pressing  of  their  seamen,  which  circumstances  rendered  of  frequent 
occurrence  and  tardy  rectification. 

In  reference  to  this  state  of  affairs,  Mr.  Madison  early  in  January,  1794, 
submitted  to  the  House  his  commercial  resolutions.  The  substance  of  the 
first  of  these  resolutions  was,  that  the  interest  of  the  United  States  would 


MADISON.  139 

be  promoted  by  further  restrictions  and  higher  duties  in  certain  cases,  oa 
the  manufactures  and  navigation  of  foreign  nations.  The  additional  du- 
ties were  to  be  laid  on  certain  articles  manufactured  by  those  European 
nations  which  had  no  commercial  treaties  with  the  United  States.  These 
resolutions  required  reciprocity  in  navigation,  except  with  respect  to  the 
West  India  trade.  The  last  of  the  resolutions  declared  that  provision 
ought  to  be  made,  for  ascertaining  the  losses  sustained  by  American  citi- 
zens, from  the  operation  of  particular  regulations  of  any  country  contra- 
vening the  law  of  nations  ;  and  that  these  losses  be  reimbursed,  in  the 
first  instance,  out  of  the  additional  duties  on  the  manufactures  and  vessels 
of  nations  establishing  such  regulations.  The  debates  on  these  resolu- 
tions were  long  and  animated.  On  the  3d  of  February  the  first  was 
adopted  by  a  majority  of  five  only.* 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1809,  Mr.  Madison,  who  had  been  Secretary  of 
State  under  the  preceding  administration,  was  inducted  into  the  office  of 
President  of  the  United  States.  At  this  time  the  situation  of  our  affairs 
was  in  many  respects  gloomy.  France  and  England  were  still  at  war, 
and  were  continuing  to  array  against  each  other  the  most  violent  commercial 
edicts,  that  exhibited  but  little  deference  to  the  rights  and  interests  of 
neutral  nations.  Previously  to  the  adjournment  of  the  last  Congress  under 
Mr.  Jefferson,  an  act  had  been  passed  which  repealed  the  then  existing  em- 
bargo, and  interdicted  commercial  intercourse  with  France  and  Great 
Britain.  Should  either  of  these  powers,  however,  revoke  their  edicts,  the 
President  was  authorized  to  renew  their  intercourse.  Mr.  Madison's  in- 
augural address  was  as  follows  : 

"Unwilling  to  depart  from  examples  of  the  most  revered  authority,  I 
avail  myself  of  the  occasion  now  presented,  to  express  the  profound  im- 
pression made  on  me,  by  the  call  of  my  country  to  the  station,  to  the 
duties  of  which  I  am  about  to  pledge  myself,  by  the  most  solemn  of  sanc- 
tions. So  distinguished  a  mark  of  confidence,  proceeding  from  the 
deliberate  and  tranquil  suffrage  of  a  free  and  virtuous  nation,  would, 
under  any  circumstances,  have  commanded  my  gratitude  and  devotion, 
as  well  as  filled  me  with  an  awful  sense  of  the  trust  to  be  assumed. 
Under  the  various  circumstances  which  give  peculiar  solemnity  to  the 
existing  period,  I  feel  that  both  the  honor  and  the  responsibility  allotted 
to  me,  are  inexpressibly  enhanced.  The  present  situation  of  the  world 
is  indeed  without  a  parallel ;  and  that  of  our  country  full  of  difficulties. 
The  pressure  of  these,  too,  is  more  severely  felt,  because  they  have  fallen 
upon  us  at  a  moment  when  the  national  prosperity  being  at  a  height  not 
before  attained,  the  contrast  resulting  from  the  change  has  been  rendered 
the  more  striking.  Under  the  benign  influence  of  our  republican  insti- 
tutions, and  the  maintenance  of  peace  with  all  nations,  while  so  many  of 
them  were  engaged  in  bloody  and  wasteful  wars,  the  fruits  of  a  just  poli- 
cy were  enjoyed,  in  an  unrivalled  growth  of  our  faculties  and  resources- 
Proofs  of  this  were  seen  in  the  improvements  of  agriculture,  in  the  suc- 
cessful enterprises  of  commerce,  in  the  progress  of  manufactures  and 

*  Pitkin. 


140  MADISON. 

useful  arts ;  in  the  increase  of  the  public  revenue,  and  the  use  made  of  it 
in  reducing  the  public  debt,  and  in  the  valuable  works  and  establish- 
ments, every  where  multiplying  over  the  face  of  our  land.  It  is  a  pre- 
cious reflection  that  the  transition  from  this  prosperous  condition  of  our 
country  to  the  scene  which  has  for  some  time  been  distressing  us,  is  not 
chargeable  on  any  unwarrantable  views,  nor,  as  I  trust,  on  any  involun- 
tary errors  in  the  public  councils.  Indulging  no  passions  which  trespass 
on  the  rights  or  the  repose  of  other  nations,  it  has  been  the  true  glory  of 
the  United  States  to  cultivate  peace  by  observing  justice ;  and  to  entitle 
themselves  to  the  respect  of  the  nations  at  war,  by  fulfilling  their  neutral 
obligations  with  the  most  scrupulous  impartiality.  If  there  be  candor  in 
the  world,  the  truth  of  these  assertions  will  not  be  questioned.  Posterity 
at  least  will  do  justice  to  them.  This  unexceptionable  course  could  not 
avail  against  the  injustice  and  violence  of  the  belligerent  powers.  In  their 
rage  against  each  other,  or  impelled  by  more  direct  motives,  principles 
of  retaliation  have  been  introduced,  equally  contrary  to  universal  reason 
and  acknowledged  law.  How  long  their  arbitrary  edicts  will  be  continu- 
ed, in  spite  of  the  demonstrations  that  not  even  a  pretext  for  them  has 
been  given  by  the  United  States,  and  of  the  fair  and  liberal  attempts  to 
induce  a  revocation  of  them,  cannot  be  anticipated.  Assuring  myself 
that,  under  every  vicissitude,  the  determined  spirit  and  united  councils  of 
the  nation  will  be  safeguards  to  its  honor  and  its  essential  interests,  I 
repair  to  the  post  assigned  me,  with  no  other  discouragements  than  what 
spring  from  my  own  inadequacy  to  its  high  duties.  If  I  do  not  sink  un- 
der the  weight  of  this  deep  conviction,  it  is  because  I  find  support  in  a 
consciousness  of  the  purposes  and  a  confidence  in  the  principles  which 
I  bring  with  me  into  this  arduous  service.  To  cherish  peace  and 
friendly  intercourse  with  all  nations  having  correspondent  dispositions ; 
to  maintain  sincere  neutrality  towards  belligerent  nations;  to  prefer,  in 
all  cases,  amicable  discussion  and  reasonable  accommodation  of  differen- 
ces to  a  decision  of  them  by  an  appeal  to  arms ;  to  exclude  foreign 
intrigues  and  foreign  partialities,  so  degrading  to  all  countries,  and 
so  baneful  to  free  ones  ;  to  foster  a  spirit  of  independence,  too  just  to 
invade  the  rights  of  others,  too  proud  to  surrender  our  own,  too  liberal  to 
indulge  unworthy  prejudices  ourselves,  and  too  elevated  not  to  look  down 
upon  them  in  others  ;  to  hold  the  union  of  the  states  as  the  basis  of  their 
peace  and  happiness  ;  to  support  the  constitution,  which  is  the  cement  of 
the-union,  as  well  in  its  limitations  as  in  its  authorities;  to  respect  the 
fights  and  authorities  reserved  to  the  states  and  to  the  people,  as  equally 
incorporated  with,  and  essential  to  the  success  of,  the  general  system  ;  to 
avoid  the  slightest  interference  with  the  rights  of  conscience,  or  the  func- 
tions of  religion,  so  wisely  exempted  from  civil  jurisdiction  ;  to  preserve 
in  their  full  energy  the  other  salutary  provisions  in  behalf  of  private  and 
personal  rights,  and  of  the  freedom  of  the  press  ;  to  observe  economy  in 
public  expenditures ;  to  liberate  the  public  resources  by  an  honorable  dis- 
charge of  public  debts ;  to  keep  within  the  requisite  limits  a  standing 
military  force,  always  remembering  that  an  armed  and  trained  militia  force 
is  the  firmest  bulwark  of  republics ;  that  without  standing  armies  their 
liberty  can  never  be  in  danger,  nor,  with  large  ones,  safe;  to  promote  by 


MADISON.  141 

authorized  means  improvements  friendly  to  agriculture,  to  manufactures, 
and  to  external  as  well  as  internal  commerce  ;  to  favor  in  like  manner  the 
advancement  of  science  and  the  diffusion  of  information,  as  the  best 
aliment  to  true  liberty  ;  to  carry  on  benevolent  plans,  which  have  been  so 
meritoriously  applied  to  the  conversion  of  our  aboriginal  neighbors  from 
the  degradation  and  wretchedness  of  savage  life,  to  a  participation  of  the 
improvements  of  which  the  human  mind  and  manners  are  susceptible  in 
a  civilized  state.  As  far  as  sentiments  and  intentions  such  as  these  can 
aid  the  fulfilment  of  my  duty,  they  will  be  a  resource  which  cannot  fail 
me.  It  is  my  good  fortune,  moreover,  to  have  the  path  in  which  I  am  to 
tread,  lighted  by  examples  of  illustrious  services  successfully  rendered,  in 
the  most  trying  difficulties  by  those  who  have  marched  before  me.  Of 
those  of  my  immediate  predecessor,  it  might  least  become  me  here  to  speak. 
I  may,  however,  be  pardoned  for  not  suppressing  the  sympathy  with 
which  my  heart  is  full,  in  the  rich  reward  he  enjoys  in  the  benedictions 
of  a  beloved  country,  gratefully  bestowed  for  exalted  talents  zealously  de- 
voted, through  a  long  career,  to  the  advancement  of  its  highest  interest 
and  happiness.  But  the  source  to  which  I  look  for  the  aid  which  alone 
can  supply  my  deficiencies,  is  in  the  well  tried  intelligence  and  virtue  of 
my  fellow  citizens,  and  in  the  councils  of  those  representing  them  in  the 
other  departments  associated  in  the  care  of  the  national  interest.  In 
these,  my  confidence  will,  under  every  difficulty,  be  best  placed  ;  next  to 
that  which  we  have  all  been  encouraged  to  feel  in  the  guardianship  and 
guidance  of  that  Almighty  Being,  whose  power  regulates  the  destiny  of 
nations,  whose  blessings  have  been  so  conspicuously  dispensed  to  this 
rising  republic,  and  to  whom  we  are  bound  to  address  our  devout  gratitude 
for  the  past,  as  well  as  our  fervent  supplications  and  best  hopes  for  the 
future." 

A  new  administration  generally  commences  with  fair  promises  on  one 
side,  and  hopes  on  the  other,  of  a  change.  It  is  a  period  of  congratula- 
tion and  politeness.  Mr.  Madison  was  declared  to  want  the  inveterate 
republicanism  and  anti-British  feeling  of  his  predecessor.  He  had  been 
the  first  to  propose  the  federal  union,  and  his  political  career  since  had 
not  been  marked  as  that  of  a  partizan.  These  considerations  raised  the 
hopes  of  the  English  minister  in  America,  that  some  arrangement  might 
be  made.  The  repeal  of  the  embargo,  and  the  substitution  of  a  less  ob- 
noxious act,  offered  a  fit  and  favorable  pretext  for  renewing  negotiations ; 
more  especially  as  a  clause  was  inserted  in  the  later  act,  to  the  purpose, 
that  if  either  of  the  belligerents  should  recall  its  hostile  edicts,  a  procla- 
mation of  the  executive  should  suffice  to  suspend  the  non-intercourse 
with  respect  to  that  belligerent. 

Mr.  Erskine,  accordingly,  received  from  Mr.  Canning,  the  English 
secretary  of  state,  powers  to  treat,  together  with  instructions  as  to  the 
points  to  be  insisted  on.  He  was  to  consent  to  withdraw  the  orders  in 
council  on  the  essential  points,  on  certain  preliminary  conditions,  such  as 
the  prohibition  against  English  ships  appearing  in  American  waters  being 
repealed,  and  the  abandonment  of  the  right  claimed  by  the  United  States 
to  trade  with  such  of  the  enemy's  colonies  as  she  was  not  permitted  to 
trade  with  in  peace.  Overlooking  these  altogether,  Mr.  Erskine  consi- 


142  MADISON". 

dered  the  supension  of  the  non-intercourse  as  a  fair  equivalent  for  that 
of  the  orders  in  council,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  stipulate,  accordingly, 
that  these  should  cease  to  be  in  force  at  a  certain  epoch.  The  President, 
accordingly,  suspended  the  non-intercourse.  But  tidings  no  sooner 
reached  England  of  the  obsequious  haste  of  Mr.  Erskine,  than  he  was 
disavowed.  The  orders  in  council  were  suspended  only  so  far  as  not  to 
endanger  those  vessels  which  had  sailed  from  America  on  the  faith  of 
Mr.  Erskine's  declaration.  The  President,  in  consequence,  declared  the 
non-intercourse  act  as  still  in  force,  and  the  silent  war  of  prohibitory  edicts 
continued  on  its  old  footing. 

These  blunders  in  diplomacy  were  singularly  unfortunate,  since  they 
had  the  effect  of  irritating  and  giving  rise  to  hateful  suspicions.  The 
Americans  believed  that  Mr.  Erskine  had  acted  in  consequence  of  his 
instructions,  and  that  the  disavowal  was  an  act  of  capricious  hostility  on 
the  part  of  the  British  minister.  The  parliamentary  opposition  in  En- 
gland took  the  same  view ;  and  a  partial  production  of  the  correspon- 
dence accredited  the  belief,  which  afterwards,  however,  was  proved  to 
be  erroneous.  But  the  effect  was  tantamount.  Erskine  was  recalled, 
and  Mr.  Jackson  sent  in  his  place.  The  latter  was  as  ill-chosen  as  the 
former  ;  since  there  was  some  cause  which  rendered  him  particularly  ob- 
noxious to  the  Americans.  He  was  received  with  studied  coldness,  and 
made  to  wait  even  for  his  recognition  for  a  long  time.  His  endeavors  to 
renew  the  broken  negotiation  were  met  by  the  remark  of  the  inutility  of 
such  an  attempt,  and  by  an  allusion  to  the  duplicity  of  the  British  govern- 
ment in  the  affair  of  Erskine.  Jackson  retorted  with  warmth.  His  ob- 
servations were  considered  as  insults;  and,  on  this  plea,  further  commu- 
nication with  him  was  declined,  and  his  recall  demanded  of  the  minister 
in  London. 

France  having  been  again  applied  to  by  America  at  this  time,  the  em- 
peror replied,  that  his  decrees  were  but  retaliation ;  and  that  if  England 
recalled  her  blockade  and  her  orders  in  council,  he  would  suffer  his  de- 
crees to  be  considered  null.  Mr.  Madison  took  advantage  of  this  appa- 
rent fairness  on  the  part  of  the  French  ruler,  and  obtained  from  the  ma- 
jority of  Congress  divers  resolutions,  approving  of  the  high  and  defiant 
tone  of  policy  observed  by  him  towards  England.  The  state  of  Massa- 
chusetts alone  protested.  Preparations  for  war  continued  with  activity  ; 
and  the  people  already  began  to  turn  their  attention  and  capital  to  the 
domestic  production  of  those  manufactures  with  which  Great  Britain  had 
been  in  the  habit  of  more  cheaply  supplying  them.  England,  at  the  same 
time,  began  to  seek  elsewhere  those  commodities  which  the  United  States 
had  furnished  :  she  sought  them  in  Canada  chiefly.  The  alienations  and 
mutual  injury  thus  worked  by  commercial  prohibitions  were,  perhaps, 
greater  than  could  have  come  of  actual  war. 

The  conduct  of  Mr.  Madison  and  the  American  government  to  the 
British  envoy  showed  such  signs  of  a  leaning  towards  France,  and,  in- 
deed, such  an  imitation  of  Napoleon's  own  behavior  on  similar  occasions, 
that  the  emperor  became  more  obsequious.  The  non-intercourse  act  expir- 
ing in  1810,  the  Americans  again  summoned  the  two  powers  to  remove 
their  restrictions.  This  was  asked  with  the  manifest  purpose  of  declaring 


MADISON.  143 

war  ;  the  latter  being  the  only  alternative,  if  the  restrictions  were  not 
removed  ;  since  the  Americans  could  not  consent  to  abandon  the  sea 
altogether.  To  this  Bonaparte  replied  by  an  amicable  advance,  intimat- 
ing, through  his  minister,  that  his  decrees  should  be  suspended.  It  was 
understood  by  him,  of  course,  that  America  should  no  longer  submit  to 
the  orders  in  council  if  unrepealed.  To  the  English  ministry  an  appeal 
was  now  made  to  follow  the  example  of  France.  Unfortunately  they 
hesitated,  chicaned  as  to  the  supposed  insincerity  of  the  French  declara- 
tion,.or  the  informality  of  its  announcement ;  and  feeling  that  the  demand 
was  accompanied  by  menace,  they  held  out  more  from  pique  than  policy. 

No  conduct  could  have  been  more  ill-judged  ;  it  served  all  the  purpo- 
ses of  the  anti-British  in  America,  and  flung  the  United  States  completely 
into  the  arms  of  France,  whose  vessels  were  now  admitted  to  the  ports 
of  the  former,  whilst  the  interdict  against  the  English  was  renewed.  The 
British  minister  seems  to  have  inferred  that  the  French  emperor  could 
not  be  sincere  in  his  declarations  to  consider  his  decrees  no  longer  in 
force  ;  since  such  would  have  broken  through  that  continental  system, 
which  was  known  to  be  his  most  fixed  principle.  In  vain  did  the  Ameri- 
can envoy  offer  proof  of  his  assertion  in  this  respect.  Reply  was  evaded  ; 
and  at  length,  Mr.  Pinkney  demanded  his  audience  of  leave,  determined 
to  put  an  end  to  a  mission  that  was  hopeless. 

In  this  doubtful  state  of  connexion  between  America  and  England, 
an  accidental  collision  took  place  between  vessels  of  the  respective 
countries,  tending  much  to  inflame  and  widen  the  existing  differences. 
An  English  sloop  of  war,  the  Little  Belt,  commanded  by  captain  Bing- 
ham,  descried  a  ship  off  the  American  coast,  and  made  sail  to  come  up 
with  it ;  but  finding  it  a  frigate  and  dubious  of  its  nation,  he  retired. 
The  other,  which  proved  to  be  American,  the  President,  under  captain 
Rogers,  pursued  in  turn.  Both  captains  hailed  nearly  together ;  and 
both,  instead  of  replying,  hailed  again  ;  and  from  words,  as  it  were,  came 
to  blows,  without  explanation.  Captain  Bingham  lost  upwards  of  thirty 
men,  and  his  ship  suffered  severely.  A  court  of  inquiry  was  ordered  on 
the  conduct  of  captain  Rogers,  which  decided  that  it  had  been  satisfac- 
torily proved  to  the  court  that  captain  Rogers  hailed  the  Little  Belt  first, 
that  his  hail  was  not  satisfactorily  answered,  that  the  Little  Belt  fired  the 
first  gun,  and  that  it  was  without  previous  provocation  or  justifiable  cause 

The  Americans  continued  making  every  preparation  for  war.  Forti- 
fications were  carried  on  at  New- York  and  New  Orleans.  This  latter 
position  was,  indeed,  the  vulnerable  part  of  the  confederacy.  It  was  so 
felt,  and  divers  plans  were  proposed  ;  one  for  a  kind  of  military  colony  ; 
that  is,  to  grant  lands  to  a  body  of  men,  on  the  condition  of  their  being 
trained,  and  ready  to  take  arms,  should  an  enemy  appear  off  the  coast. 
But  this  plan,  so  little  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  a  free  government, 
was  not  adopted.  West  Florida  was,  however,  taken  possession  of,  to 
cut  the  Gordian  knot  of  difference  on  the  subject  with  Spain.  The 
moment  was  such  as  allowed  the  ungenerous  advantage  to  be  taken ; 
Spain  herself  being  occupied  by  the  French,  whilst  her  colonies  were 
torn  by  civil  wars.  This  formed  another  item  of  complaint  arid  remon- 
strance on  the  part  of  the  British. 


144  MADISON. 

In  the  spring  of  1811,  Mr.  Foster  was  sent  out  plenipotentiary  from 
England,  to  make  another  attempt  at  negotiation.  But,  as  he  had  no 
power  for  stipulating  the  repeal  of  the  orders  in  council,  his  mission  was 
illusive  :  it  was  merely  productive  of  argument  and  diplomatic  pleading 
between  him  and  Mr.  Monroe.  The  British  envoy  con  tended,  that  it  was 
France,  not  England,  which  commenced  the  blockade,  prohibiting  neu- 
trals ;  and  that  the  repeal  of  her  decrees  was  merely  nominal.  The 
American  replied  that  the  wrongs  of  France  against  his  nation,  afforded 
no  plea  for  the  wrongs  of  England  to  be  wreaked  on  it  also  :  he  more- 
over said,  that  France  was  sincere.  Such  arguments  were  of  little  avail. 
Mr.  Foster  returned  without  having  effected  any  thing. 

In  the  November  following,  Congress  was  called  together  ;  and  Presi- 
dent Madison  addressed  it  fully  respecting  the  points  and  consequences 
of  the  still  widening  difference.  It  was  hoped,  he  said,  at  the  close  of 
last  session,  that  the  successive  confirmation  of  the  extinction  of  the 
French  decrees  would  have  induced  the  government  of  Great  Britain  to 
repeal  its  orders  in  council :  on  the  contrary,  however,  they  had  been 
put  into  more  rigorous  execution,  and  fresh  outrages  had  been  committed 
on  the  American  coasts.  "Notwithstanding  the  scrupulous  justice,  the 
protracted  moderation,  and  the  multiplied  efforts  on  the  part  of  the  Unit- 
ed States  to  substitute  for  the  accumulating  dangers  to  the  peace  of  the 
two  countries,  all  the  mutual  advantages  of  re-established  friendship  and 
confidence,  we  have  seen  that  the  British  cabinet  perseveres,  not  only 
in  withholding  a  remedy  for  other  wrongs,  so  long  and  so  loudly  calling 
for  it,  but  in  the  execution,  brought  home  to  the  threshold  of  our  territory, 
of  measures  which,  under  existing  circumstances,  have  the  character,  as 
well  as  the  effect,  of  war  on  our  lawful  commerce.  With  this  evidence 
of  hostile  inflexibility,  in  trampling  on  rights  which  no  independent  na- 
tion can  relinquish,  Congress  will  feel  the  duty  of  putting  the  United 
States  into  an  armor  and  an  attitude  demanded  by  the  crisis,  and  corres- 
ponding with  the  national  spirit  and  expectations."  This  was  followed 
up  by  demands  of  increase  in  the  army,  the  navy,  and  all  military  stores 
and  establishments. 

In  this  address,  the  President  took  occasion  to  allude  to  a  new  spirit  of 
Hostility  displayed  amongst  the  north-western  Indians.  Party  attributed 
this  to  British  gold  and  interference.  The  cause  was  evident,  however, 
in  the  appearance  of  an  Indian  prophet,  a  reformer,  who  preached  to  his 
red  brethren,  that  all  their  disasters  had  been  owing  to  their  having  for- 
saken the  wise  and  simple  habits  of  their  ancestors ;  and  that  he  had 
been  prompted  by  the  Great  Spirit  to  warn  them  from  mingling  with  the 
whites,  from  eating  hogs  and  bullocks,  in  lieu  of  the  game  that  used  to 
give  them  the  warrior's  and  the  hunter's  spirit;  and,  above  all,  from  the 
use  of  ardent  spirits.  This  last  salutary  injunction  gave  force  and  truth 
to  all  that  the  savage  prophet  uttered.  This  fanatic  advice,  however 
salutary  in  one  respect,  necessarily  produced  hatred  towards  the  whites, 
and  outrages  upon  them.  General  Harrison  was  despatched  against  the 
Indians  in  the  autumn  of  1811.  The  savages,  at  first,  appeared  friendly  ; 
but  it  was  only  to  cover  the  purpose  of  a  night  assault,  which  proved 
almost  fatal  to  the  American  force  :  it  lost  considerable  numbers,  but  suc- 
ceeded in  repulsing  the  enemy. 


MADISON.  145 

The  winter  of  1811 — 12  passed  in  preparations  for  immediate  war,  as 
the  British  government,  then  for  the  first  time  elated  with  military  success, 
showed  no  signs  of  yielding.  However,  the  friends  of  peace  and  of 
America  exerted  themselves  in  parliament  to  deter  the  ministry  from  the 
rash  act  of  adding  the  United  States  to  the  number  of  its  enemies ;  and 
this,  for  the  support  of  commercial  prohibition  warranted  neither  by  just 
pride  nor  wise  policy.  The  marquis  of  Lansdowne,  in  the  House  of 
Lords,  and  Mr.  Brougham,  in  the  Commons,  moved  for  a  committee  to 
take  into  consideration  the  orders  in  council.  "  If,"  said  the  former 
statesman,  "  at  the  time  of  the  revolution  in  America,  any  one  could  have 
foreseen  that  the  whole  commerce  of  continental  Europe  would  have 
fallen  under  the  iron  grasp  and  dominion  of  France,  they  would  have 
looked  to  the  establishment  of  an  independent  state  on  the  other  side  of 
the  Atlantic,  out  of  the  reach  of  French  power,  to  become  the  carrier  of 
our  commerce  and  the  purchaser  of  our  manufactures,  as  the  greatest  boon 
that  could  have  been  given  us.  Such  an  event  has  occurred,  as  if  provi- 
dentially :  yet  this  great  and  inestimable  advantage  has  been  destroyed 
by  the  orders  in  council." 

A  majority  in  both  houses  voted  for  going  into  committee.  Petitions 
from  the  manufacturing  towns  of  England  poured  in  against  the  orders  : 
and  when  the  report  of  the  committee  was  brought  up,  the  general  voice 
of  the  country  and  of  parliament  compelled  the  abandonment  by  the 
tories  of  their  obnoxious  orders.  It  was  too  late,  however.  The  elo- 
quence of  Brougham, — >and  never  was  greater  shown  both  with  tongue 
and  pen, — prevailed,  but  prevailed  in  vain.  On  the  arrival  of  a  ship 
from  England,  bringing  no  satisfactory  tidings,  the  President  sent  a  mes- 
sage to  Congress,  recapitulating  all  the  causes  of  complaint  against  Bri- 
tain, (amongst  which  the  stirring  up  of  the  Indians  on  the  Wabash  was 
not  forgotten,)  and  recommended  a  formal  declaration  of  war.  Congress 
acceded  to  the  proposal ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  energetic  protest  of 
the  federals  in  opposition,  war  was  declared  against  Great  Britain  on  the 
18th  of  June,  1812. 

The  talk  of  Mr.  Madison  to  the  Indians,  in  1812,  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  war,  contains  sentiments  so  honorable  to  himself  and  his 
country,  and  so  appropriately  and  beautifully  expressed,  that  we  shall 
copy  a  part  of  this  very  interesting  document.  It  may  be  considered  as 
the  manifesto  of  the  American  government,  establishing  the  principles  of 
its  intercourse  with  its  aboriginal  neighbors,  in  the  critical  circumstances, 
which  imposed  new  duties  upon  both.  And  the  contrast  between  this 
course,  and  that  pursued  by  the  British  government,  must*  awaken  reflec- 
tions here  and  elsewhere,  which  although  tardy  may  yet  be  useful. 

"  The  red  people  who  live  on  the  same  great  island  with  the  white  peo- 
ple of  the  eighteen  fires,  are  made  by  the  same  Spirit,  out  of  the  same 
earth,  from  parts  of  it  differing  in  color  only.  My  regard  for  all  my  red 
children  has  made  me  desirous  that  the  bloody  tomahawk  should  be  buri- 
ed between  the  Osages,  the  Cherokees,  and  the  Choctaws.  I  wish  also 
that  the  hands  of  the  Shawnese  and  the  Osage  should  be  joined  in  my 
presence,  as  a  pledge  to  cherisli  and  observe  the  peace  made  at  St.  Louis. 
19 


146  MADISON. 

This  was  a  good  peace  for  both.  It  is  a  chain  that  ought  to  hold  them 
fast  in  friendship.  Neither  blood  nor  rust  should  ever  be  upon  it. 

"  I  am  concerned  that  the  war  has  so  long  been  kept  up  by  the 
Sacs  and  Foxes  against  the  Osages ;  and  that  latterly  a  bloody  war  is 
carried  on  between  the  Osages  and  the  Toways.  I  now  tell  my  red  chil- 
dren here  present,  that  this  is  bad  for  both  parties.  They  must  put  under 
my  feet  their  evil  intentions  against  each  other,  and  henceforward  live  in 
peace  and  good  will ;  each  hunting  on  their  lands  and  working  their 
own  soil. 

A  father  ought  to  give  good  advice  to  his  children,  and  it  is  the  duty  of 
his  children  to  hearken  to  it.  The  people  composing  the  eighteen  fires 
are  a  great  people.  You  have  travelled  through  their  country.  You  see 
they  cover  the  land,  as  the  stars  fill  the  sky  ;  and  are  as  thick  as  the  trees 
in  your  forests.  Notwithstanding  their  great  power,  the  British  King  has 
attacked  them  on  the  great  water  beyond  which  he  lives.  He  has  robbed 
them  of  their  ships,  and  carried  away  the  people  belonging  to  them. 
Some  of  them  he  murdered.  He  has  an  old  grudge  against  the  eighteen 
fires,  because  when  he  tried  to  make  them  dig  and  plant  for  his  people 
beyond  the  great  water,  not  for  themselves,  they  sent  out  warriors  who 
beat  his  warriors ;  they  carried  off  the  bad  chiefs  he  had  sent  among  them, 
and  set  up  good  chiefs  of  their  own.  The  eighteen  fires  did  this  when 
they  had  not  the-strength  they  now  have.  Their  blows  will  now  be  much 
heavier,  and  will  soon  make  him  do  them  justice.  It  happened  when  the 
thirteen  fires,  now  increased  to  eighteen,  forced  the  British  King  to  treat 
them  as  an  independent  nation,  one  little  fire  did  not  join  them.  This  he 
has  held  ever  since.  It  is  there  that  his  agents  and  traders  plot  quarrels 
and  wars  between  the  eighteen  fires  and  their  brethren,  and  between  one 
red  tribe  and  another.  Maiden  is  the  place  where  all  the  bad  birds  have 
their  nests.  There  they  are  fed  with  false  tales  against  the  eighteen  fires, 
and  are  sent  out  with  bloody  belts  in  their  bills  to  drop  among  the  red 
people  who  would  otherwise  remain  at  peace.  It  is  good  for  all  the  red 
people  as  well  as  all  the  people  of  the  eighteen  fires,  that  a  stop  should 
be  put  to  this  mischief.  Their  warriors  can  do  it.  They  are  gone  and 
are  going  to  Canada  for  this  purpose.  They  want  no  help  from  their  red 
brethren.  They  are  strong  enough  without  it.  The  British,  who  are 
weak,  are  doing  all  they  can.  by  their  bad  birds,  to  decoy  the  red  people 
into  war  on  their  side.  I  warn  all  the  red  people  to  avoid  the  ruin  this 
must  bring  upon  them.  And  I  say  to  you,  my  children,  your  father  does 
not  ask  you  to  join  his  warriors.  Sit  still  on  your  seats  ;  and  be  witnesses 
that  they  are  able  to  beat  their  enemies,  and  protect  their  red  friends. 
This  is  the  fatherly  advice  I  give  you. 

"  I  have  a  further  advice  for  my  red  children.  You  see  how  the  coun- 
try of  the  eighteen  fires  is  filled  with  people.  They  increase  like  the 
corn  they  put  into  the  ground.  They  all  have  good  houses  to  shelter 
them  from  all  weathers ;  good  clothes  suitable  to  all  seasons ;  and  as  for 
food  of  all  sorts,  you  see  they  have  enough  and  to  spare.  No  man,  wo- 
man, or  child  of  the  eighteen  fires  ever  perished  of  hunger.  Compare  all 
this  with  the  condition  of  the  red  people.  They  are  scattered  here  and 


MADISON.  147 

there  in  handfuls.     Their  lodges  are  cold,  leaky,  and  smoky.     They 
have  hard  fare,  and  often  not  enough  of  it. 

"Why  this  mighty  difference  ?  The  reason,  rny  red  children,  is  plain: 
the  white  people  breed  cattle  and  sheep.  They  plough  the  earth,  and 
make  it  give  them  every  thing  they  want.  They  spin  and  weave.  Their 
heads  and  their  hands  make  all  the  elements  and  productions  of  nature 
useful  to  them.  Above  all,  the  people  of  the  eighteen  fires  live  in  con- 
stant peace  and  friendship.  No  tomahawk  has  ever  been  raised  by  one 
against  the  other.  Not  a  drop  of  blood  has  ever  touched  the  chain  that 
holds  them  together  as  one  family.  All  their  belts  are  white  belts.  It  is 
in  your  power  to  be  like  them.  The  ground  that  feeds  one  lodge  by 
hunting  would  feed  a  great  band  by  the  plough  and  hoe.  The  Great 
Spirit  has  given  you,  like  your  white  brethren,  good  heads  to  contrive, 
strong  arms,  arid  active  bodies.  Use  them  like  your  white  brethren,  not 
all  at  once,  which  is  difficult,  but  by  little  and  little,  which  is 'easy.  Es- 
pecially, live  in  peace  with  one  another,  like  your  white  brethren  of  the 
eighteen  fires ;  you  will  be  well  fed,  well  clothed ;  dwell  in  good 
houses,  and  enjoy  the  happiness  for  which  you,  like  them,  were  created. 
The  Great  Spirit  is  the  friend  of  men  of  all  colors.  He  made  them  to 
be  friends  of  one  another.  The  more  they  are  so,  the  more  he  will  be 
their  friend.  These  are  the  words  of  your  father  to  his  red  children. 
The  Great  Spirit,  who  is  father  of  us  all,  approves  them.  Let  them  pass 
through  the  ear  into  the  heart.  Carry  them  home  to  your  people.  And 
as  long  as  you  remember  this  visit  to  your  father  of  the  eighteen  fires, 
remember  these  are  his  last  and  best  words  to  you." 

Certain  states,  that  of  Massachusetts  especially,  have  been  represented 
as  most  averse  to  hostilities  with  England,  and  to  those  measures  by 
which  the  existing  government  of  the  Union  tended  to  that  end.  The 
federals  in  this  region  not  only  protested,  but  meditated  the  preservation 
of  a  state  of  neutrality,  if  that  were  possible  without  dissolving  the  Union. 
In  fact,  Massachusetts  did  not  like  to  be  dragged  into  war  against  its 
consent.  To  take  advantage  of  this  strong  dissent  and  disunion,  the 
governor  of  Canada  had,  it  seems,  sent  an  agent  to  New-England.  It 
was,  indeed,  an  unwarrantable  step  ;  and  so  criminal  was  the,  design,  that 
even  the  federals  denounced  it.  Jefferson  owns  that  he  first  learned  it 
through  the  younger  Adams,  as  early  as  the  time  of  the  embargo.  In- 
stead of  making  any  preliminary  complaint  or  communication  to  the 
British  government,  Mr.  Madison  brought  it  forward  in  Congress ;  and  it 
tended  considerably  to  inflame  the  American  mind  against  England,  and 
to  screw  it  up  to  that  pitch  requisite  to  set  aside  the  consideration  of  the 
risk  and  great  expenses  of  the  war. 

This  step  was  undertaken  also  for  the  purpose,  no  doubt,  of  intimidat- 
ing the  anti-war  party  of  the  eastern  states.  This  party  was  still  con- 
siderable :  it  counted  a  minority  on  the  decisive  vote  of  forty-nine  to 
seventy-nine ;  and  even  since  it  continued  to  protest  and  petition.  At 
Boston,  the  capital  of  Massachusetts, — that  town  which,  one  may  say,  had 
commenced  the  war  of  independence, — the  flags  of  the  shipping  were 
hoisted  half-mast  high,  in  token  of  mourning  for  the  war  of  1812.  The 
southern  states  were  as  violent  in  support  of  the  contrary  opinion  ;  and 


\ 

J48  MADISON. 

Baltimore  was  more  especially  signalized  for  its  anti-English  zeal.  A 
federal  paper  here  dared  to  brave  the  prevalent  opinion.  A  mob  was  ex- 
cited to  attack  the  establishment,  which  was  defended  against  them  ;  and 
force  arriving,  the  defenders,  not  the  offenders,  were  taken  to  prison. 
But  this  did  not  secure  them.  The  prison  doors  were  broken  open  next 
day,  and  many  of  the  federals  massacred  :  among  whom  were  two  veteran 
generals,  friends  of  Washington. 

Except  rencontres  between  single  ships,  the  only  theatre  of  war  in  the 
United  States  was  the  Canadian  position  ;  and  thither,  accordingly,  their 
efforts  were  turned.  Attempts  to  call  out  the  militia  in  Upper  Canada 
had  been  productive  of  disturbances,  in  which  the  troops  and  the  inhabi- 
tants had  mutually  fired  upon  each  other.  This  encouraged  the  Ameri- 
cans to  an  invasion,  and  an  army  was  collected  for  that  purpose  in  the 
north.  General  Dearborn  was  created  commander-in-chief ;  Pinkney, 
Major-General  Wilkinson,  Hampton,  Hull,  were  the  other  names  on  the 
list  of  commanding  officers. 

General  Hull  was  Governor  of  the  Michigan  Territory.  Not  much 
more  than  a  fortnight  after  the  declaration  of  war,  he  collected  a  body  of 
upwards  of  two  thousand  troops  of  the  line  and  militia,  and  pushed  over 
the  frontier,  as  if  he  intended  to  attack  Montreal,  publishing,  at  the  same 
time,  an  arrogant  proclamation.  His  subsequent  movements  were  as 
dilatory  as  his  previous  haste ;  and  upon  hearing  that  the  Indians  had 
invaded  his  province  upon  another  point,  and  that  the  English  general, 
Brock,  was  at  the  head  of  a  respectable  force,  Hull  retreated.  He  was 
pursued  by  Brock,  who  besieged  him  in  Fort  Detroit,  a;i,l  was  iiL/ulit  to 
try  the  fortune  of  an  assault,  when  the  American  commander,  panic- 
struck,  hoisted  the  white  flag,  and  surrendered,  with  his  fort  and  army,  to 
the  surprise  and  indignation  of  the  Americans. 

This  signal  defeat  took  place  in  August.  As  the  blame  was  thrown 
upon  the  pusillanimity  of  the  commanders,  in  little  more  than  a  month  an 
American  force  was  again  collected  upon  the  same  position.  On  this 
occasion  it  was  thought  advisable  not  to  risk  an  invasion,  the  aim  being 
rather  to  master  some  neighboring  post,  which  might  make  amends  for 
the  loss  of  Detroit.  Queenstown,  on  the  Niagara,  was  fixed  on  as  the 
object  of  attack.  An  American  division,  under  Colonel  Van  Rennselaer, 
crossed  with  the  view  of  mastering  it.  They  stormed  it  gallantly  ;  bst 
General  Brock  arrived  at  the  moment  of  success,  and  drove  the  Ameri- 
cans back.  Whilst  reinforcements  arrived  to  the  British,  the  American 
militia  refused  to  cross  the  river  to  reinforce  their  party  ;  and,  in  short, 
shrunk  from  the  fight.  The  English,  therefore,  remained  complete  vic- 
tors, capturing  all  who  had  crossed  to  the  assault.  It  was,  however,  with 
the  loss  of  the  gallant  Brock,  who  was  shot  whilst  cheering  on  his  men, 
during  the  doubtful  period  of  the  conflict. 

Thus,  upon  land,  the  advantages  of  this  first  campaign  rested  altoge- 
ther with  the  British.  It  was  at  sea,  on  the  element  where  they  felt  most 
secure,  that  their  superiority  was  seriously  disputed.  About  the  very 
time  that  General  Hull  surrendered  in  Detroit,  Captain  Hull,  commanding 
the  Constitution  frigate,  fell  in  with  the  British  frigate  the  Guerriere.  An 
engagement  ensued;  when,  in  half  an  hour,  the  latter  was  so  totally 


MADISON.  149 

disabled,  as  not  only  to  be  obliged  to  surrender,  but  to  be  burned  by  her 
captors. 

On  the  17th  of  October,  another  naval  victory  was  achieved  over  an 
enemy  decidedly  superior  in  force,  and  under  circumstances  the  most 
favorable  to  him.  This  was  the  capture  of  the  brig  Frolick,  of  twenty- 
two  guns,  by  the  sloop  of  war  Wasp. 

Captain  Jones  had  returned  from  France  two  weeks  after  the  declara- 
tion of  war,  and  on  the  13th  of  October,  again  put  to  sea.  On  the  17th, 
he  fell  in  with  six  merchant  ships,  under  convoy  of  a  brig  and  two  ships, 
armed  with  sixteen  guns  each.  The  brig,  which  proved  to  be  the  Frolick, 
Captain  Whinyates,  dropped  behind,  while  the  others  made  sail.  At  half 
past  eleven,  the  action  began  by  the  enemy's  cannon  and  musketry.  In 
five  minutes  the  main-top-mast  was  shot  away,  and  falling  down  with  the 
main-top-sail  yard  across  the  larboard  fore  and  fore-top-sail,  rendered  her 
head  yards  unmanageable  during  the  rest  of  the  action.  In  two  minutes 
more,  her  gaff  and  mizen-top-gallant-mast  were  shot  away.  The  sea 
being  exceedingly  rough,  the  muzzles  of  the  Wasp's  guns  were  sometimes 
under  water. 

The  English  fired  as  their  vessel  rose,  so  that  their  shot  was  either 
thrown  away,  or  touched  only  the  rigging  of  the  Americans ;  the  Wasp, 
on  the  contrary,  fired  as  she  sunk,  and  every  time  struck  the  hull  of  her 
antagonist.  The  fire  of  the  Frolick  was  soon  slackened,  and  Captain 
Jones  determined  to  board  her.  As  the  crew  leaped  on  board  the  ene- 
my's vessel,  their  surprise  can  scarcely  be  imagined,  as  they  found  no 
person  on  deck  except  three  officers  and  the  seaman  at  the  wheel.  The 
deck  was  slippery  with  blood,  and  presented  a  scene  of  havoc  and  ruin. 
The  officers  now  threw  down  their  swords  in  submission,  and  lieutenant 
Biddle,  of  the  Wasp,  leaped  into  the  rigging  to  haul  down  the  colors, 
which  were  still  flying.  Thus,  in  forty-three  minutes,  ended  one  of  the 
most  bloody  conflicts  recorded  in  naval  history.  The  loss  on  board  the 
Frolick,  was  thirty  killed  and  fifty  wounded  ;  on  board  the  Wasp,  five 
were  killed,  and  five  slightly  wounded.  The  Wasp  and  Frolick  were 
both  captured  the  same  day,  by  a  British  seventy-four,  the  Poictiers,  Cap- 
tain Beresford. 

The  above  splendid  achievement  of  Captain  Jones  was  followed  on  the 
25th  of  October  by  a  combat  between  the  frigates,  the  United  States, 
commanded  by  Commodore  Decatur,  and  the  Macedonian.  The  latter, 
after  having  suffered  dreadfully  and  unaccountably  in  men  and  vessel, 
was  obliged  to  surrender.  These  encounters,  and  the  arguments  they 
gave  rise  to,  strongly  sharpened  the  animosities  on  both  sides,  and  cheer- 
ed the  American  war-party  for  the  disappointments  which  they  experi- 
enced by  land. 

In  November,  Congress  met ;  and  the  President  addressed  it  by  mes- 
sage, in  which  he  frankly  stated  the  defeats  experienced  on  the  Canadian 
position,  and  complained  much  of  the  employment  of  the  Indians  by  the 
British,  thus  bringing  the  horrors  of  savage  warfare  upon  the  land.  He 
also  complained  of  the  conduct  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  in  re- 
fusing their  contingent  of  militia.  The  victories  of  American  ships 
were  cited  with  just  pride ;  and  Congress  was  begged  to  extend  some- 


150  MADISON. 

what  their  allowance  to  the  army.  So  sparing  had  this  been,  that  neither 
soldiers  could  be  recruited  nor  general  officers  appointed,  nor  was  there 
such  a  thing  as  a  military  staff. 

December  29th,  a  second  naval  victory  was  achieved  by  the  Constitu- 
tion, then  commanded  by  Commodore  Bainbridge,  over  the  Java,  a  British 
frigate  of  thirty-eight  guns,  but  carrying  forty-nine,  with  four  hundred 
men,  commanded  by  Captain  Lambert,  who  was  mortally  wounded. 

This  action  was  fought  off  St.  Salvador,  and  continued  nearly  two 
hours,  when  the  Java  struck,  having  lost  sixty  killed  and  one  hundred  and 
twenty  wounded.  The  Constitution  had  nine  men  killed  and  twenty- 
five  wounded.  On  the  1st  of  January,  the  commander,  finding  his  prize 
incapable  of  being  brought  in,  was  obliged  to  burn  her. 

During  the  winter,  an  engagement  took  place  between  the  Hornet, 
Captain  James  Lawrence,  and  the  British  sloop  of  war  Peacock,  Captain 
William  Peake,  off  South  America.  This  action  lasted  but  fifteen 
minutes,  when  the  Peacock  struck. 

On  her  surrendering,  a  signal  of  distress  was  discovered  on  board  the 
Peacock.  She  had  been  so  much  damaged,  that,  already,  she  had  six 
feet  of  water  in  her  hold,  and  was  sinking  fast.  Boats  were  immediately 
despatched  for  the  wounded,  and  every  measure  taken,  which  was  practi- 
cable, to  keep  her  afloat  until  the  crew  could  be  removed.  Her  guns 
were  thrown  overboard,  the  shot  holes  were  plugged,  and  a  part  of  the 
Hornet's  crew,  at  the  imminent  hazard  of  their  lives,  labored  incessantly 
to  rescue  the  vanquished.  The  utmost  efforts  of  these  generous  men 
were,  however,  vain  ;  the  conquered  vessel  sunk  in  the  midst  of  them, 
carrying  down  nine  of  her  own  crew,  and  three  of  the  Americans.  With 
a  generosity  becoming  them,  the  crew  of  the  Hornet  divided  their  clothing 
with  the  prisoners,  who  were  left  destitute  by  the  sinking  ship.  In  the 
action  the  Hornet  received  but  a  slight  injury,  The  killed  and  wounded, 
on  board  the  Peacock,  were  supposed  to  exceed  fifty. 

However  considerable  was  the  opposition  to  Mr.  Madison's  policy  and 
administration  in  the  eastern  states,  still  the  southern,  increased  by  the 
number  of  the  newly  created  states  in  the  western  territory,  were  enabled 
to  out-vote  their  rivals  on  the  grand  presidential  question.  Mr.  Madison 
was,  without  difficulty,  re-elected  to  his  second  term  of  office  ;  whilst  Mr. 
Gerry  became  Vice-President  in  the  room  of  Clinton.  The  same  pre- 
ponderance he  was  enabled  to  exercise  in  Congress,  where  a  majority 
passed  resolutions  approving  of  the  President's  refusal  to  make  peace, 
except  upon  the  removal  of  the  possibility  of  the  English  impressing  or 
searching  for  American  seamen.  The  British  government,  on  its  side, 
placed  the  principal  ports  and  rivers  of  America  at  once  in  a  state  of 
blockade.  In  order,  however,  to  favor  such  states  as  displayed  aversion 
to  the  war,  a  system  of  licenses  was  adopted,  in  order  to  enable  ships 
from  their  ports  to  enjoy  a  trade  with  the  West  Indies.  The  President 
was  indignant  at  this  tenderness  shown  by  foreign  for  domestic  foes,  and 
he  denounced  it  with  great  heat  to  the  legislature. 

Winter  had,  in  the  mean  time,  brought  no  respite  to  war,  even  in  those 
inclement  countries.  In  January,  1813,  the  Americans,  under  General 
Winchester,  marched  to  the  recapture  of  Detroit.  They  were  anticipated 


M  ADI  SOX.  151 

by  Colonel  Procter,  the  British  officer  commanding  in  the  conquered 
province  ;  who,  with  a  body  of  regular  troops  and  Indians,  completely 
defeated  the  Americans,  took  their  leader  and  the  greater  number  priso- 
ners. Of  these,  a  great  number  fell  sacrifices  to  the  cruelty  of  the  sa- 
vage Indians.  Harrison  himself  was  soon  after  besieged  by  the  British  in 
a  fort  which  he  had  erected.  Disaster  in  this  frontier,  however,  always 
brought  the  American  side  a  reinforcement  of  spirited  volunteers ;  and 
the  Kentucky  men  marched  to  take  their  revenge  upon  Colonel  Procter, 
and,  in  their  first  onset,  dispossessed  him  of  position  and  batteries.  But 
the  British  returned  to  the  charge,  and,  in  their  turn,  routed  the  Ameri- 
cans finally. 

The  events  of  the  war  had  by  this  time  taught  the  Americans  to  reverse 
an  opinion  previously  formed.  They  knew  themselves  far  superior  in 
force  to  the  British  in  Canada,  where  the  Indians  alone  restored  propor- 
tion to  the  respective  numbers.  On  land,  therefore,  they  had  reckoned 
to  be  victors ;  whilst  at  sea  their  numerical  inferiority  seemed  to  promise 
defeat :  events  had  turned  out  directly  contrary  to  this  ;  their  soldiers  had 
been  beaten  shamefully,  their  sailors  were  mostly  victorious.  The  advantage 
was,  therefore,  seen,  of  converting,  as  far  as  it  was  possible,  the  military 
operations  on  the  side  of  Canada  into  naval  ones.  The  nature  of  the 
position,  passing  through  the  great  lakes, — seas  in  depth  and  extent, — 
rendered  this  possible. 

Their  first  endeavors  were  directed  to  the  fitting  out  of  a  squadron 
upon  Lake  Ontario,  which  should  master  its  waters,  and  be  able  to  con- 
vey to  the  several  points  upon  it,  possessed  by  the  British,  such  force  as 
would  be  irresistible.  Sackett's  Harbor  was  the  name  of  the  chief 
American  port  upon  the  lake.  Here  a  fleet  was  fitted  out  with  great 
activity  and  zeal,  and,  by  the  end  of  April,  was  ready  to  transport  a  small 
army.  Upwards  of  two  thousand  men  embarked,  commanded  by  the 
American  General,  Pike.  These  were  wafted  to  the  vicinity  of  York, 
the  capital  of  Upper  Canada,  where  the  British  had  only  a  garrison  of 
six  hundred  strong.  This  small  force  offered  every  possible,  resistance. 
During  the  combat,  General  Pike  was  slain  ;  but  his  troops  were  too  nu- 
merous for  the  enemy,  and  the  British  were  obliged  to  surrender  York. 
Other  expeditions  were  undertaken  by  the  Americans  upon  different 
points,  always  with  success,  unless  when,  not  content  with  getting  pos- 
session of  the  place  or  fort  attacked,  they  thought  fit  to  pursue  the 
retreating  British.  On  one  of  these  occasions,  the  Americans  had  two  of 
their  generals  captured.  Upon  another,  a  detachment  of  eight  hundred 
men,  commanded  by  Colonel  Boerstler,  was  surrounded  and  made  pri- 
soners. 

The  British,  in  the  mean  time,  exerted  themselves  to  rival  their  enemy 
upon  the  lakes.  An  attack,  gallantly  made,  on  Sackett's  Harbor  was 
repulsed  ;  but  in  a  little  time,  Sir  James  Yeo  was  enabled  to  take  the 
command  of  a  flotilla,  equal  or  superior  to  the  Americans,  which  turned 
the  advantage  upon  Lake  Ontario  against  them.  On  Lake  Champlain, 
also,  the  British  had  taken  the  start  of  their  foes,  and  destroyed  the 
American  establishment  of  Plattsburg,  in  revenge  for  the  affair  of  York, 
which  had  been  twice  captured  and  plundered. 


152  MADISON. 

It  was  upon  Lake  Erie,  however,  that  the  fiercest  struggle  took  place ; 
and  it  ended  completely  in  favor  of  the  Americans.  The  vessels  equip- 
ped on  both  sides  were  mostly  from  fifty  to  sixty  guns.  The  advantage 
of  force  was  on  the  side  of  Perry,  the  American  Commodore,  \vho  had 
nine  of  these  vessels.  Barclay,  his  antagonist,  numbered  six ;  these  six, 
however,  bearing  more  cannon  than  an  equal  number  of  their  antagonists. 
The  naval  battle  fought  by  these  squadrons  for  the  mastery  of  Lake  Erie, 
was  the  most  important  which  had  yet  occurred  in  the  war.  Perry,  rush- 
ing headlong  with  his  vessel  into  action,  was  at  first  disabled,  and  obliged 
to  shift  his  flag  ;  but  when  all  his  force  came  up,  the  Canadian  squadron 
was  beaten  in  the  fight,  most  of  the  officers  killed,  the  ships  disabled,  and 
obliged  to  surrender.* 

This  was  a  source  of  great  exultation  to  the  Americans,  whom  it  com- 
pensated for  all  previous  losses.  Nor  were  its  consequences  less  important ; 
as  the  British  forces  were  compelled  to  abandon  the  advantages  and  posi- 
tion which  they  previously  won.  Detroit,  the  first  conquest  of  the  war, 
was  now  given  up  ;  and  the  retreat  was  not  conducted  with  that  skill  and 
spirit  which  had  marked  previous  operations.  The  Americans,  under 
General  Harrison,  came  up  with  Sir  George  Prevost,  near  the  Moravian 
villages,  on  the  Thames,  and  defeated  him,  with  signal  loss  on  the  part 
of  the  British.  Amongst  the  slain  was  the  famous  Indian  chief,  Tecum- 
seh,t  brother  of  the  Wabash  prophet ;  by  which  loss,  as  well  as  by  the 
reverses  of  the  war,  these  savage  allies  were  much  disheartened. 

*  During  the  battle  of  Erie,  the  Lawrence,  which  Commodore  Perry  was  on  board 
of,  was  so  shattered  as  to  be  entirely  unmanageable,  and  only  nine  of  her  large  crew 
remained.  In  this  dilemma,  Perry  resolved  to  hoist  the  American  flag  on  board  a 
more  fortunate  vessel.  For  this  purpose  he  entered  an  open  boat,  to  pass  over  to 
the  ship  Niagara ;  and  though  broadsides  were  levelled  at  him,  and  showers  of 
musketry  from  three  of  the  enemy's  ships,  he  remained  standing  in  the  stern  of  the 
boat,  until  absolutely  pulled  down  by  the  crew.  The  Americans  watched  him  with 
breathless  anxiety,  as  he  passed  through  this  scene  of  peril,  and  with  a  transport  of 
joy  they  saw  his  flag  hoisted  at  the  mast  head  of  the  Niagara.  Soon  after  he  enter- 
ed that  ship,  a  captain  of  one  of  the  guns,  having  had  all  his  men  shot  down,  ap- 
proached him,  and  laying  his  hand  on  his  shoulder,  exclaimed,  "  For  God's  sake,  sir, 
give  me  some  more  men."  When  all  sense  of  personal  danger  was  thus  swallowed 
up  in  eagerness  for  victory,  it  is  not  surprising  that  Commodore  Perry  was  able  to 
write  his  strikingly  laconic  letter  :  "  Dear  Sir,  We  have  met  the  enemy,  and  they  are 
ours." 

f  This  Indian  warrior  was  not  only  an  accomplished  military  commander,  but  also 
a  great  natural  statesman  and  orator.  Among  the  many  strange,  and  some  strongly 
characteristic  events  of  his  life,  the  council  which  the  American  General,  Harrison, 
held  with  the  Indians  at  Vincennes,  in  1811,  affords  an  admirable  instance  of  the 
sublimity  which  sometimes  distinguished  his  eloquence.  The  chiefs  of  some  tribes 
had  come  to  complain  of  a  purchase  of  lands  which  had  been  made  from  the 
Kickafoos.  The  council  effected  nothing,  but  broke  up  in  confusion,  in  consequence 
of  Tecumseh  having  called  General  Harrison  "  a  liar."  During  the  long  talks 
wnich  took  place  in  the  conference,  Tecumseh.  having  finished  one  of  his  speeches, 
looked  round,  and  seeing  every  one  seated,  while  no  seat  was  prepared  for  him,  a 
momentary  frown  passed  over  his  countenance.  Instantly  General  Harrison  order- 
ed that  a  chair  should  be  given  him.  Some  person  presented  one,  and  bowing,  said 
to  him,  "  Warrior,  your  father,  General  Harrison,  offers  you  a  seat."  Tecumseh's 
dark  eye  flashed.  "  My  father !"  he  exclaimed  indignantly,  extending  his  arms 


MADISON.  153 

The  result  of  the  operations  of  the  north-west,  and  the  victory  on  Lake 
Erie,  prepared  the  way  to  attempt  a  more  effectual  invasion  of  Canada. 
General  Wilkinson  was  now  commanding  the  American  forces  in  the 
north,  General  Dearborn  having  some  time  before  retired  on  account  of 
indisposition.  The  force  destined  for  the  contemplated  invasion  of  Cana- 
da, amounted  to  twelve  thousand  men, — eight  thousand  of  whom  were 
stationed  at  Niagara,  and  four  thousand  at  Plattsburg,  under  the  command 
of  General  Hampton.  In  addition  to  these  forces,  those  under  General 
Harrison  were  expected  to  arrive  in  season  to  furnish  important  assis-. 
tance. 

The  outline  of  the  plan  which  had  been  adopted,  was  to  descend  the 
St.  Lawrence,  passing  the  British  forts  above,  and,  after  a  junction  with 
General  Hampton,  at  some  designated  point  on  the  river,  to  proceed  to 
the  Island  of  Montreal.  Unexpected  difficulties,  however,  occurred, 
which  prevented  the  execution  of  this  plan,  and  the  American  forces 
•  retired  into  winter  quarters  at  St.  Regis. 

General  Wilkinson  concentrated  his  forces  at  Grenadier's  Island,  be- 
tween Sackett's  Harbor  and  Kingston,  one  hundred  and  eighty  miles 
from  Montreal,  by  the  way  of  the  river.  This  place  the  army  left,  on  the 
25th  of  October,  on  board  the  fleet,  arid  descended  the  St.  Lawrence, 
sanguine  in  the  expectation  of  subduing  Montreal. 

On  the  arrival  pf  the  flotilla  at  Williamsburg,  November  9th,  one  thou- 
sand five  hundred  men,  of  General  Boyd's  brigade,  were  landed  with  a 
view  to  cover  the  boats  in  their  passage  through  the  rapids.  On  the  llth 
an  engagement  took  place,  which  continued  two  hours,  between  this  de- 
tachment of  the  American  army,  and  a  detachment  of  the  British  under 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Morrison.  Both  parties  claimed  the  victory,  but  it 
was,  properly,  a  drawn  battle,  the  British  retiring  to  their  encampments, 
and  the  Americans  to  their  boats.  The  loss  of  the  British  is  not  ascer- 
tained ;  that  of  the  Americans,  in  killed  and  wounded,  was  three  hundred 
and  thirty-nine.  Among  the  latter  was  General  Carrington,  who  died 
of  his  wounds. 

A  few  days  previous  to  this  battle,  as  General  Harrison  had  not  arrived, 
General  Wilkinson  despatched  orders  to  General  Hampton  to  meet  him 
at  St.  Regis.  To  these  orders,  General  Hampton  replied,  that  it  was 
impracticable  to  comply  with  them.  On  the  receipt  of  this  communica- 
tion, a  council  of  officers  was  called,  which  advised  to  abandon  the  pro- 
ject and  to  retire.  Accordingly,  General  Wilkinson  ordered  a  retreat,  and 
selected  French  Mills,  as  the  winter  quarters  of  his  army.  The  troops 
of  General  Hampton  soon  followed  this  example. 

Thus  ended  a  campaign  which  gave  rise  to  dissatisfaction,  proportion- 
ed to  the  high  expectations  that  had  been  indulged  of  its  success.  Pub- 
lic opinion  was  much  divided  as  to  the  causes  of  its  failure,  and  as  to  the 
parties  to  whom  the  blame  was  properly  to  be  attached. 

In  the  south-west  a  furious  war  was,  at  the  same  time,  carried  on  be- 

towards  heaven  ;  "  the  sun  is  my  father,  and  the  earth  is  my  mother ;  she  gives  me 
nourishment,  and  I  repose  upon  her  bosom."  As  he  ended,  he  suddenly  seated  him- 
self on  the  ground. 

20 


154  MADISON. 

tween  the  Creek  Indians  and  the  Americans.  The  savages,  never  com- 
pletely pacified  or  reconciled  to  the  Americans,  had  been  roused  by  a 
visit  from  Tecumseh  ;  who,  in  the  name  of  the  great  prophet,  told  them 
to  arise  and  whet  their  tomahawks.  On  the  last  day  of  August,  they 
surprised  a  fort  on  the  Georgian  frontier,  and  massacred  all  within,  wo- 
men and  children  not  excepted.  General  Jackson  undertook  to  seek 
vengeance  for  this  sanguinary  outrage,  and  marched  with  a  large  body 
of  militia  into  the  wilds  tenanted  by  the  Creeks.  These  were  not  slow 
to  meet  their  enemies  ;  and  a  series  of  bloody  encounters  ensued,  in  all 
of  which,  the  Indians,  though  outnumbered,  fought  with  their  native 
desperation,  and  perished  to  a  man.  Jackson  earned  his  renown  by  the 
martial  spirit  he  displayed  in  these  wars.  The  Indians  had  learned  the 
art  of  entrenching  themselves  to  advantage.  Though  beaten  at  Talla- 
poosa,  they  had  caused  the  whites  great  loss.  They  made  another  stand 
at  Tohopeka ;  where  a  thousand  chiefs  withstood  triple  their  force,  and 
perished  valiantly.  At  last,  when  the  bravest  and  best  of  them  had  been 
carried  off,  they  submitted.  One  of  the  remaining  chiefs  addressed  Jack- 
son : — "  Once  I  could  animate  my  warriors ;  but  I  cannot  animate  the 
dead.  They  can  no  longer  hear  my  voice.  Their  bows  are  at  Emuch- 
faw  and  Tohopeka..  While  a  chance  remained,  I  asked  not  for  peace  : 
but  I  now  ask  it  for  my  nation  and  myself." 

At  sea,  the  Americans  this  year  had  not  so  much  cause  for  triumph, 
although  their  acknowledged  character  for  equality  with  British  skill  and 
courage  was  well  supported.  In  the  month  of  February,  the  Unitrd 
States  sloop  Hornet,  commanded  by  Captain  Lawrence,  was  attacked  in 
the  Peacock,  of  about  equal  force.  After  twenty  minutes'  combat,  the 
British  crew  were  not  only  defeated,  but  their  vessel  sinking.  There  was 
not  even  time  for  saving  the  vanquished;  the  sloop  going  down  with 
twelve  persons,  of  whom  three  were  American  sailors,  engaged  in  rescu- 
ing their  foes. 

For  this  feat,  Captain  Lawrence,  on  his  return  to  Boston,  was  promoted 
to  the  command  of  the  frigate  Chesapeake,  of  old  famous.  A  British 
frigate,  the  Shannon,  was  soon  off  the  harbor ;  its  commander,  Captain 
Broke,  was  most  desirous  of  wiping  off  some  of  the  recent  stains  on  the 
navy  of  his  country  :  and,  with  a  view  to  effect  this,  he  paid  that  severe 
attention  to  discipline  and  exercise  which  long  superiority  had  taught  the 
English  to  neglect.  The  Shannon  stood  in  to  Boston  light-house,  to 
challenge  the  Chesapeake.  Captain  Lawrence,  with  a  crew  chiefly  en- 
listed for  the  occasion,  accepted  the  defiance,  and  sailed  out  to  meet  the 
foe.  The  Chesapeake  and  Shannon  joined  ;  when,  after  fifteen  minutes' 
firing,  the  British  boarded,  and  carried  the  American  ship.  The  gallant 
Lawrence,  mortally  wounded,  refused  to  allow  the  Colors  to  be  struck,  and 
died,  while  issuing  the  heroic  order,  "  Don't  give  up  the  ship  !"  There 
needs  no  stronger  proof  of  the  equal  valor  of  two  brave  nations,  sprung 
from  a  common  stock,  than  these  alternate  triumphs  of  that  side  which 
happened  to  be  superior  in  discipline. 

A  less  noble  species  of  warfare  was  carried  on  along  the  coasts  of  the  sea 
and  the  great  gulphs,  by  frequent  landings  from  British  vessels,  to  molest 
and  plunder  the  inhabitants  and  ravage  the  country.  Sometimes  an  un- 


MADISON.  155 

offending  village  was  cannonaded.  These  exploits,  intended  to  make  the 
war  unpopular  in  America,  had  the  contrary  effect.  The  British,  in  judg- 
ing what  their  own  feelings  would  be  if  similarly  injured,  might  have 
adopted  other  measures  of  hostility  towards  an  enemy  of  which  so  large 
a  minority  was  averse  to  the  war. 

Congress  still  supported  the  policy  of  Mr.  Madison,  however  onerous 
and  unusual  the  expense.  The  summer  session  was  almost  exclusively 
consumed  in  voting  additional  taxes;  which,  now  that  commerce  was 
paralyzed,  were  necessarily,  some  of  them,  internal.  Duties  were  levied 
upon  wine,  spirits,  sugar,  salt ;  and  a  loan  of  upwards  of  seven  millions 
of  dollars  was  authorized.  A  still  further  demand  of  supply  was  made 
in  January,  1814  ;  a  loan,  treble  the  former  amount,  was  raised,  besides 
other  modes  having  been  devised  of  procuring  funds.  During  the  course 
of  the  year,  the  Emperor  of  Russia  had  offered  his  mediation  between 
England  and  America.  This  latter  country,  always  anxious  to  preserve 
amity  with  Russia,  sent  commissioners  immediately  to  St.  Petersburg!!. 
Great  Britain  declined  the  mediation ;  but  professed  herself  willing  to 
appoint  on  her  side  negotiators  to  treat,  either  in  London,  or  in  some  neu- 
tral port.  Gottenberg  was  selected  for  this  purpose. 

At  both  extremities  of  the  Lake  Ontario,  the  war  was  continued,  by 
desultory  expeditions  of  either  army,  during  the  commencement  of  1814. 
The  British  stormed  and  took  Fort  Niagara,  and  afterwards  that  of  Os- 
wego.  In  July,  an  encounter  took  place  at  Chippewa,  between  an 
American  invading  force  under  General  Brown,  and  the  British  and 
Canadians  under  General  Riall.  The  latter  attacked,  but  were  repulsed, 
and,  after  a  severe  loss,  were  obliged  to  retreat.  This  gave  confidence  to 
the  Americans.  General  Drummond  soon  after  joined  the  Canadian 
army  with  reinforcements,  and  took  the  command.  This  rendering  the 
contending  forces  more  nearly  equal,  both  parties  marched  to  renew  the 
contest.  The  battle  took  place  near  the  celebrated  falls  of  Niagara  ;  the 
Americans  commencing  the  attack  about  the  hour  of  sunset.  It  lasted  till 
late  in  the  night ;  the  work  of  slaughter  being  carried  on  by  the  light  of 
the  moon.  Though  bravely  charging,  the  Americans  could  make  no  im- 
pression on  the  British ;  while  they  themselves  suffered  dreadfully  from 
the  English  guns,  which  played  from  an  eminence  in  the  centre  of  the 
field.  Their  efforts  were  accordingly  directed  against  this  battery  ;  and 
Colonel  Miller  led  the  American  troops  several  times  to  its  assault,  gain- 
ing and  losing  possession  alternately  of  the  disputed  point :  he  even 
brought  up  American  cannon  to  support  the  attack,  which  presented  the 
novel  appearance  of  gun  charging  gun.  On  one  occasion,  cannons  were 
actually  exchanged  in  the  confusion.  As  the  night  advanced,  the  conflict 
reased,  both  parties  claiming  the  victory.  The  Americans  retained  pos- 
session of  the  field.  General  Riall,  severely  wounded,  was  made  priso- 
ner. The  American  Generals,  Brown  and  Scott,  were  also,  from  their 
wounds,  obliged  to  quit  the  field. 

The  siege  of  Fort  Erie  was  carried  on  for  more  than  a  month,  marked 
by  a  daring  attempt  at  taking  it  by  storm,  on  the  part  of  the  British,  and 
an  equally  gallant  sortie  made  by  the  Americans.  Both  attempts  were 
repulsed.  But,  in  the  end,  a  large  American  force  marching  to  the 


156  MADISON. 

relief  of  the  fort,  the  besiegers  drew  off,  whilst  the  besieged  evacuated 
it ;  and  the  Americans  finally  retreated  to  their  own  side  of  the  Niagara  ; 
the  war  in  this  quarter  having  given  birth  to  many  gallant  achievements, 
but  no  conquest. 

Eastward  of  the  great  lakes,  the  Governor  General  of  Canada  resolved 
on  an  expedition,  which,  if  it  succeeded,  would  counterbalance  the  equal 
issue  of  operations  on  the  Niagara.  With  a  flotilla  on  Lake  Champlain, 
and  an  army  along  its  brink,  he  advanced  to  the  attack  of  Plattsburgh. 
The  fortune  of  the  enterprise  was  decided  in  a  naval  engagement  on  the 
lake,  between  Commodore  M'Donough  and  Captain  Downie.  The  latter 
was  slain  early  in  the  fight,  and  his  vessel  disabled,  so  that  the  British 
flotilla  was  completely  defeated  and  taken  by  the  enemy.  Sir  George 
Prevost  was  obliged,  accordingly,  to  retreat ;  having  proved  himself  here, 
as  in  most  instances  where  he  personally  commanded,  to  have  been  sin- 
gularly unfortunate. 

As  the  war  in  Europe  was  now  over,  the  British  ministry  seemed 
determined  to  make  the  Amer'cans,  especially  the  more  inveterate  ene- 
mies of  the  southern  provinces,  feel  more  fully,  than  they  had  yet  done, 
the  inconvenience  of  having  provoked  the  hostility  of  England.  A 
squadron,  under  Sir  Alexander  Cochrane,  having  on  board  an  army 
under  General  Ross,  sailed  up  the  Chesapeake  in  the  month  of  August. 
From  the  open  gulph  it  turned  its  course  up  the  Patuxent,  apparently  in 
search  of  the  American  flotilla,  which,  under  Ccmmodcre  Barney,  had 
taken  shelter  there.  As  the  ships  of  war  could  not  follow  the  flotilla  up 
the  river,  the  army  was  disembarked  at  St.  Benedict's  to  pursue  it  by 
land.  Its  force  was  estimated  at  four  thousand  five  hundred.  At  first 
no  resistance  was  offered  :  for  it  appears  that  the  American  secretary  of 
war  could  not  bring  hitr:celf  to  c-edit  any  serious  intention  of  the  English 
to  land.*  General  Ross,  therefore,  reached  Marlborough,  where  the 
flotilla  was  destroyed,  to  prevent  its  falling  into  his  power.  But  here  the 
ultimate  object  of  the  disembarkation  became  evident,  when  the  British 
columns,  instead  of  returning,  continued  their  march  in  the  direction 
of  Washington. 

The  American  commander,  Winder,  resolved,  in  consequence,  to  make 
a  stand  against  the  invaders ;  and,  for  this  purpose,  he  chose  a  strong 
position  at  Bladensburg,  covered  by  a  branch  of  the  Potomac.  His  force 
was  much  greater  than  that  of  the  British,  with  whom,  however,  being 
the  veterans  of  the  peninsula,  the  raw  militia  of  Virginia  and  Maryland 
could  scarcely  be  expected  to  cope.  The  chief  approach  to  Bladens- 
burg lay  over  a  bridge,  which  was,  of  course,  commanded  by  the  Ameri- 
can artillery,  and  served  by  the  seamen  of  the  flotilla.  These  did  their 
duty  skilfully  and  bravely.  The  first  company  of  the  British  that 
advanced  upon  the  bridge  (for  General  Ross  did  not  tarry  for  a  ford)  was 

*  "  The  force  designated  by  the  President  was  the  double  of  -what  was  necessary  ; 
but  failed,  as  is  the  general  opinion,  through  the  insubordination  of  Armstrong  (who 
could  never  believe  the  attack  intended  until  it  was  actually  made)  and  the  sluggish- 
ness of  Winder  before  the  occasion',  and  his  indecision  during  it." — Jefferson's  Cor* 
respondenee,  vol.  iv.  p.  256. 


MADISON.  157 

swept  away ;  and  it  was  not  until  the  attacking  army  had  crossed  m  force 
that  the  artillery  could  be  mastered.  The  first  regiments  that  crossed 
were  rash  in  pushing  the  Americans,  who  retired  ;  they  were  accordingly 
severely  handled,  and  repulsed  at  first.  But  after  three  hours'  fighting, 
Bladensburg  was  abandoned  by  its  defenders,  who  dispersed  among  the 
woods.  The  British  soon  after  entered  Washington.  Their  general 
wished  to  lay  the  city  under  contribution ;  but  his  proposal  not  being 
hearkened  to,  orders  were  given  to  destroy  all  the  public  buildings.  This 
barbarous  order,  which  no  plea  can  excuse,  and  which  certainly  was  as 
impolitic  for  the  future  as  unprofitable  for  the  present,  was  executed  with 
rigor.  The  docks,  the  shipping,  the  magazines,  were,  of  course,  fired  : 
these  were  lawful  objects  of  devastation.  But  the  dooming  of  the  senate- 
house,  the  President's  palace,  the  library,  to  the  same  fate,  was  a  piece 
of  vandalism  that  covered  the  expedition  with  disgrace.* 

On  the  invasion  of  the  capital,  the  President  retired  into  Virginia,  and 
on  the  first  of  September  issued  the  following  proclamation  : 

"  Whereas  the  enemy,  by  a  sudden  incursion,  have  succeeded  in  invad- 
ing the  capital  of  the  nation,  defended  at  the  moment  by  troops  less 
numerous  than  their  own,  and  almost  entirely  of  the  militia;  during  iheir 
possession  of  which,  though  for  a  single  day  only,  they  wantonly  destroy- 
ed the  public  edifices  having  no  relation  in  their  structure  to  operations 
of  war,  nor  used  at  the  time  for  military  annoyance ;  some  of  these  edi- 
fices being  also  costly  monuments  of  taste  and  of  the  arts ;  and  others, 
depositories  of  the  public  archives,  not  only  precious  to  the  nation  as  the 
memorials  of  its  origin  and  its  early  transactions,  but  interesting  to  all 
nations,  as  contributions  to  the  general  stock  of  historical  instruction  and 
political  science  : 

"  And  whereas  advantage  has  been  taken  of  the  loss  of  a  fort,  more 


*After  the  retreat  of  the' troops  called  to  the  defence  of  the  capital,  the  enemy  took 
possession  of  the  battle  ground,  and  many  of  fhem  actually  sunk  to  the  ground  with 
fatigue.  They  rested  on  their  knapsacks,  aid  were  so  exhausted  by  their  rapid 
march,  that  they  were  unable  to  follow  up  ineir  advantages  by  the  pursuit  of  our 
army.  The  force  that  marched  to  the  city  two  hours  after  the  skirmish  at  Bladens- 
burg, consisted  of  about  fifteen  hundred  men,  who  were  not  engaged  in  the  action. 
They  proceeded  slowly  and  with  great  caution,  as  they  apprehended  an  ambuscade, 
and  believed  that  the  battle  was  yet  to  be  fought  to  decide  the  fate  of  the  city.  Ar- 
rived at  the  entrance  of  the  town,  opposite  the  residence  of  Mr.  Gallatin,  General 
Ross  halted  with  his  troops,  expecting  that  the  city  would  propose  terms  of  capilu- 
iaiion.  While  in  this  situation,  a  shot  from  Mr.  Gallatin's  house  killed  the  horse  on 
which  General  Ross  rode.  The  house  was  instantly  set  on  fire,  and  orders  were  at 
once  given  to  burn  the  capitol. 

Admiral  Cockburn  was  with  the  army,  and,  after  the  capitol  was  destroyed,  he 
rode  through  the  city  on  horseback.  He  met  a  gentleman  in  the  street,  and  inquired 
for  the  printing  office  of  the  National  Intelligencer,  observing  "that  he  must  visit 
that  office,  as  his  friend  Gales  had  honored  Mm  with  many  hard  rubs."  "When  he 
reached  the  office,  two  ladies  from  the  adjoining  houses  came  out,  and  begged  him 
not  to  burn  the  buildings,  as  their  houses  would  inevitably  share  the  same  fate.  The 
admiral  very  complacently  replied,  that  for  their  sakes  the  office  should  not  be  burnt; 
and  added  with  great  politeness,  "  Be  tranquil,  ladies,  you  shall  be  as  safely  pro- 
tected under  my  administration  as  under  that  of  Mr.  Madison."  He  then  seut  a 
file  of  soldiers,  to  convey  the  types  and  other  printing  utensils  from  the  office. 


158  MADISON. 

immediately  guarding  the  neighboring  town  of  Alexandria,  to  place  that 
town  within  the  range  of  a  naval  force,  too  long  and  too  much  in  the»  habit 
of  abusing  its  superiority  wherever  it  can  be  applied,  to  require,  as  the  al- 
ternative of  a  general  conflagration,  an  undisturbed  plunder  of  private 
property,  which  has  been  executed  in  a  manner  peculiarly  distressing  to 
the  inhabitants,  who  had,  inconsiderately,  cast  themselves  on  the  gene- 
rosity of  the  victor  : 

"  And  whereas  it  now  appears,  by  a  direct  communication  from  the 
British  naval  commander  on  the  American  station,  to  be  his  avowed  pur- 
pose to  employ  the  force  under  his  direction  '  in  destroying  and  laying 
waste  such  towns  and  districts  upon  the  coast  as  may  be  found  assaila- 
ble ;'  adding  to  this  declaration  the  insulting  pretext,  that  it  is  in  retali- 
ation for  the  wanton  destruction  committed  by  the  army  of  the  United 
States  in  Upper  Canada,  when  it  is  notorious  that  no  destruction  has  been 
committed,  which,  notwithstanding  the  multiplied  outrages  previously 
committed  by  the  enemy,  was  not  unauthorized,  and  promptly  shewn  to 
be  so ;  and  that  the  United  States  have  been  as  constant  in  their  endea- 
vors to  reclaim  the  enemy  from  such  outrages,  by  the  contrast  of  their 
own  example,  as  they  have  been  ready  to  terminate,  on  reasonable  con- 
ditions, the  war  itself: 

"  And  whereas  these  proceedings  and  declared  purposes,  which  exhibit 
a  disregard  of  the  principles  of  humanity  and  the  rules  of  civilized  war- 
fare, and  which  must  give  to  the  existing  war  a  character  of  extended 
devastation  and  barbarism,  at  the  very  moment  of  negotiations  for  peace 
invited  by  the  enemy  himself,  leave  no  prospect  of  safety  to  any  thing 
within  the  reach  of  his  predatory  and  incendiary  operations,  but  in  a 
manly  and  universal  determination  to  chastise  and  expel  the  invader  : 

"  Now,  therefore,  I,  James  Madison,  President  of  the  United  States, 
do  issue  this  my  proclamation,  exhorting  all  the  good  people  thereof  to 
unite  their  hearts  and  hands  in  giving  effect  to  the  ample  means  possess- 
ed for  that  purpose.  I  enjoin  it  on  all  officers,  civil  and  military,  to  exert 
themselves  in  executing  the  duties  with  which  they  are  respectively 
charged.  And  more  especially,  I  require  the  officers,  commanding  the 
respective  military  districts,  to  be  vigilant  and  alert  in  providing  for  the 
defence  thereof;  for  the  more  effectual  accomplishment  of  which,  they 
are  authorized  to  call  to  the  defence  of  exposed  and  threatened  places, 
portions  of  the  militia  most  convenient  thereto,  whether  they  be  or  be  not 
parts  of  the  quotas  detached  for  the  service  of  the  United  States  under 
requisitions  of  the  General  Government. 

"  On  an  occasion  which  appeals  so  forcibly  to  the  proud  feeling  and  pa- 
triotic devotion  of  the  American  people,  none  will  forget  what  they  owe 
to  themselves ;  what  they  owe  to  their  country  and  the  high  destinies 
which  await  it ;  what  to  the  glory  acquired  by  their  fathers,  in  establish- 
ing the  independence  which  is  now  to  be  maintained  by  their  sons,  with 
the  augmented  strength  and  resources  with  which  time  and  Heaven  have 
blessed  them." 

As  the  operations  of  the  enemy,  at  this  period  of  the  war,  created  a 
general  excitement  throughout  the  country,  their  progress  is  amply  illus- 
trated by  contemporary  descriptions.  However  willing  we  might  be  to 


MADISON.  159 

drop  a  veil  over  this  scene  in  our  history,  the  concealment  of  truth,  and 
the  tender  treatment  of  misconduct,  though  the  not  inappropriate  re- 
sources of  eulogy,  are  unbecoming  the  just  chronicler  of  the  actions  of 
the  great.  If  no  discrimination  be  made  between  their  good  deeds  and 
their  errors,  and  the  whole  be  enveloped  in  the  language  of  general 
applause,  posterity  are  deceived  and  the  purposes  of  history  are  violated. 
It  need  not  be  concealed,  that  while  the  most  bitter  indignation  existed 
towards  the  enemy,  for  their  contempt  of  all  the  rules  of  honorable  war- 
fare, in  the  destruction  of  the  public  buildings  at  Washington,  equal 
indignation  was  excited  in  respect  to  those  whose  duty  it  was  to  have 
provided  in  the  most  sufficient  manner  for  the  defence  of  the  capital, 
and  to  have  perished  beneath  its  ruins  rather  than  have  surrendered  it 
ignominiously  to  a  bloodless  conquest.  We  present  below  the  account  of 
the  capture,  which  is  least  discreditable  to  the  parties  interested.  It  is 
taken  from  a  letter  addressed  to  the  editors  of  the  Baltimore  Patriot,  and 
bearing  date  August  26th,  1814. 

"  I  arrived  at  Washington  on  Sunday,  21st  instant.  At  that  time  the 
officers  of  government  and  the  citizens  were  very  apprehensive  of  an 
attack  from  the  British,  who  had  landed  a  force  on  the  Patuxent.  Their 
numbers  had  not  been  ascertained,  but  reports  were  various,  stating  them 
from  one  thousand  to  sixteen  thousand.  General  Winder  was  stationed 
near  the  Wood  Yard,  with  about  two  thousand  men,  hourly  expecting 
large  reinforcements  from  every  quarter,  particularly  from  Baltimore, 
three  thousand  men  having  been  ordered  to  march  immediately  from  that 
place.  On  Sunday,  the  public  officers  were  all  engaged  in  packing  off 
their  books,  and  citizens  their  furniture.  On  Monday,  this  business  was 
continued  with  great  industry,  and  many  families  left  the  city.  The 
specie  was  removed  from  all  the  banks  in  the  District.  Reports  were 
very  current,  that  Winder  had  received  large  reinforcements  ;  so  that  it 
was  believed  by  many  well  informed  persons,  that  he  would  have  ten 
thousand  men  embodied  in  the  course  of  the  week.  In  the  expectation 
that  there  was  a  very  considerable  force  collected,  the  President,  accom- 
panied by  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  of  the  Navy,  left  the  city  for  the 
camp.  They  arrived  there  late  that  night ;  and  the  next  morning,  find- 
ing but  three  thousand  men,  and  learning  that  the  Baltimore  troops  were 
encamped  at  Bladensburg,  they  returned  to  the  city  on  Tuesday  to  make 
further  arrangements.  All  the  books  and  papers  were  sent  off,  and  the 
citizens  generally  left  the  place. 

"  In  the  course  of  that  day,  a  scouting  party  from  General  Winder's 
army  had  a  skirmish  with  the  British  advanced  guard,  and  returned  to 
camp  with  such  tidings  as  induced  General  Winder  to  retire  to  the  city, 
with  his  army,  which  he  accomplished  by  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening, 
burnt  the  old  bridge  which  crossed  the  Potomac,  and  encamped  on  the  hill, 
directly  above  the  other  bridge,  about  one  mile  and  a  half  from  the  navy 
yard,  and  prepared  to  defend  that  passage.  In  the  event  of  the  British 
being  too  strong,  the  bridge  was  to  be  blown  up,  for  which  he  had  every 
thing  prepared.  At  this  post  he  remained  the  whole  night,  expect- 
ing the  enemy's  forces.  On  Wednesday  morning,  I  walked  through 
the  army,  and  remained  at  the  bridge  until  ten  o'clock,  when  advice  was 


160'  MADISON. 

received,  that  the  enemy  had  taken  the  Bladensburg  road.  The  troops 
were  immediately  put  into  motion,  and  by  twelve  o'clock  the  whole  were 
on  their  march,  in  the  hope  of  forming  a  junction  with  the  Baltimore 
troops,  before  the  enemy  reached  Bladensburg.  This  was  only  partially 
accomplished,  when  the  battle  commenced,  and  was  contested  by  the 
Baltimore  troops  and  the  men  from  the  flotilla,  with  great  spirit  and  gal- 
lantry, until  it  appeared  useless  for  so  small  a  force,  very  badly  supported, 
to  stand  against  six  thousand  regulars,  oil  picked  men  and  well  supplied. 
A  retreat  was  ordered,  when  the  President,  who  had  been  on  horseback 
with  the  arnjy  the  whole  day,  retired  from  the  mortifying  scene,  and  left 
the  city  on  horseback,  accompanied  by  General  Mason  and  Mr.  Carroll. 
At  Georgetown,  the  President  met  his  lady,  she  having  left  the  city  only  a 
half  hour  before  him,  having  remained  with  great  firmness  and  compo- 
sure at  the  President's  house,  until  a  messenger  brought  her  the  tidings, 
that  the  British  were  within  a  few  miles  of  the  city,  and  that  our  army 
were  retreating,  without  any  chance  of  being  rallied  so  as  to  check  their 
march. 

"  The  President  and  Secretary  of  State  went  to  Virginia  with  their 
families — the  other  officers  of  government  went  to  Fredericktown,  where 
the  government  is  to  be  formed,  and  where  the  President  intends  to  meet 
his  secretaries  next  week.  I  remained  at  the  President's  house,  until  all 
our  army  had  passed,  and  ninety-nine  hundredths  of  the  citizens  gone, 
leaving  nothing  but  empty  walls.  I  fell  into  the  trail  of  the  army,  and 
marched  about  four  miles  on  the  Frederick  road.  Being  much  fatigued, 
I  turned  off  into  a  wood,  and  found  good  quarters  in  a  farmhouse,  on  the 
hill  back  of  Pearce's.  Soon  after  reaching  there,  at  nir^  o'clock  on 
Wednesday  evening,  a  signal  gun  was  discharged,  and  the  President's 
house,  the  capitol,  and  many  other  public  buildings,  were  at  the  same  mo- 
ment in  a  blaze,  which  continued  nearly  all  night. 

"  On  Thursday  morning  I  proceeded  on  with  the  army  to  Montgomery 
court-house,  where  General  Winder's  head-quarters  were  established.  I 
had  some  conversation  with  him.  He  appeared  to  regret  very  much  that 
he  had  not  been  enabled  to  have  made  a  greater  resistance,  although  he 
was  perfectly  satisfied  that  a  successful  resistance  could  not  have  been 
made,  with  the  force  in  the  neighborhood  of  Washington,  since,  if  it  had 
all  been  brought  together  before  the  action,  it  would  not  have  been  so 
large  as  that  opposed  to  him,  and  our  force  was  principally  militia,  and 
that  of  the  enemy,  all  regulars  and  picked  men. 

"  The  uncertainty  on  which  road  the  enemy  intended  to  attack  the  city, 
compelled  him  to  keep  his  forces  divided,  and  their  being  divided  occa- 
sioned frequent  marches  and  counter-marches,  which  at  this  hot  season 
was  quite  too  much  for  our  militia." 

The  work  of  destruction  achieved,  the  British  retreated  without  loss 
of  time  to  their  ships,  and,  re-embarking,  sailed  to  menace  and  to  ravage 
other  points.  Alexandria  was  captured,  but  ransomed  all,  save  its  stores 
and  shipping.  Baltimore  was  the  next  town  devoted  by  the  British  to 
their  vengeance.  It  was  the  most  obnoxious  and  anti-federal,  as  well  as 
important ;  and  was,  consequently,  considered  a  proper  object  of  attack. 
General  Ross  landed  about  fifteen  miles  from  the  city,  at  the  head  of 


MADISON.  161 

about  five  thousand  men,  on  the  12th  of  September.  The  disaster  of 
Washington,  however,  had  inspired  more  strenuous  measures  of  defence  ; 
and  the  Americans  on  this  point  were  far  better  prepared.  They  occu- 
pied a  strong  position  in  advance  of  Baltimore.  In  the  first  skirmish  that 
occurred,  the  British  commander  was  shot  by  a  rifleman ;  which  damped 
the  hopes,  as  well  as  deranged  the  projects,  of  the  expedition.  The 
English,  however,  marched  to  the  attack,  and  routed  the  Americans. 
However,  there  was  still  a  stronger  position  behind,  capable  of  a  better 
defence.  The  co-operation  of  the  fleet  had  been  reckoned  on  to  facilitate 
the  carrying  of  this,  which  was,  in  fact,  the  heights  above  Baltimore. 
Admiral  Cochrane,  however,  had  found  this  impracticable  from  the  shal- 
lowness  of  the  harbor,  as  well  as  from  the  vessels  sunk  at  its  mouth 
Those  in  command  of  the  expedition  accordingly  abandoned  its  further 
prosecution ;  the  army  retreated  and  again  embarked.  After  some 
further  cruises  and  menaces  in  the  Chesapeake,  the  English  fleet  aban- 
doned it  for  a  more  remote  enterprise. 

The  following  account  of  the  attack  on  Baltimore  is  from  the  letter  of 
an  eye-witness,  bearing  date  September  17,  1814 : 

"  I  will  give  you  an  account  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy  before  this 
place,  so  far  as  it  came  under  my  own  observation.  On  Saturday  last, 
and  the  day  previous,  we  had  correct  intelligence  that  the  enemy  had 
collected  all  his  force,  to  the  amount  of  forty-seven  sail,  and  were  pro- 
ceeding down  the  bay,  consequently  we  were  led  to  hope  we  should  have  a 
little  rest  from  our  incessant  labors,  in  preparing  to  resist  them.  On  Satur- 
day noon,  Major  Armistead,  the  commander  of  Fort  M'Henry,  permitted 
Chief  Justice  Nicholson,  who  commands  our  volunteer  corps  of  eighty 
men,  to  march  to  town,  holding  ourselves  in  readiness  to  return  the  mo- 
ment he  thought  prudent  to  call.  As  it  turned  out,  while  we  were 
marching  to  town,  the  enemy  tacked  about,  and  just  at  dusk  were  seen 
under  a  press  of  sail,  with  a  fair  wind,  approaching  the  town.  Their 
movements  were  closely  watched  at  the  fort,  and  at  half  past  nine 
o'clock,  Judge  Nicholson  received  orders  to  repair  to  the  fort  with -his 
men.  We  were  all  immediately  rallied,  and  arrived  at  the  fort  before 
twelve,  although  the  rain  poured  down  in  torrents.  On  our  arrival,  we 
found  the  matches  burning,  the  furnaces  heated  and  vomiting  red-hot 
shot,  and  every  thing  ready  for  a  gallant  defence.  At  this  time  the  enemy 
had  arrived  as  far  up  as  North  Point,  twelve  miles  below  the  fort.  We 
remained  at  our  posts  till  daylight,  at  which  time  the  enemy  remained  at 
the  same  place,  some  at  anchor  and  others  under  easy  sail,  lying  off 
and  on. 

"  They  continued  this  kind  of  movement  all  day  on  Sunday.  During 
the  succeeding  night  and  the  forepart  of  Monday,  they  were  busily  employ- 
ed in  landing  their  troops,  but  all  was  quiet  on  the  part  of  the  naval  ope- 
ration against  the  fort,  till  Tuesday  morning,  at  which  time  they  had 
advanced  to  within  two  and  a  half  miles  of  the  fort,  arranged  in  most 
elegant  order,  all  at  anchor,  forming  a  half  circle,  with  four  bomb-vessel 
ana  a  rocket  ship,  stretched  from  right  to  left,  in  the  advance.  The 
action  commenced  on  their  part  by  the  discharge  of  a  few  rockets, 
which  were  harmless  indeed.  These,  I  am  sure,  were  not  intended  as  an 
21 


162  MADISON. 

attack  upon  us,  but  fired  as  a  signal  to  inform  their  land  troops  of  their 
readiness  for  co-operation. 

"  Immediately  after  these  discharges,  two  of  the  headmost  frigates 
opened  upon  us,  but  finding  their  shot  not  reaching  us,  they  ceased  and  ad- 
vanced up  a  little  nearer.  The  moment  they  had  taken  their  position, 
Major  Armistead  mounted  the  parapet,  and  ordered  a  battery  of  twenty-four 
pounders  to  be  opened  upon  them ;  immediately  after  a  battery  of  forty- 
twos  followed,  and  then  the  whole  fort  let  drive  at  them.  We  could 
see  the  shot  strike  the  frigates  in  several  instances,  when  every  heart  was 
gladdened,  and  we  gave  three  cheers,  the  music  playing  Yankee  Doodle. 
Upon  this  the  frigates  stood  off,  and,  in  five  minutes,  all  lay  just  out  of 
reach  of  our  shot.  The  bomb-vessels  advanced  a  little,  and  commenced 
a  -tremendous  bombardment,  which  lasted  all  day  and  all  night,  with 
hardly  a  moment's  intermission. 

"  Finding  our  shot  would  not  reach  them,  the  cannonading,  which  was 
sublime  and  enlivening,  was  ordered  to  be  closed.  We  then  resorted  to 
our  mortars,  and  fired  six  or  eight,  but,  sorrowful  to  relate,  they,  like  our 
shot,  fell  short,  owing  to  their  chambers  not  being  so  deep  as  those  of  the 
enemy.  Here  then  we  were  again  foiled,  and  were  reduced  to  the  dread- 
ful alternative  of  facing  by  far  the  most  tremendous  bombardment  ever 
known  in  this  country,  without  any  means  of  resisting  it — upwards  of 
one  thousand  five  hundred  bombs  having  fallen  in  and  about  the  fort. 
Fortunately  but  little  damage  was  done.  In  our  company  we  had  six 
severely  wounded,  and  two  killed.  Sergeant  Clemm,  a  young  man  of 
most  amiable  character,  gentlemanly  manners,  and  real  courage,  was 
killed  by  my  side  ;  a  bomb  bursting  overhead,  a  piece  of  the  size  of  a 
dollar,  two  inches  thick,  passed  through  his  body  in  a  diagonal  direction 
from  his  navel,  and  went  into  the  ground  upwards  of  two  feet.  It  was 
dug  up  immediately  after,  and  is  preserved  by  his  friends.  Instantly 
before  this,  a  bomb  struck  the  bastion,  then  in  charge  of  Lieutenant 
Claggett,our  third,  which  killed  him  upon  the  spot,  wounded  four  men,  dis- 
mounted a  twenty-four  pounder,  broke  the  carriage  wheel,  and  did  con- 
siderable other  damage.  This  happened  on  my  right,  about  twenty-five 
paces  distant.  In  the  whole  we  had  seven  killed  in  the  fort,  and  fifteen 
wounded. 

"  From  twelve  to  one  o'clock  in  the  night,  the  enemy  slackened  a  little  ; 
during  which  time,  a  picked  party  of  mariners  towed  up  in  a  silent 
manner,  a  bomb-vessel,  which  got  almost  in  rear  of  our  fort,  unobserved 
by  the  look-outs,  on  account  of  the  extreme  darkness  of  the  night.  After 
choosing  her  position,  she  began  on  our  right,  in  high  style.  Cap- 
tains Evans  and  Nicholson  were  instantly  ordered  to  open  their  batteries 
of  twenty-fours  with  grape  and  canister,  which  was  immediately  followed 
by  Fort  Covington,  a  tight  little  place  one  and  a  half  miles  above  us. 
The  enemy  likewise  poured  in  their  canister  and  grape,  but  in  less  than 
five  minutes  was  silenced,  and  we  heard  no  more  of  them  from  that 
quarter,  but  the  bombardment  was  kept  up  from  their  old  position,  with 
increased  fury,  till  dawn  of  day,  when  they  appeared  to  be  disposed  to 
decline  the  unprofitable  contest.  At  this  time  our  morning  gun  was  fired, 
the  flag  hoisted,  Yankee  Doodle  played,  and  we  all  appeared  in  full  view 


MADISON.  163 

of  a  lormidable   and  mortified  enemy,  who  calculated  upon  our  surren- 
der in  twenty  minutes  after  the  commencement  of  the  action." 

On  the  nineteenth  of  September,  the  day  assigned  for  the  meeting  of 
Congress,  the  members  assembled  at  Washington  in  rooms  hastily  fitted 
up  for  their  reception.  The  roll  of  the  Senate  was  called,  and  it  appear- 
ed that  nineteen  members  only  were  present.  The  Vice-President  not 
having  arrived,  the  Hon.  John  Gaillard,  of  South  Carolina,  took  the  chair 
as  President  pro  tempore  of  the  Senate.  In  the  House,  the  Speaker,  Hon. 
Langdon  Cheeves,  took  the  chair,  at  twelve  o'clock,  and  ninety-four  mem- 
bers appeared  in  their  seats.  As  there  was  not  a  quorum  present,  the 
House  separated  by  special  consent  till  five  o'clock  in  the  evening.  A 
sufficient  number  having  then  been  formed,  a  committee  was  appointed 
to  join  the  committee  of  the  Senate,  to  wait  on  the  President,  and  inform 
him  they  were  ready  to  receive  any  communication  he  might  intend  to 
offer.  On  the  following  day,  the  President  transmitted  the  usual  Mes- 
sage to  Congress  by  Mr.  Edward  Cole,  his  secretary.  This  document  we 
copy  almost  entire.  The  view  which  it  takes  of  our  military  affairs,  and  of 
our  existing  relation  towards  the  enemy,  renders  it  valuable  and  interesting. 

"  In  the  events  of  the  present  campaign,  the  enemy,  with  all  his  aug- 
mented means  and  wanton  use  of  them,  has  little  ground  for  exultation, 
unless  he  can  feel  it  in  the  success  of  his  recent  enterprises  against  this 
metropolis  and  the  neighboring  town  of  Alexandria ;  from  both  of 
which  his  retreats  were  as  precipitate  as  his  attempts  were  bold  and  fortu- 
nate. In  his  other  incursions  on  our  Atlantic  frontiers,  his  progress, 
often  checked  and  chastised  by  the  martial  spirit  of  the  neighboring 
citizens,  has  had  more  effect  in  distressing  individuals,  and  in  dishonor- 
ing his  arms,  than  in  promoting  any  object  of  legitimate  warfare. 
And  in  the  two  instances  mentioned,  however  deeply  to  be  regretted  on 
our  part,  he  will  find  in  his  transient  success,  which  interrupted  for  a  mo- 
ment only  the  ordinary  public  business  at  the  seat  of  government,  no 
compensation  for  the  loss  of  character  with  the  world  by  this  violation  of 
private  property,  and  by  his  destruction  of  public  edifices,  protected  as 
monuments  of  the  arts  by  the  laws  of  civilized  warfare. 

"  On  our  side,  we  can  appeal  to  a  series  of  achievements,  which  have 
given  new  lustre  to  the  American  arms.  Besides  the  brilliant  incidents 
in  the  minor  operations  of  the  campaign,  the  splendid  victories  gained  on 
the  Canadian  side  of  the  Niagara,  by  the  American  forces  under  Major 
General  Brown,  and  Brigadiers  Scott  and  Gaines,  have  gained  for  these 
heroes  and  their  emulating  companions,  the  most  unfading  laurels ;  and 
having  triumphantly  tested  the  progressive  discipline  of  the  American 
soldiery,  have  taught  the  enemy  that  the  longer  he  protracts  his  hostile 
efforts,  the  more  certain  and  decisive  will  be  his  final  discomfiture. 

"  On  the  southern  border,  victory  has  continued  also  to  follow  the 
American  standard.  The  bold  and  skilful  operations  of  Major-General 
Jackson,  conducting  troops  drawn  from  the  militia  of  the  states  least  dis- 
tant, particularly  of  Tennessee,  have  subdued  the  principal  tribes  of  hostile 
savages,  and  by  establishing  a  peace  with  them  preceded  by  recent  and 
exemplary  chastisement,  has  best  guarded  against  the  mischief  of  their 
co-operation  with  the  British  enterprises  which  may  be  planned  against 


164  MADISON.' 

that  quarter  of  our  country.  Important  tribes  of  Indians  on  our  north- 
western frontier  have  also  acceded  to  stipulations,  which  bind  them  to  the 
interests  of  the  United  States,  and  to  consiser  our  enemy  as  theirs  also. 

"  In  the  recent  attempt  of  the  enemy  on  the  city  of  Baltimore,  defend- 
ed by  militia  and  volunteers,  aided  by  a  small  body  of  regulars  and  sea- 
men, he  was  received  with  a  spirit  which  produced  a  rapid  retreat  to  the 
ships,  whilst  a  concurrent  attack  by  a  large  fleet  was  successfully  re- 
sisted by  the  steady  and  well  directed  fire  of  the  fort  and  batteries  oppos- 
ed to  it. 

"  In  another  recent  attack  by  a  powerful  force  on  our  troops  at  Platts- 
burg,  of  which  regulars  made  a  part  only,  the  enemy,  after  a  perseve- 
rance for  many  hours,  was  finally  compelled  to  seek  safety  in  a  hasty 
retreat,  with  our  gallant  bands  pressing  upon  him. 

"  On  the  lakes,  so  much  contested  throughout  the  war,  the  great 
exertions  for  the  command  made  on  our  part  have  been  well  repaid.  On 
Lake  Ontario,  our  squadron  is  now,  and  has  been  for  some  time,  in  a  con- 
dition to  confine  that  of  the  enemy  to  his  own  port ;  and  to  favor  the 
operations  of  our  land  forces  on  that  frontier. 

"  A  part  of  the  squadron  on  Lake  Erie  has  been  extended  to  Lake 
Huron,  and  has  produced  the  advantage  of  displaying  our  command  of 
that  lake  also.  One  object  of  the  expedition  was  the  reduction  of  Macki- 
naw, which  failed,  with  the  loss  of  a  few  brave  men,  among  whom  was 
an  officer  justly  distinguished  for  his  gallant  exploits.  The  expedition, 
ably  conducted  by  both  the  land  and  naval  commanders,  was  otherwise 
valuable  in  its  effects. 

"  On  Lake  Champlain,  where  our  superiority  had  for  some  time  been 
undisputed,  the  British  squadron  lately  came  into  action  with  the  Ame- 
rican, commanded  by  Captain  M'Donough.  It  issued  in  the  capture  of  the 
whole  of  the  enemy's  ships.  The  best  praise  of  this  officer  and  his  intre- 
pid comrades  is  in  the  likeness  of  his  triumph  to  the  illustrious  victory, 
which  immortalized  another  officer,  and  established,  at  a  critical  moment, 
our  command  of  another  lake. 

"  On  the  ocean,  the  pride  of  our  naval  arms  has  been  amply  support- 
ed. A  second  frigate  has  indeed  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
but  the  loss  is  hidden  in  the  blaze  of  heroism  with  which  she  was  defend- 
ed. Captain  Porter,  who  commanded  her,  and  whose  previous  career 
had  been  distinguished  by  daring  enterprise  and  by  fertility  of  genius, 
maintained  a  sanguinary  contest  against  two  ships,  one  of  them  superior 
to  his  own,  and  other  severe  disadvantages,  till  humanity  tore  down  the 
colors  which  valor  had  nailed  to  the  mast.  This  officer  and  his  brave 
comrades  have  added  much  to  the  rising  glory  of  the  American  flag,  and 
have  merited  all  the  effusions  of  gratitude  which  their  country  is  ever 
ready  to  bestow  on  the  champions  of  its  rights  and  of  its  safety. 

"  Two  smaller  vessels  of  war  have  also  become  prizes  to  the  enemy, 
but  by  a  superiority  of  force  which  sufficiently  vindicates  the  reputation 
of  their  commanders ;  whilst  two  others,  one  commanded  by  Captain 
Warrington,  the  other  by  Captain  Blakely,  have  captured  British  ships  of 
the  same  class,  with  a  gallantry  and  good  conduct,  which  entitled  them 
and  their  companions  to  a  just  share  in  the  praise  of  their  country. 


MADISON.  165 

"  In  spile  of  the  naval  force  of  the  enemy  accumulated  on  our  coasts, 
our  private  cruisers  also  have  not  ceased  to  annoy  his  commerce,  and  to 
bring  their  rich  prizes  into  our  ports  ;  contributing  thus,  with  other  proofs, 
to  demonstrate  the  incompetency  and  the  illegality  of  a  blockade,  the 
proclamation  of  which  is  made  the  pretext  for  vexing  and  discouraging 
the  commerce  of  neutral  powers  with  the  United  States. 

"  To  meet  the  extended  and  diversified  warfare  adopted  by  the  enemy, 
great  bodies  of  militia  have  been  taken  into  service  for  the  public  defence, 
and  great  expenses  incurred.  That  the  defence  every  where  may  be 
both  more  convenient  and  more  economical,  Congress  will  see  the  neces- 
sity of  immediate  measures  for  filling  the  ranks  of  the  regular  army  ;  and 
of  enlarging  the  provisions  for  special  corps,  mounted  and  unmounted, 
to  be  engaged  for  longer  periods  of  service  than  are  due  from  the  militia. 
I  earnestly  renew,  at  the  same  time,  a  recommendation  of  such  changes 
in  the  system  of  the  militia,  as,  by  classing  and  disciplining  for  the  most 
prompt  and  active  service  the  portions  most  capable  of  it,  will  give  to  that 
great  resource  for  the  public  safety,  all  the  requisite  energy  and  effi- 
ciency. 

"  The  monies  received  into  the  Treasury,  during  the  nine  months  ending 
on  the  13th  day  of  June  last,  amounted  to  thirty-two  millions  of  dollars, 
of  which  eleven  millions  were  the  proceeds  of  the  public  revenue,  and  the 
remainder  derived  from  loans.  The  disbursements  for  public  expendi- 
tures, during  the  same  period,  exceeded  thirty-four  millions  of  dollars,  and 
left  in  the  Treasury  on  the  1st  of  July,  near  five  millions  of  dollars. 
The  demands  during  the  remainder  of  the  present  year,  already  autho- 
rized by  Congress,  and  the  expenses  incident  to  an  extension  of  the  opera- 
tions of  the  war,  will  render  it  necessary  that  large  sums  should  be  pro- 
vided to  meet  them. 

"  From  this  view  of  the  national  affairs,  Congress  will  be  urged  to  take 
up  without  delay,  as  well  the  subject  of  pecuniary  supplies  as  that  of  mili- 
tary force,  and  on  a  scale  commensurate  with  the  extent  and  character 
which  the  war  has  assumed. 

"  It  is  not  to  be  disguised,  that  the  situation  of  our  country  calls  for  its 
greatest  efforts.  Our  enemy  is  powerful  in  men  and  money  ;  on  the  land 
and  on  the  water.  Availing  himself  of  fortuitous  advantages,  he  is  aim- 
ing, with  an  undivided  force,  a  deadly  blow  at  our  growing  prosperity, 
perhaps  at  our  national  existence.  He  has  avowed  his  purpose  of  tramp- 
ling on  the  usages  of  civilized  warfare,  and  given  earnests  of  it  in  the 
plunder  and  wanton  destruction  of  private  property.  In  his  pride  of 
maritime  dominion,  and  in  his  thirst  of  commercial  monopoly,  he  strikes 
with  peculiar  animosity  at  the  progress  of  our  navigation  and  of  our  ma- 
nufactures. His  barbarous  policy  has  not  even  spared  those  monuments 
of  the  arts,  and  models  of  taste,  with  which  our  country  had  enriched  and 
embellished  its  infant  metropolis.  From  such  an  adversary,  hostility  in 
its  greatest  force  and  worst  forms  may  be  looked  for.  The  American 
people  will  face  it  with  the  undaunted  spirit  which,  in  their  revolutionary 
struggle,  defeated  his  unrighteous  projects.  His  threats  and  his  barbari- 
ties, instead  of  dismay,  will  kindle  in  every  bosom  an  indignation  not  to 
be  extinguished  but  in  the  disaster  and  expulsion  of  such  cruel  invaders. 


166  MADISON. 

In  providing  the  means  necessary,  the  National  Legislature  will  not 
distrust  the  heroic  and  enlightened  patriotism  of  its  constituents.  They 
will  cheerfully  and  proudly  bear  every  burden  of  every  kind,  which  the 
safety  and  honor  of  the  nation  demand.  We  have  seen  them  every 
where  paying  their  taxes,  direct  and  indirect,  with  the  greatest  prompt- 
ness and  alacrity.  We  see  them  rushing  with  enthusiasm  to  scenes 
where  danger  and  duty  call.  In  offering  their  blood,  they  give  the 
surest  pledge  that  no  olher  tribute  will  be  withheld. 

"  Having  forborne  to  declare  war  until  to  other  aggressions  had  been 
added  the  capture  of  nearly  a  thousand  American  vessels,  and  the  im- 
pressment of  thousands  of  American  seafaring  citizens,  and  until  a  final 
declaration  had  been  made  by  the  gover»ment  of  Great  Britain,  that  her 
hostile  orders  against  our  commerce  would  not  be  revoked  but  on  condi- 
tions as  impossible  as  unjust ;  whilst  it  was  known  that  these  orders 
would  not  otherwise  cease,  but  with  a  war  which  had  lasted  nearly  twenty 
years,  and  which,  according  to  appearances  at  that  time,  might  last  as 
many  more ;  having  manifested,  on  every  occasion  and  in  every  proper 
mode,  a  sincere  desire  to  arrest  the  effusion  of  blood,  and  meet  our 
enemy  on  the  ground  of  justice  and  reconciliation,  our  beloved  country, 
in  still  opposing  to  his  persevering  hostility  all  its  energies,  with  an  undi- 
minished  disposition  towards  peace  and  friendship  on  honorable  terms, 
must  carry  with  it  the  good  wishes  of  the  impartial  world,  and  the  best 
hopes  of  support  from  an  omnipotent  and  kind  Providence." 

In  the  north-eastern  parts  of  the  Union,  scenes  were  now  enacting, 
similar  to  those  which  had  disgraced  the  British  on  the  southern  coast?. 
At  Hampden,  in  Maine,  the  destruction  of  private  property  by  the  British 
squadron  was  very  great.  It  appears  to  have  proceeded,  however, 
from  the  lawless  spirit  of  the  soldiers,  and  not  to  have  been  directly 
authorized  by  the  commanding  officers,  as  the  destruction  of  the  shipping 
was  stopped  by  order  of  Sir  John  Sherbrooke,  and  several  sailors  were 
arrested  for  pillaging  dwelling-houses.  Castine  was  taken,  and  the 
British  soldiers  were  kept  continually  employed  in  erecting  fortifications 
there.  Most  of  the  trees  in  the  place  were  cut  down,  and  a  considerable 
distance  in  the  vicinity  was  cleared  to  prevent  the  unexpected  approach 
of  an  enemy.  Between  fifty  and  an  hundred  pieces  of  cannon  were 
mounted,  and  a  canal  was  commenced  from  Castine  river  to  the  Penobscot, 
to  separate  the  town  from  the  main.  Four  large,  and  several  smaller  forts 
were  built,  and  the  whole  town  was  put  in  a  posture  of  complete  defence.* 


*  Among  the  other  exploits  which  did  honor  to  the  British  arms,  was  one  of  Sir  G. 
Collier,  who  commanded  the  ship  Leander,  and  made  his  appearance  off  a  small  cove, 
below  Sandy  Bay,  Cape  Ann,  and  manned  three  barges  which  stood  for  the  cove. 
About  fifty  men  collected  from  the  vicinity,  and  with  a  six  pounder  and  musketry, 
exchanged  several  fires  with  the  barges,  when  they  returned  to  the  ship.  A  flag  was 
immediately  despatched  from  the  Leander,  bearing  the  following  note  from  the 
commander : 

"  LEANDER,  1,  P.  M.,  TUESDAY. 

"  Sir  George  Collier  believes  the  boat,  on  shore,  a  fisherman.  He  desires  to  examine 
her  without  recourse  to  arms,  and  if  objected  to,  he  will  land  and  destroy  every  house 
tvithin  trco  miles  of  the  cove.  This  the  inhabitants  may  rely  upon.  G.  COLLIER." 


MADISON.  167 

The  commissioners  of  both  nations  had,  in  the  mean  time,  met,  not, 
as  had  been  first  arranged,  at  Gottenberg,  but  at  Ghent.  The  triumph 
of  the  British  over  Bonaparte  had  naturally  increased  the  arrogance  of 
their  tone,  whilst  the  ravaging  expeditions  on  the  American  coast,  con- 
trasted with  the  state  of  the  war  in  Canada,  confirmed  the  Americans  in 
their  proud  determination  not  to  yield.  The  English  demanded  that  no 
further  acquisition  of  territory  should  be  made  at  the  expense  of  the  In- 
dians. To  this  and  other  demands  the  American  commissioners  objected; 
and  the  first  attempts  at  an  accommodation  altogether  failed. 

In  the  mean  time  the  exasperation  of  the  federalists — more  properly 
of  the  party  averse  to  war  in  the  New-England  states — grew  to  a  height 
that  almost  menaced  a  revolution.  Mr.  Strong,  the  Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, was  at  the  head  of  this  party  ;  and  his  addresses  to  the  legisla- 
ture of  his  state  vied  with  those  of  the  President  to  Congress  in  strength 
and  bitterness,  but  with  sentiments  directly  opposite.  "  The  lovers  of 
peace,"  said  he,  "  are  accused  of  being  under  British  influence.  Those 
of  war  are  as  much  instigated  by  French  influence."  Distress  was  at  the 
bottom  of  this  discontent ;  for  Massachusetts  had  not  only  traded  in 
British  manufactures,  but,  from  the  long  credit  given  by  the  merchants 
of  that  country,  literally  traded  upon  the  capital  of  the  latter.  Of  these 
great  advantages  war  deprived  them.  To  alleviate  this  distress  somewhat, 
the  rigor  of  the  laws  prohibiting  both  imports  and  exports  was  relaxed ; 
and  as  the  enemy's  fleet  had  hitherto  confined  their  blockade  to  the 
southern  ports,  it  was  hoped  that  Boston  and  New- York  might  enjoy  a 
circuitous  or  indirect  trade,  which  would  reconcile  them  to  the  war. 
Great  Britain,  however,  about  this  time,  freed  from  the  necessity  of  keep- 
ing her  cruisers  around  the  shores  of  Europe,  despatched  them  to  Ameri- 
ca, and  enforced  her  blockade  all  along  the  coast,  in  order  to  protect  her 
trade  more  effectually  from  the  privateers  of  her  foe. 

The  New-Englanders  not  only  felt  this,  but  they  saw  Britain  so  victo- 
rious in  her  European  struggle,  that  it  seemed  madness  to  resist  her. 
The  destruction  of  Washington,  the  ravage  of  the  banks  of  the  Chesa- 
peake, showed  what  was  to  be  expected  from  a  continuance  of  hostilities. 
Towards  the  close  of  the  year  they,  consequently,  attacked  the  govern- 
ment more  virulently  than  ever,  accusing  it  of  first  exciting  the  war  gra- 
tuitously, persevering  in  it  obstinately,  yet  taking  none  of  the  requisite 
measures  for  preserving  the  country  from  insult  or  conquest.  To  remedy 
this  crying  evil,  by  which  one  section  of  states  were  sacrificed  to  the 
interests  of  another,  they  proposed  a  convention  of  delegates  from  the 
different  sections  of  the  Union  to  be  summoned  to  meet  at  Hartford,  in 
order  to  take  into  consideration  the  changes  to  be  made  in  the  Constitu- 
tion. This  was  the  most  serious  schism  that  had  as  yet  menaced  the 
integrity  of  the  Federal  Union.  The  Hartford  Convention  met,  though 
attended  merely  by  the  delegates  of  the  anti-war,  or  north-eastern  states. 
Their  discussions  were  kept  secret,  and  they  separated  for  the  time,  after 
merely  venting  their  grievances  in  a  public  address. 

This  dangerous  spirit,  as  well  as  the  distresses  of  the  government,  be- 
coming most  formidable  in  a  financial  point  of  view,  were  arrested  by  the 
tidings,  that  peace  at  length  had  been  signed  at  Ghent,  in  December. 


168  MADISON. 

These  tidings,  however,  did  not  arrive  until  the  army,  victorious  at 
Washington,  had  received  a  check,  which  terminated  the  war  in  a  man- 
ner glorious  to  the  nation,  and  much  to  the  support  of  the  political  party 
in  power.  We  refer,  of  course,  to  the  battle  of  New-Orleans,  a  detailed 
account  of  which  has  been  given  in  another  part  of  the  volume. 

The  capture  of  the  President,  an  American  frigate,  by  the  Endymion, 
which  took  place  about  the  same  time,  off  New- York,  after  a  sharp  con- 
test, was  no  counterpoise  to  this  disaster ;  nor  yet  the  taking  of  Fort 
Mobile  by  the  army  that  had  retreated  from  New-Orleans. 

The  news  of  peace  came  to  America  amidst  the  rejoicings  for  the  vic- 
tory of  New-Orleans.  It  was  doubly  welcome,  because  so  gloriously 
terminated.  Great  Britain  made  no  demands  ;  and  when  the  Americans 
desisted  from  theirs, — which,-  indeed,  the  cessation  of  war  left  no  room 
for,  since  impressment  and  the  right  of  search  were  applicable  merely  to 
war, — (here  seemed  scarcely  a  stipulation  necessary.  All  that  England 
insisted  on  was  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade.  The  settlement  of  the 
boundary  line  on  the  side  of  Canada  was  left  to  commissioners  of  both 
nations.  On  the  17th  of  February,  1815,  the  President  and  Senate  rati- 
fied the  treaty  of  Ghent ;  and  North-America  breathed,  with  Europe,  free 
from  the  horrors  of  war. 

In  the  good  humor  of  the  moment,  the  ruling  party  seems  to  have  lost 
much  of  its  anti-British  rancor.  A  commercial  treaty  was  concluded 
upon  fair  terms  between  the  countries.  The  Americans  were  permitted 
by  England  to  trade  with  the  East  andthf*  West-Indies;  on  the  condition, 
however,  of  transferring  the  produce  directly  to  their  own  ports.  For 
some  time,  the  old  illiberal  policy  towards  England  was  allowed  to  lie 
dormant.  A  state  of  hostility,  however,  gives  to  a  numerous  class  of 
persons  certain  occupations  and  interests  necessarily  arising  out  of,  and 
depending  on  war.  Such  persons,  although  they  dared  not  abet  such  a 
proposal  as  eternal  war,  still  wished  for  a  state,  as  far  as  commerce  and 
manufactures  were  concerned,  tantamount  to  it.  Whilst  shut  out  from 
England,  the  Americans  had  begun  to  fabricate  divers  articles  of  neces- 
sity for  themselves  ;  of  course,  at  a  dearer  rate,  and  with  less  skill,  than 
those  excluded.  Peace  brought  back  the  cheap  and  the  good  commodity 
from  England.  The  American  could  not  stand  the  competition  ;  and 
exclaimed  against  the  want  of  patriotism  in  sacrificing  him  to  foreigners. 
The  infant  manufactures  of  the  country,  argued  the  manufacturers,  ought 
to  be  supported.  Petitions  and  addresses  to  this  effect  soon  crowded  the 
table  of  Congress ;  and  as  the  consumer  was  not  so  early  alive  to  his 
interests  as  the  manufacturer,  the  complaint  of  the  former  made  impres- 
sion and  won  favor  by  its  plausibility.  Mr.  Madison,  himself,  jealous  of 
the  decline  of  manufactures,  and  still  more  of  shipping,  owing  to  the 
rivalry  of  the  British,  felt  his  old  prejudices  revive ;  and  his  messages  to 
Congress  soon  came  to  recommend  prohibitory  measures  and  conservative 
duties. 

The  summer  of  1816  passed  away  without  being  marked  by  any  events 
of  peculiar  moment.  The  country  appeared  to  be  gradually  recovering 
from  the  embarrassments  induced  by  the  war,  and  that  asperity  of  feeling, 
which  had  agitated  the  different  political  parties  in  the  United  States,  was 


MADISON.  169 

visibly  wearing  away.  Congress  met  in  December.  In  the  conclusion 
of  his  message  at  the  opening  of  the  session,  Mr.  Madison,  anticipating 
the  speedy  arrival  of  the  day,  when  he  should  retire  from  the  presidency, 
took  occasion  to  express  his  attachment  for  his  country,  and  his  wishes 
for  her  future  peace  and  prosperity  : 

"  I  can  indulge  the  proud  reflection,"  said  he,  "  that  the  American  people 
have  reached  in  safety  and  success,  their  fortieth  year,  as  an  independent 
nation ;  that  for  nearly  an  entire  generation,  they  have  had  experience  of 
their  present  Constitution,  the  offspring  of  their  undisturbed  deliberations 
and  of  their  free  choice ;  that  they  have  found  it  to  bear  the  trials  of 
adverse  as  well  as  prosperous  circumstances,  to  contain  in  its  combina- 
tion of  the  federate  and  elective  principles,  a  reconcilement  of  public 
strength  with  individual  liberty,  of  national  power  for  the  defence  of 
national  rights,  with  a  security  against  wars  of  injustice,  of  ambition,  or 
of  vain  glory,  in  the  fundamental  provision  which  subjects  all  questions 
of  war  to  the  will  of  the  nation  itself,  which  is  to  pay  its  costs,  and  feel 
its  calamities.  Nor  is  it  less  a  peculiar  felicity  of  this  Constitution,  so 
dear  to  us  all,  that  it  is  found  to  be  capable,  without  losing  its  vital  ener- 
gies, of  expanding  itself  over  a  spacious  territory,  with  the  increase  and 
expansion  of  the  community,  for  whose  benefit  it  was  established." 

On  leaving  the  Presidential  chair,  Mr.  Madison  passed  the  remainder 
of  his  life  in  a  dignified  and  honorable  retirement.  Without  mingling  in 
the  petty  and  distracting  discussions  of  the  day,  he  has  always  been 
ready  to  express  his  opinions  on  the  great  constitutional  questions  in  re- 
gard to  which  he  has  been  consulted.  No  man  perhaps  was  so  familiar 
with  the  history  of  the  Constitution,  so  thoroughly  understood  it,  or  spec- 
ulated with  so  much  clearness  and  felicity  on  its  principles,  as  Mr.  Madi- 
son. The  letter  which  he  wrote  in  August,  1830,  on  the  agitating  topic 
of  nullification,  is  so  admirable  and  conclusive  that  we  shall  insert  entire. 
This  letter  paper  was  addressed  to  Mr.  Edward  Everett,  now  governor  of 
Massachusetts,  and  first  appeared  in  the  North  American  Review.  With 
ihe  farewell  address  of  the  father  of  his  country — that  immortal  compend 
of  reflective  wisdom  and  patriotic  counsel — it  should  be  imprinted  on  the 
mind  and  the  heart  of  every  citizen.  To  all  who  love  their  country,  it 
cannot  but  be  a  source  of  regret  that  such  an  oracle  has  been  silenced. 

"  MONTPELIER,  AUGUST,.  1830. 
"  DEAR  SIR  : 

"  I  have  duly  received  your  letter,  in  which  you  refer  to  the  '  nulli- 
fying doctrine,'  advocated  as  a  constitutional  right  by  some  of  our  dis- 
tinguished fellow-citizens  ;  and  to  the  proceedings  of  the  Virginia  Legis- 
lature in  '98  and  '99,  as  appealed  to  in  behalf  of  that  doctrine ;  and  you 
express  a  wish  for  my  ideas  on  those  subjects. 

"  I  am  aware  of  the  delicacy  of  the  task  in  some  respects,  and  the 
difficulty,  in  every  respect,  of  doing  full  justice  to  it.  But  having,  in 
more  than  one  instance,  complied  with  a  like  request  from  other  friendly 
quarters,  I  do  not  decline  a  sketch  of  the  views  which  I  have  been  led  to 
take  of  the  doctrine  in  question,  as  well  as  some  others  connected  with 
them ;  and  of  the  grounds  from  which  it  appears  that  the  proceedings  of 
22 


170  MADISON. 

Virginia  have  been  misconceived  by  those  who  have  appealed  to  them. 
In  order  to  understand  the  true  character  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  the  error,  not  uncommon,  must  be  avoided,  of  viewing  it 
through  the  medium,  either  of  a  Consolidated  Government,  or  of  a  Fede- 
rated Government,  whilst  it  is  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  ;  but  a  mix- 
ture of  both.  And  having,  in  no  model,  the  similitudes  and  analogies 
applicable  to  other  systems  of  government,  it  must,  more  than  any  other, 
be  its  own  interpreter,  according  to  its  text  and  the  facts  of  the  case. 

"  From  these  it  will  be  seen  that  the  characteristic  peculiarities  of  the 
Constitution  are,  1,  the  mode  of  its  formation  ;  2,  the  division  of  the  su- 
preme powers  of  government  between  the  states  in  their  united  capacity, 
and  the  states  in  their  individual  capacities. 

"  1.  It  was  formed,  not  by  the  governments  of  the  component  states,  as 
the  Federal  Government,  for  which  it  was  substituted,  was  formed.  Nor 
was  it  formed  by  a  majority  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  as  a  single 
community,  in  the  manner  of  a  Consolidated  Government. 

"  It  was  formed  by  the  states,  that  is,  by  the  people  in  each  of  the 
states,  acting  in  their  highest  sovereign  capacity  ;  and  formed  conse- 
quently, by  the  same  authority  which  formed  the  State  Constitutions. 

"  Being  thus  derived  from  the  same  source  as  the  constitutions  of  the 
states,  it  has,  within  each  state,  the  same  authority  as  the  constitution 
of  the  state :  and  is  as  much  a  constitution,  in  the  strict  sense  of  the 
term,  within  its  prescribed  sphere,  as  the  constitutions  of  the  states  are, 
within  their  respective  spheres  ;  but  with  this  obvious  and  essential  dif- 
ference, that  being  a  compact  among  the  states  in  their  highest  sovereign 
capacity,  and  constituting  the  people  thereof  one  people  for  certain  pur- 
poses, it  cannot  be  altered  or  annulled  at  the  will  of  the  states  individu- 
ally, as  the  constitution  of  a  state  may  be  at  its  individual  will. 

"2.  And  that  it  divides  the  supreme  powers  of  government,  between 
the  government  of  the  United  States,  and  the  governments  of  the  indi- 
vidual states,  is  stamped  on  the  face  of  the  instrument ;  the  powers  of 
war  and  of  taxation,  of  commerce  and  of  treaties,  and  other  enumerated 
powers  vested  in  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  being  of  as  high 
and  sovereign  a  character  as  any  of  the  powers  reserved  to  the  state 
governments. 

"  Nor  is  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  created  by  the  Consti- 
tution, less  a  government  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term,  within  the  sphere 
of  its  powers,  than  the  governments  created  by  the  constitutions  of  the 
states  are,  within  their  several  spheres.  It  is,  like  them,  organized  into 
Legislative,  Executive,  and  Judiciary  departments.  It  operates,  like 
them,  directly  on  persons  and  things.  And,  like  them,  it  has  at  command 
a  physical  force  for  executing  the  powers  committed  to  it.  The  concur- 
rent operation  in  certain  cases,  is  one  of  the  features  marking  the  pecu- 
liarity of  the  system. 

"Between  these  different  constitutional  governments, the  one  operating 
in  all  the  states,  the  others  operating  separately  in  each,  with  the  aggre- 
gate powers  of  government  divided  between  them,  it  could  not  escape 
attention,  that  controversies  would  arise  concerning  the  boundaries  of 
jurisdiction  ;  and  that  some  provision  ought  to  be  made  for  such  occur- 


MADISON.  171 

rences.  A  political  system  that  does  not  provide  for  a  peaceable  and  au- 
thoritative termination  of  occurring  controversies,  would  not  be  more  than 
the  shadow  of  a  government ;  the  object  and  end  of  a  real  government 
being  the  substitution  of  law  and  order,  for  uncertainty,  confusion,  and 
violence. 

"  That  to  have  left  a  final  decision,  in  such  cases,  to  each  of  t^e  state-, 
then  thirteen,  and  already  twenty-four,  could  not  fail  to  make  the  Consti- 
tution and  Laws  of  the  United  States  different  in  different  states,  was 
obvious  ;  and  not  less  obvious,  that  this  diversity  of  independent  decisions 
must  altogether  distract  the  Government  of  the  Union,  and  speedily  put 
an  end  to  the  Union  itself.  A  uniform  authority  of  the  Laws  is  in  itself 
a  vital  principle.  Some  of  the  most  important  laws  could  not  be  partially 
executed.  They  must  be  executed  in  all  the  states,  or  they  could  be 
duly  executed  in  none.  An  impost,  or  an  excise,  for  example,  if  not  in 
force  in  some  states,  would  be  defeated  in  others.  It  is  well  known  that 
this  was  among  the  lessons  of  experience  which  had  a  primary  influence 
in  bringing  about  the  existing  constitution.  A  loss  of  its  general  authori- 
ty would  moreover  revive  the  exasperating  questions  between  the  states 
holding  ports  for  foreign  commerce,  and  the  adjoining  states  without 
them ;  to  which  are  now  added  all  the  inland  states,  necessarily  carrying 
on  their  foreign  commerce  through  other  states. 

"  To  have  made  the  decisions  under  the  authority  of  the  individual 
states,  co-ordinate,  in  all  cases,  with  decisions  under  the  authority  of  the 
United  States,  would  unavoidably  produce  collisions  incompatible  with 
the  peace  of  society,  and  with  that  regular  and  efficient  administration, 
which  is  of  the  essence  of  free  governments.  Scenes  could  not  be  avoid- 
ed, in  which  a  ministerial  officer  of  the  United  States,  and  the  correspon- 
dent officer  of  an  individual  state,  would  have  rencounters  in  executing 
conflicting  decrees  ;  the  result  of  which  would  depend  on  the  compara- 
tive force  of  the  local  posses  attending  them  ;  and  that,  a  casualty  depend- 
ing on  the  political  opinions  and  party  feelings  in  different  states. 

"  To  have  referred  every  clashing  decision,  under  the  two  authorities 
for  a  final  decision  to  the  states  as  parties  to  the  constitution,  would  be 
attended  with  delays,  with  inconveniences,  and  with  expenses,  amounting 
to  a  prohibition  of  the  expedient ;  not  to  mention  its  tendency  to  impair 
the  salutary  veneration  for  a  system  requiring  such  frequent  interpositions, 
nor  the  delicate  questions  which  might  present  themselves  as  to  the  form 
of  stating  the  appeal,  and  as  to  the  quorum  for  deciding  it. 

"  To  have  trusted  to  negotiation  for  adjusting  disputes  between  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  and  the  State  Governments,  as  between 
independent  and  separate  sovereignties,  would  have  lost  sight  altogether 
of  a  Constitution  and  Government  for  the  Union,  and  opened  a  direct  road 
from  a  failure  of  that  resort,  to  the  ultima  ratio  between  nations  wholly 
independent  of  and  alien  to  each  other.  If  the  idea  had  its  origin  in  the 
process  of  adjustment,  between  separate  branches  of  the  same  govern- 
ment, the  analogy  entirely  fails.  In  the  case  of  disputes  between  inde- 
pendent parts  of  the  same  government,  neither  part  being  able  to  consum- 
mate its  will,  nor  the  government  to  proceed  without  a  concurrence  of  the 
parts,  necessity  brings  about  an  accommodation.  In  disputes  between  a 


172  MADISON. 

State  Government,  and  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  the  case  is 
practically  as  well  as  theoretically  different;  each  party  possessing  all  the 
departments  of  an  organized  government,  Legislative,  Executive,  and 
Judiciary,  and  having  each  a  physical  force  to  support  its  pretensions. 
Although  the  issue  of  negotiation  might  sometimes  avoid  this  extremity, 
how  often  would  it  happen,  among  so  many  states,  that  an  unaccommo- 
dating spirit  in  some,  would  render  that  resource  unavailing  1  A  contrary 
supposition  would  not  accord  with  a  knowledge  of  human  nature,  or  the 
evidence  of  our  own  political  history. 

"  The  Constitution,  not  relying  on  any  of  the  preceding  modifications, 
for  its  safe  and  successful  operation,  has  expressly  declared,  on  the  one 
hand,  1,  'that  the  Constitution,  and  the  laws  made  in  pursuance  thereof, 
and  all  treaties  made  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  be 
the  supreme  law  of  the  land ;  2,  that  the  Judges  of  every  state  shall  be 
bound  thereby,  any  thing  in  the  constitution  and  laws  of  any  state  to  the 
contrary  notwithstanding;  3,  that  the  judicial  power  of  the  United 
States  shall  extend  to  all  cases  in  law  and  equity  arising  under  the  con- 
stitution, the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  treaties  made  under  their 
authority,  &c.' 

"On  the  other  hand,  as  a  security  of  the  rights  and  powers  of  the 
states  in  their  individual  capacities,  against  an  undue  preponderance 
of  the  powers  granted  to  the  government  over  them  in  their  united  ca- 
pacity, the  Constitution  has  relied  on,  1,  the  responsibility  of  the  Sena- 
tors and  Representatives  in  the  Legislature  of  the  United  States  to  the 
Legislatures  and  people  of  the  states ;  2,  the  responsibility  r;<  the  Presi- 
dent to  the  people  of  the  United  States ;  and,  3,  the  liability  of  the 
Executive  and  Judicial  functionaries  of  the  United  States  to  impeach- 
ment by  the  Representatives  of  the  people  of  the  states,  in  one  branch 
of  the  Legislature  of  the  United  States,  and  trial  by  the  Representatives 
of  the  states,  in  the  other  branch :  the  state  functionaries,  Legislative, 
Executive,  and  Judicial,  being,  at  the  same  time,  in  their  appointment 
and  responsibility,  altogether  independent  of  the  agency  or  authority  of 
the  United  States. 

"  How  far  this  structure  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  is 
adequate  and  safe  for  its  objects,  time  alone  can  absolutely  determine. 
Experience  seems  to  have  shown  that  whatever  may  grow  out  of  future 
stages  of  our  national  career,  there  is,  as  yet,  a  sufficient  control,  in  the 
popular  will,  over  the  Executive  and  Legislative  Departments  of  the 
government.  When  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws  were  passed  in 
contravention  to  the  opinions  and  feelings  of  the  community,  the  first 
elections  that  ensued  put  an  end  to  them.  And  whatever  may  have  been 
the  character  of  other  acts,  in  the  judgment  of  many  of  us,  it  is  but 
true,  that  they  have  generally  accorded  with  the  views  of  a  majority  of 
the  states  and  of  the  people.  At  the  present  day  it  seems  well  under- 
stood that  the  laws  which  have  created  the  most  dissatisfaction,  have 
had  a  like  sanction  without  doors;  and  that  whether  continued,  varied, 
or  repealed,  a  like  proof  will  be  given  of  the  sympathy  and  responsibility 
of  the  representative  body  to  the  constituent  body.  Indeed,  the  great 


MADISON.  173 

complaint  now  is  against  the  results  of  this  sympathy  and  responsibility 
in  the  legislative  policy  of  the  nation. 

"  With  respect  to  the  judicial  power  of  the  United  States,  and  the 
authority  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  relation  to  the  boundary  of  jurisdiction 
between  the  Federal  and  State  Governments,  I  may  be  permitted  to 
refer  to  the  thirty-ninth  number  of  the  '  Federalist/*  for  the  light  in 
which  the  subject  was  regarded  by  its  writer,  at  the  period  when  the 
Constitution  was  depending ;  and  it  is  believed  that  the  same  was  the 
prevailing  view  then  taken  of  it,  that  the  same  view  has  continued  to 
prevail,  and  that  it  does  so  at  this  time,  notwithstanding  the  eminent 
exceptions  to  it. 

"  But  it  is  perfectly  consistent  with  the  concession  of  this  power  to  the 
Supreme  Court,  in  cases  falling  within  the  course  of  its  functions,  to 
maintain  that  the  power  has  not  always  been  rightly  exercised.  To  say 
nothing  of  the  period,  happily  a  short  one,  when  judges  in  their  seats 
did  not  abstain  from  intemperate  and  party  harangues,  equally  at  vari- 
ance with  their  duty  and  their  dignity  ;  there  have  been  occasional 
decisions  from  the  bench,  which  have  incurred  serious  and  extensive 
disapprobation.  Still  it  would  seem  that,  with  but  few  exceptions,  the 
course  of  the  Judiciary  has  been  hitherto  sustained  by  the  predominant 
sense  of  the  nation. 

"  Those  who  have  denied  or  doubted  the  supremacy  of  the  judicial 
power  of  the  United  States,  and  denounce  at  the  same  time  a  nullifying 
power  in  a  state,  seem  not  to  have  sufficiently  adverted  to  the  utter 
inefficiency  of  a  supremacy  in  a  law  of  the  land,  without  a  supremacy 
in  the  exposition  and  execution  of  the  law ;  nor  to  the  destruction  of 
all  equipoise  between  the  Federal  Government  and  the  State  Govern- 
ments, if,  whilst  the  functionaries  of  the  Federal  Government  are  directly 
or  indirectly  elected  by  and  responsible  to  the  states,  and  the  functiona- 
ries of  the  states  are  in  their  appointment  and  responsibility  wholly  inde- 
pendent of  the  United  States,  no  constitutional  control  of  any  sort 
belong  to  the  United  States  over  the  states.  Under  such  an  organiza- 
tion it  is  evident  that  it  would  be  in  the  power  of  the  states,  individually, 
to  pass  unauthorized  laws,  and  to  carry  them  into  complete  effect,  any 
thing  in  the  Constitution  and  Laws  of  the  United  States  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding.  This  would  be  a  nullifying  power  in  its  plenary  charac- 
ter ;  and  whether  it  had  its  final  effect,  through  the  Legislative,  Executive, 
or  Judiciary  organ  of  the  state,  would  be  equally  fatal  to  the  constituted 
relation  between  the  two  governments. 

"  Should  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution,  as  here  reviewed,  be  found 

*  No.  39.  'It  is  true,  that  in  controversies  relating  to  the  boundary  between  the 
two  jurisdictions,  the  tribunal  which  is  ultimately  to  decide,  is  to  be  established  under 
the  General  Government.  But  this  does  not  change  the  principle  of  the  case.  The 
decision  is  to  be  impartially  made,  according  to  the  rules  of  the  Constitution  ;  and  all 
the  usual  and  most  effectual  precautions  are  taken  to  secure  this  impartiality.  Some 
such  tribunal  is  clearly  essential  to  prevent  an  appeal  to  the  sword,  and  a  dissolution 
of  the  compact ;  and  that  it  ought  to  be  established  under  the  general,  rather  than 
under  the  local,  governments ;  or,  to  speak  more  properly,  that  it  could  be  safely 
established  under  the  first  alone,  is  a  position  not  likely  to  be  combated..' 


174  MADISON. 

not  to  secure  the  government  and  rights  of  the  states  against  usurpations 
and  abuses  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  the  final  resort  within  the 
purview  of  the  Constitution,  lies  in  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution, 
according  to  a  process  applicable  by  the  states. 

"  And  in  the  event  of  a  failure  of  every  constitutional  resort,  and  an 
accumulation  of  usurpations  and  abuses,  rendering  passive  obedience 
and  rion-resistance  a  greater  evil  than  resistance  and  revolution,  there 
can  remain  but  one  resort,  the  last  of  all — an  appeal  from  the  cancelled 
obligations  of  the  constitutional  compact,  to  original  rights  and  the  law 
of  self-preservation.  This  is  the  ultima  ratio  under  all  governments, 
whether  consolidated,  confederated,  or  a  compound  of  both  ;  and  it  can- 
not be  doubted,  that  a  single  member  of  the  Union,  in  the  extremity  sup- 
posed, but  in  that  only,  would  have  a  right,  as  an  extra  and  ultra-constitu- 
tional right,  to  make  the  appeal. 

"  This  brings  us  to  the  expedient  lately  advanced,  which  claims  for  a 
single  state  a  right  to  appeal  against  an  exercise  of  power  by  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  decided  by  the  states  to  be  unconstitutional, 
to  the  parties  to  the  constitutional  compact ;  the  decision  of  the  state  to 
have  the  effect  of  nullifying  the  act  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  unless  the  decision  of  the  state  be  reversed  by  three  fourths  of  the 
parties. 

"  The  distinguished  names  and  high  authorities  which  appear  to  have 
asserted  and  given  a  practical  scope  to  this  doctrine,  entitle  it  to  a  respect 
which  it  might  be  difficult  otherwise  to  feel  for  it. 

"  If  the  doctrine  were  to  be  understood  as  requiring  the  three  fourths 
of  the  states  to  sustain,  instead  of  that  proportion  to  reverse,  the  decision 
of  the  appealing  state,  the  decision  to  be  without  effect  during  the  appeal, 
it  would  be  sufficient  to  remark,  that  this  extra-constitutional  course 
might  well  give  way  to  that  marked  out  by  the  Constitution,  which 
authorizes  two  thirds  of  the  states  to  institute,  and  three  fourths  to  effec- 
tuate, an  amendment  of  the  Constitution,  establishing  a  permanent  rule 
of  the  highest  authority,  in  place  of  an  irregular  precedent  of  construc- 
tion only. 

"  But  it  is  understood  that  the  nullifying  doctrine  imports  that  the  deci- 
sion of  the  state  is  to  be  presumed  valid,  and  that  it  overrules  the  law  of 
the  United  States,  unless  overruled  by  three  fourths  of  the  states. 

"  Can  more  be  necessary  to  demonstrate  the  inadmiesibility  of  such  a 
doctrine,  than  that  it  puts  it  in  the  power  of  the  smallest  fraction  over 
one  fourth  of  the  United  States,  that  is,  of  seven  states  out  of  twenty-four, 
to  give  the  law  and  even  the  Constitution  to  seventeen  states,  each  of  the 
seventeen  having,  as  parties  to  the  Constitution,  an  equal  right  with  each 
of  the  seven,  to  expound  it,  and  to  insist  on  the  exposition  ?  That  the 
seven  might,  in  particular  instances,  be  right,  and  the  seventeen  wrong, 
is  more  than  possible.  But  to  establish  a  positive  and  permanent  rule 
giving  such  a  power,  to  such  a  minority,  over  such  a  majority,  would 
overturn  the  first  principle  of  free  government,  and  in  practice  necessarily 
overturn  the  government  itself. 

"It  is  to  be  recollected  that  the  Constitution  was  proposed  to  the  peo- 
ple of  the  states  as  a  whole,  and  unanimously  adopted  by  the  states  as 


MADISON.  175 

a  whole,  it  being  a  part  of  the  Constitution  that  not  less  than  three 
fourths  of  the  states  should  be  competent  to  make  any  alterations  in  what 
had  been  unanimously  agreed  to.  So  great  is  the  caution  on  this  point, 
that  in  two  cases  where  peculiar  interests  were  at  stake,  a  proportion 
even  of  three  fourths  is  distrusted,  and  unanimity  required  to  make  an 
alteration. 

"  When  the  Constitution  was  adopted  as  a  whole,  it  is  certain  that 
there  were  many  parts,  which,  if  separately  proposed,  would  have 
been  promptly  rejected.  It  is  far  from  impossible  that  every  part  of  a 
Constitution  might  be  rejected  by  a  majority,  and  yet,  taken  together  as 
a  whole,  be  unanimously  accepted.  Free  Constitutions  will  rarely,  if 
ever,  be  formed,  without  reciprocal  concessions;  without  articles  con- 
ditioned on  and  balancing  each  other.  Is  there  a  Constitution  of  a 
single  state  out  of  the  twenty-four,  that  would  bear  the  experiment  of 
having  its  component  parts  submitted  to  the  people  and  separately 
decided  on  ? 

"  What  the  fate  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  would  be,  if 
a  small  proportion  of  the  states  could  expunge  parts  of  it  particularly 
valued  by  a  large  majority,  it  can  have  but  one  answer. 

"  The  difficulty  is  not  removed  by  limiting  the  doctrine  to  cases  of 
construction.  How  many  cases  of  that  sort,  involving  cardinal  provi- 
sions of  the  Constitution  have  occurred  ?  How  many  now  exist  ? 
How  many  may  hereafter  spring  up  ?.  How  many  might  be  ingeniously 
created,  if  entitled  to  the  privilege  of  a  decision  in  the  mode  proposed  ? 

"  It  is  certain  that  the  principle  of  that  mode  would  not  reach  further 
than  is  contemplated.  If  a  single  state  can  of  right  require  three  fourths 
of  its  co-states  to  overrule  its  exposition  of  the  Constitution,  because  that 
proportion  is  authorized  to  amend  it,  would  the  plea  be  less  plausible  that, 
as  the  Constitution  was  unanimously  established,  it  ought  to  be  unani- 
mously expounded  ? 

"  The  reply  to  all  such  suggestions  seems  to  be  unavoidable  and  irre- 
sistible; that  the  Constitution  is  a  compact,  that  its  text  is  to  be  expound- 
ed according  to  the  provisions  for  expounding  it — making  a  part  of  the 
compact ;  and  that  none  of  the  parties  can  rightfully  renounce  the  ex- 
pounding provision  more  than  any  other  part.  When  such  a  right  ac- 
crues, as  may  accrue,  it  must  grow  out  of  abuses  of  the  compact  releasing 
the  sufferers  from  their  fealty  to  it. 

"  In  favor  of  the  nullifying  claim  for  the  states,  individually,  it  ap- 
pears, as  you  observe,  that  the  proceedings  of  the  Legislature  of  Vir- 
ginia, in  '98  and  '99,  against  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Acts,  are  much 
dwelt  upon. 

"  It  may  often  happen,  as  experience  proves,  that  erroneous  construc- 
tions, not  anticipated,  may  not  be  sufficiently  guarded  against,  in  the 
language  used ;  and  it  is  due  to  the  distinguished  individuals,  who  have 
misconceived  the  intention  of  those  proceedings,  to  suppose  that  the 
meaning  of  the  Legislature,  though  well  comprehended  at  the  time,  may 
not  now  be  obvious  to  those  unacquainted  with  the  contemporary  indica- 
tions and  impressions. 

"  But  it  is  believed  that  by  keeping  in  view  the  distinction  between 


176  MADISON. 

the  governments  of  the  states,  and  the  states  m  which  they  were  parties 
to  the  Constitution  ;  between  the  rights  of  the  parties,  in  their  concurrent 
and  in  their  individual  capacities ;  between  the  several  modes  and  objects 
of  interposition  against  the  abuses  of  power,  and  especially  between  in- 
terpositions within  the  purview  of  the  Constitution,  and  interpositions 
appealing  from  the  Constitution  to  the  rights  of  nature  paramount  to  all 
constitutions  ;  with  an  attention,  always  of  explanatory  use,  to  the  views 
and  arguments  which  were  combated,  the  Resolutions  of  Virginia,  as 
vindicated  in  the  Report  on  them,  will  be  found  entitled  to  an  exposition, 
showing  a  consistency  in  their  parts,  and  an  inconsistency  of  the  whole, 
with  the  doctrine  under  consideration. 

"  That  the  Legislature  could  not  have  intended  to  sanction  such  a  doc- 
trine, is  to  be  inferred  from  the  debates  in  the  House  of  Delegates,  and 
from  the  address  of  the  two  Houses  to  their  constituents,  on  the  subject 
of  the  Resolutions.  The  tenor  of  the  debates,  which  were  ably  conduct- 
ed, and  are  understood  to  have  been  revised  for  the  press  by  most,  if  not 
all,  of  the  speakers,  discloses  no  reference  whatever  to  a  constitutional 
right  in  an  individual  state,  to  arrest  by  force  the  operation  of  a  law  of 
the  United  States.  Concert  among  the  states  for  redress  against  the  Alien 
and  Sedition  Laws,  as  acts  of  usurped  power,  was  a  leading  sentiment ; 
and  the  attainment  of  a  concert,  the  immediate  object  of  the  course 
adopted  by  the  legislature,  which  was  that  of  inviting  the  other  states  '  to 
concur  in  declaring  the  acts  to  be  unconstitutional,  and  to  co-operate  by 
the  necessary  and  proper  measures  in  maintaining  unimpaired  the  authori- 
ties, rights,  and  liberties  reserved  to  the  states  respectively,  and  to  the  peo- 
ple.' That  by  the  necessary  and  proper  measures  to  be  concurrently 
and  co-operatively  taken,  were  meant  measures  known  to  the  Constitution, 
particularly  the  ordinary  control  of  the  people  and  legislatures  of  the 
states,  over  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  cannot  be  doubted  ; 
and  the  interposition  of  this  control,  as  the  event  showed,  was  equal  to 
the  occasion. 

"  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  and  explanatory  of  the  intentions  of  the 
Legislature,  that  the  words  '  not  law,  but  utterly  null,  void,  and  of  no 
force  or  effect,'  which  had  followed,  in  one  of  the  resolutions,  the  word 
'  unconstitutional,'  were  struck  out  by  common  consent.  Though  the 
words  were  in  fact  but  synonymous  with  '  unconstitutional ;'  yet  to 
guard  against  a  misunderstanding  of  this  phrase  as  more  than  declaratory 
of  opinion,  the  word  '  unconstitutional'  alone  was  retained,  as  not  liable 
to  that  danger. 

"  The  published  Address  of  the  Legislature  to  the  people,  their  consti- 
tuents, affords  another  conclusive  evidence  of  its  views.  The  address 
warns  them  against  the  encroaching  spirit  of  the  General  Government, 
argues  the  unconstitutionality  of  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Acts,  points  to 
other  instances  in  which  the  constitutional  limits  had  been  overleaped  : 
dwells  upon  the  dangerous  mode  of  deriving  power  by  implication  ;  and 
in  general  presses  the  necessity  of  watching  over  the  consolidating  ten- 
dency of  the  Federal  policy.  But  nothing  is  said  that  can  be  understood 
to  look  to  means  of  maintaining  the  rights  of  the  states,  beyond  the  regu- 
lar ones,  within  the  forms  of  the  Constitution. 


MADISON.  177 

"  If  any  further  lights  on  the  subject  could  be  needed,  a  very  strong  one 
is  reflected  in  the  answers  to  the  resolutions,  by  the  States  which  protested 
against  them.  The  main  objection  of  these,  beyond  a  few  general  com- 
plaints of  the  inflammatory  tendency  of  the  resolutions,  was  directed 
against  the  assumed  authority  of  a  State  Legislature  to  declare  a  law  of  the 
United  States  unconstitutional,  which  they  pronounced  an  unwarranta- 
ble interference  with  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States.  Had  the  resolutions  been  regarded  as  avowing  and 
maintaining  a  right,  in  an  individual  State,  to  arrest,  by  force,  the  execu- 
tion of  a  law  of  the  United  States,  it  must  be  presumed  that  it  would 
have  been  a  conspicuous  object  of  their  denunciation. 

"  With  cordial  salutations, 

"JAMES  MADISON." 

During  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  Mr.  Madison  was  associated  with  Mr. 
Jefferson  in  the  institution  of  the  University  of  Virginia,  and  after  his 
decease  was  placed  at  its  head  with  the  title  of  Rector.  He  was  also  the 
president  of  an  agricultural  society  in  the  county  of  his  residence,  and  in 
that  capacity  delivered  an  "  address,  which  the  practical  farmer  and  the 
classical  scholar  may  read  with  equal  profit  and  delight." 

"  In  the  midst  of  these  occupations  the  declining  days  of  the  philosopher, 
the  statesman  and  the  patriot  were  passed,  until  the  21st  day  of  June, 
1836,  the  anniversary  of  the  day  on  which  the  ratification  of  the  conven- 
tion of  Virginia,  in  1788,  had  affixed  the  seal  of  JAMES  MADISON  as  the 
father  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  when  his  earthly  part 
sunk  without  a  struggle  into  the  grave,  and  a  spirit  bright  as  the  seraphim 
that  surround  the  throne  of  Omnipotence  ascended  to  the  bosom  of  his 
God." 

23 


JAMES   MONROE. 

THE  early  years  of  the  life  of  JAMES  MONROE,  fifth  President  of  the 
United  States,  were  passed  at  the  place  of  his  nativity,  on  the  banks  of 
the  Potomac,  in  the  county  of  Westmoreland,  in  what  was,  at  that  period, 
called  the  colony  of  Virginia.  It  is  somewhat  remarkable  that  this  state, 
where  the  traveller  thinks  that  he  beholds  the  feudal  splendor  of  a  former 
age,  and  is  entertained  with  a  magnificent  hospitality,  to  be  found  in  no 
other  part  of  the  union,  and  where,  in  the  language  of  the  British  Spy, 
"  here  and  there  a  stately  aristocratic  palace  strikes  the  view,  while  all 
around,  for  many  miles,  no  other  buildings  are  to  be  seen  but  the  little 
smoky  huts  and  log  cabins  of  poor,  laborious,  ignorant  tenants,"  should 
have  produced  four  of  the  chief  magistrates  of  this  republic.  Old  Vir- 
ginia, besides  the  crown  of  her  glory,  Washington — her  Jefferson,  her 
Madison,  and  her  Monroe — enrols  upon  her  archives  the  name  of  another 
illustrious  and  venerable  patriarch  of  freedom,  which  is  a  consecrated 
word  upon  the  lips  of  every  lover  of  his  country.  Who  would  not  write 
with  me,  on  the  scroll  which  American  liberty  displays  to  the  worlJ, 
under  the  name  of  General  Washington,  that  of  his  biographer?  Vene- 
rated by  all  men,  of  all  parties,  is  the  present  Chief  Justice,  John 
Marshall. 

JAMES  MONROE  was  born  in  September,  1759.  His  ancestors  had  for 
many  years  resided  in  the  province  in  which  he  was  born,  and  one  of 
them  was  among  the  first  patentees  of  that  province.  That  this  ancestor 
possessed  some  of  those  noble  and  generous  qualities  of  the  heart  which 
distinguished  his  descendant,  will  be  apparent  from  the  following  anecdote. 
At  some  warmly  contested  election,  when  Madison  and  Monroe  were 
opposing  candidates,  the  friends  of  both  parties  used  the  most  strenuous 
exertions  to  bring  every  voter  to  the  polls.  When,  by  reasons  of  poverty, 
old  age,  or  bodily  infirmities,  any  voters  were  unable  to  be  present,  they 
were  sent  for  and  brought  in  carts  and  wagons,  to  the  place  of  the  elec- 
tion. The  friends  of  Mr.  Madison  had  succeeded  in  transporting  from  a 
considerable  distance  a  very  aged  man.  He  was  set  down  at  the  building 
in  which  the  votes  were  to  be  cast,  and  soon  began  to  hear  some  conver- 
sation about  the  candidates.  The  name  of  James  Monroe  at  last  struck  his 
ear,  and  he  inquired  of  the  speaker  if  the  man  whom  he  had  mentioned  was 
the  son  of  that  Monroe  who  lived  and  died  in  the  province  many  years 
before.  Upon  being  informed  that  James  was  a  grandson  of  that  indi- 
vidual, the  old  man  instantly  exclaimed,  "  Then  I  will  vote  for  James 
Monroe.  His  grandfather  befriended  me  when  I  first  came  into  the 
country,  fed  me,  and  clothed  me,  and  I  lived  in  his  house.  I  do  not 
know  James  Madison.  I  will  voje  for  James  Monroe  !"  So  Mr.  Monroe 


MONROE.  179 

Deceived  the  old  man's  suffrage,  though  Mr.  Madison's  supporters  had 
borne  the  trouble  and  expense  of  a  long  journey.  The  same  noble  spirit 
of  benevolence,  which  prompted  the  grandfather  to  receive  within  his  door 
a  helpless  stranger,  may  be  traced  in  the  actions  of  his  illustrious  de- 
scendant, who  pledged  the  whole  of  his  property  for  the  credit  of  the 
nation,  and  was  untiring  in  his  efforts  to  reward  revolutionary  patriots. 

Mr.  Monroe  was,  at  seventeen  years  of  age,  in  the  process  of  complet- 
ing his  classical  education  at  the  College  of  William  and  Mary,  when  the 
colonial  delegates  assembled  at  Philadelphia,  to  deliberate  upon  the  unjust 
and  manifold  oppressions  of  Great  Britain,  declared  the  separation  of  the 
colonies,  and  promulgated  the  declaration  of  Independence.  Had  he 
been  born  ten  years  before,  it  is  highly  probable,  that,  instead  of  reading 
about  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  Grecian  republics,  he  would  have  been  one 
of  the  signers  of  that  celebrated  instrument.  His  youth  precluded  him 
from  taking  any  part  in  the  controversies,  which  had  agitated  the  country 
from  the  first  promulgation  of  the  stamp  act.  Indeed,  his  birth  may  be 
said  to  have  been  simultaneous  with  the  faint  dawn  of  American  freedom  ; 
for  he  was  only  in  his  fifth  year,  when,  upon  the  publication  of  that  odious 
paper,  the  fires  of  resistance  flashed,  like  beacons,  from  mountain  to 
mountain.  The  British  government  continued  to  add  new  fuel  to  the 
flame,  till  on  the  fourth  of  July,  1776,  the  conflagration  became  universal. 

Upon  the  first  formation  of  the  American  army,  young  Monroe — at  that 
period  eighteen  years  of  age — left  his  college,  and,  repairing  to  General 
Washington's  headquarters  at  New- York,  enrolled  himself  in  the  army  as 
a  cadet  in  the  regiment  commanded  by  Colonel  Mercer.  He  joined  the 
army  when  every  thing  looked  hopeless  and  gloomy.  The  number  of 
deserters  increased  from  day  to  day.  The  invading  armies  came  pouring 
in  ;  and  the  tories,  a  numerous  class,  now  entirely  extinct  among  us,  not 
only  favored  the  cause  of  the  mother  country,  but  disheartened  the  new 
recruits,  who  were  sufficiently  terrified  at  the  prospect  of  contending  with  an 
enemy  whom  they  had  been  taught  to  deem  invincible.  The  besiegers  con- 
tinued to  receive  new  accessions,  while  the  besieged  were  almost  reduced  to 
the  necessity  of  a  dissolution.  To  such  brave  spirits  as  James  Monroe,  who 
went  right  onward  undismayed  through  difficulty  and  danger,  the  United 
States  owe  their  political  emancipation.  The  young  cadet  joined  the 
ranks,  and  espoused  the  cause  of  his  injured  country,  with  a  firm  deter- 
mination to  live  or  die  with  her  strife  for  liberty.  The  fortitude  of  such 
a  determination  will  be  appreciated  by  those  who  reflect  that  our  country, 
like  the  infant  Hercules,  was  to  strangle  the  serpents,  or  perish  in  the 
attempt. 

Mr.  Monroe  shared  all  the  defeats  and  privations  which  attended  the 
footsteps  of  the  army  of  Washington,  through  the  disastrous  battles  of  Flat 
Bush,  llaerlem  Heights,  and  White  Plains.  He  was  present  at  the  suc- 
ceeding evacuation  of  New- York  and  Long  Island,  at  the  surrender  of 
Fort  Washington,  and  the  retreat  through  the  Jerseys ;  "  till,"  in  the  elo- 
quent language  of  his  great  eulogist,  "  on  the  day  devoted  to  celebrate 
the  birth  of  the  Savior  of  mankind,  of  the  same  year  on  which  indepen- 
dence was  proclaimed,  Washington,  with  the  houseless  heads  and  unshod 
feet  of  three  thousand  new  and  undisciplined  levies,  stood  on  the  western 


180  MONROE. 

bank  of  the  Delaware,  to  contend  in  arms  with  the  British  lion,  and  to 
baffle  the  skill  and  energy  of  the  chosen  champions  of  Britain,  with  ten 
times  the  number  of  his  shivering  and  emaciate  host ;  the  stream  of  the 
Delaware  forming  the  only  barrier  between  the  proud  array  of  thirty 
thousand  veteran  Britons  and  the  scanty  remnant  of  his  dissolving  bands." 
Mr.  Monroe,  after  having  participated  in  the  adversities  of  the  gallant 
defenders  of  their  country,  now  rejoiced  with  them  in  their  great  and 
unanticipated  success.  At  the  battle  of  Trenton  he  led  the  vanguard, 
and,  in  the  act  of  charging  upon  the  enemy,  he  received  a  wound  in  his 
left  shoulder.  This  wound,  the  scar  of  which  remained  till  his  death, 
was  inflicted  in  the  same  battle  where  the  life-blood  of  many  a  noble 
soldier  streamed.  The  commander  of  his  regiment,  Colonel  Mercer,  fell. 
Haselet,  and  Porter,  and  Neal,  and  Fleming,  and  Shippen,  were  also, 
upon  that  memorable  day,  martyrs  to  the  holy  cause  of  freedom. 

As  a  reward  for  his  bravery,  Mr.  Monroe  was  promoted  a  captain  of 
infantry ;  and,  having  recovered  from  his  wound,  he  rejoined  the  army. 
He,  however,  receded  from  the  line  of  promotion,  by  becoming  an  officer 
in  the  staff  of  Lord  Sterling.  During  the  campaigns  of  1777  and  1778, 
in  the  actions  of  Brandy  wine,  Germantown,  and  Monmouth,  he  continued 
aid-de-camp  ;  but,  becoming  desirous  to  regain  his  position  in  the  army, 
he  exerted  himself  to  collect  a  regiment  for  the  Virginia  line.  This 
scheme,  which  was  recommended  by  General  Washington  to  the  legisla- 
ture of  Virginia,  by  whom  Captain  Monroe  was  commissioned  to  act, 
failed,  owing  to  the  exhausted  condition  of  the  state.  Upon  this  failure, 
he  entered  the  office  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  at  that  period  Governor,  and  pur* 
sued,,  with  considerable  ardor,  the  study  of  the  common  law.  He  did  not, 
however,  entirely  lay  aside  the  knapsack  for  the  green  bag ;  but,  in  the 
invasions  of  the  enemy,  served  as  a  volunteer,  during  the  two  years  of 
his  legal  pursuits.  After  the  fall  of  Charleston,  in  1780,  he  was  appointed 
by  Governor  Jefferson  a  military  commissioner,  to  examine  into  the  con* 
dition  of  the  southern  army  under  De  Kalb,  as  well  as  the  situation  of  the 
states,  and  to  determine,  from  the  result  of  his  observation,  the  probability 
of  rescuing  them  from  the  enemy.  Upon  his  return,  the  Governor  and 
Executive  Council  were  well  pleased  with  his  execution  of  such  an 
important  trust. 

The  time  at  length  arrived,  when,  having  endured  the  burden  and 
heat  of  the  day  as  a  soldier,  he  was  to  enter  upon  a  different  field  of  action, 
as  the  supporter  of  a  system  of  laws,  in  a  government  which  he  had  fought 
and  bled  to  establish.  In  1782,  he  was  elected  from  King  George  county 
a  member  of  the  legislature  of  Virginia,  and  by  that  body  he  was  elevated 
to  a  seat  in  the  Executive  Council.  He  was  thus  honored  with  the  con* 
fidence  of  his  fellow-citizens  at  twenty-three  years  of  age;  and,  having  at 
this  early  period,  displayed  some  of  that  ability  and  aptitude  for  legisla* 
tion,  which  were  afterwards  employed  with  unremitting  energy  for  the 
public  good,  he  was,  in  the  succeeding  year,  chosen  a  member  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  on  the  ninth  of  June,  1783.  On  the 
thirteenth  of  December,  he  took  his  seat  in  the  continental  Congress, 
assembled  at  Annapolis,  and  on  that  day  saw  the  illustrious  leader  of  the 
victorious  revolutionary  army  resign  his  commission  into  the  hands  of 


MONROE.  181 

those  bold  patriots  by  whom  it  had  been  conferred.  From  this  year,  1783^ 
to  1786,  Mr.  Monroe  was  a  useful  member  of  the  confederate  Congress* 
During  this  period,  he  had  frequent  opportunities  of  observing  the  utter 
inefficiency  of  the  articles  of  confederation ;  and  introduced  a  series  of 
resolutions,  to  give  Congress  the  power  of  regulating  trade,  and  of  laying 
an  impost  duty  of  five  per  cent.  He  was  chairman  of  the  committee  who 
reported  on  these  resolutions  ;  and  in  this  report,  certain  alterations  in  the 
•existing  form  of  government  were  so  strongly  urged,  that  it  was  soon  de- 
bated whether  there  should  not  be  some  formal  revision.  The  result  was 
the  parlial  convention  of  delegates  at  Annapolis,  and  finally  the  celebrated 
Federal  Convention,  and  the  formation  and  adoption  of  that  Constitution, 
under  wrhich  the  country  has  so  long  enjoyed  prosperity  and  happiness.  Mr. 
Monroe  also  proposed  a  plan  for  the  just  disposition  of  the  public  lands. 

In  1784,  there  arose  a  controversy  between  the  states  of  Massachu- 
setts and  New- York,  upon  some  question  of  boundary  and  jurisdiction, 
It  was  one  of  the  few  powers  of  the  confederated  Congress,  to  constitute 
a  Court  of  Commissioners  to  determine  all  such  disputes,  to  be  chosen, 
iiowever,  by  the  parties  to  the  controversy.  The  agents  of  the  two  states, 
in  December,  agreed  upon  nine  persons,  among  whom  was  James  Monroe. 
This  choice  of  so  young  a  man  indicates  the  high  esteem  in  which  he  was 
generally  held.  In  March.,  1825,  he  signified  to  Congress  his  acceptance 
of  the  appointment.  But  in  a  year  from  that  time,  owing  to  the  resigna- 
tion of  some  of  the  members  of  the  court,  the  necessity  of  appointing 
others,  and  the  difficulties  and  delays  in  hearing  from  all  the  Judges,  the 
controversy  was  not  yet  decided.  On  the  fifteenth  of  May,  Mr.  Monroe 
declined  his  appointment,  stating,  in  his  letter  to  Congress,  "  some  cir- 
•cumstanres  will  put  out  of  my  power  to  act  as  a  Judge  for  the  decision  of 
the  controversy  between  Massachusetts  and  New- York,  and  therefore  I 
present  my  resignation  to  Congress."  What  these  circumstances  were, 
«iay  be  easily  conjectured  from  what  had  transpired  since  the  election  of 
the  Judges.  Spain  had  always  pursued  towards  the  United  States  a 
•system  of  mean  and  narrow  policy,  in  regard  to  the  navigation  of  the 
waters  of  the  Mississippi.  She  finally  sent  a  sort  of  diplomatic  agent  to 
negotiate  with  our  government,  who  had  received  instruction  absolutely 
to  resist  our  right  to  sail  through  the  mouth  of  that  important  river.  The 
Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  Mr.  Jay,  was  told  by  Congress,  to  confer 
with  the  Spanish  Encargardo,  but  to  enter  into  no  negotiation  until  its 
•(Tins  should  first  be  approved  by  Congress.  The  Secretary,  not  being 
able  to  effect  any  arrangement,  recommended,  in  a  personal  address., 
some  compromise  with  Spain,  by  proposing  a  treaty,  in  which,  if  she 
would  give  commercial  advantages  equivalent  to  our  yielding  the  right  to 
navigate  the  Mississippi,  we  should  forbear  to  exercise  that  right  for 
twenty  or  thirty  years,  to  which  the  duration  of  the  treaty  should  be 
limited.  Many  and  angry  were  the  debates  upon  this  proposition.  The 
seven  northern  states  were  warmly  in  favor  of  it,  and  the  five  southern 
states  (Delaware  not  being  represented)  as  warmly  opposed. 

It  is  to  be  feared  that,  with  this  useless  discussion,  commenced  those 
sectional  prejudices  and  animosities,  which  have,  from  time  to  time,  pro- 
duced harsh  discord  in  the  national  harmony,  and  may,  by  and  by,  shatter 


162  MONROE. 

the  order  and  stability  of  the  union.  Could  these  good  and  great  mei;, 
who  were  heated  beyond  discretion,  in  that  controversy,  have  but  foreseen, 
for  a  moment,  that  they  were  casting  on  the  winds  the  seeds  of  future 
contention,  every  tongue,  in  its  tide  of  hasty  utterance,  would  have  been 
hushed,  and  every  right  arm,  lifted  in  vehement  gesticulation,  would  have 
fallen  nerveless.  Perhaps  there  never  lived  purer  patriots  than  Rufus 
King  and  James  Monroe  ;  yet  they  were  both,  as  leaders  of  opposing 
parties,  greatly  distinguished  in  this  debate.  The  latter,  with  much 
clearness  and  strength,  at  a  subsequent  period  in  the  Virginia  Convention, 
which  met  to  deliberate  on  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
explained  and  defended  the  course  he  had  taken  ;  stating,  in  conclusion, 
"  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  use  every  effort  in  Congress  for  the  interest  of 
the  southern  states.  But  so  far  as  depended  on  me,  with  my  official 
character  it  ceased.  With  many  of  those  gentlemen,  to  whom  I  always 
considered  it  as  my  particular  misfortune  to  be  opposed,  I  am  now  in 
habits  of  correspondence  and  friendship ;  and  I  am  concerned  for  the 
necessity  which  has  given  birth  to  this  relation." 

After  the  quarrel  about  the  treaty,  which,  not  being  sanctioned  by 
nine  states,  was  not  arranged,  he  was  conscious  that,  by  his  opposition  to 
their  measures,  he  had  lost  the  confidence  of  the  states  by  whom  he  had 
been  chosen  a  Judge,  and,  influenced  by  the  most  honorable  motives,  he 
resigned  his  commission. 

As,  by  the  articles  of  confederation,  no  delegate  could  serve  more  than 
three  years  in  six,  Mr.  Monroe  left  Congress  in  the  fall  of  1786,  on  the 
expiration  of  his  term.  While  Congress  was  in  session  at  New- York,  he 
had  formed  a  matrimonial  connexion  with  Miss  Kortwright,  of  that  city. 
This  lady  had,  in  London  and  Paris,  been  celebrated  for  her  beauty  and 
her  powers  of  conversation.  Her  external  accomplishments  did  not  sur- 
pass those  of  her  mind ;  and  to  the  elegance  of  her  manners  were  added 
all  those  endearing  qualities  of  the  heart,  which  cheer  the  gloom  of 
existence. 

In  1787,  Mr.  Monroe,  with  the  intention  of  pursuing  the  practice  of 
the  law,  established  himself  in  Fredericksburg ;  but,  he  was  soon  elected 
to  the  legislature  of  the  state.  In  the  following  year  he  was  chosen  a 
member  of  that  Virginia  Convention,  which  met  to  decide  upon  the 
Federal  Constitution,  and  in  which  there  was  an  array  of  such  power 
and  talent,  as  we  may  never  see  again  in  one  body  of  men.  Among 
Qther  names  which  reflect  honor  on  the  land  of  their  birth,  are  those  of 
Grayson,  Henry,  Mason,  Lee,  Madison,  Marshall,  and  Randolph.  James 
Monroe  was  of  that  number  who  opposed  the  adoption  of  the  Federal 
Constitution,  in  the  form  in  which  it  had  been  submitted  to  the  Conven- 
tion. His  opposition  was  not  greater  than  that  of  a  large  majority  of  the 
whole  people  of  the  country,  nor  of  many  other  illustrious  statesmen  who 
enjoyed  the  highest  public  confidence.  lie  presented  certain  amend- 
ments, and,  in  his  first  speech  to  the  Convention,  very  clearly  displayed 
the  reasons  of  his  opposition.  .To  those  who,  at  the  present  day,  enjoy  the 
blessings  conferred  by  the  constitution,  it  will  appear  strange  that  it  was 
opposed  by  such  men  as  James  Monroe,  George  Mason,  and  Patrick 
Henry ;  that  it  was  finally  adopted,  with  reluctance,  by  those  who  con- 


MONROE.  183 

sidered  it  the  only  alternative  to  a  dissolution  of  the  union  ;  and  that  its 
most  warm  and  determined  supporters  never,  even  in  imagination,  antici- 
pated, or  in  hope  conceived,  the  "  extent  of  the  contrast  in  the  condition 
of  the  North  American  people,  under  that  new  social  compact,  with  what 
it  had  been  under  the  Confederation  which  it  was  to  supersede."  The 
same  writer,  from  whom  we  have  just  quoted,  happily  calls  the  final 
adoption  and  establishment  of  the  present  constitution  "  the  greatest 
triumph  of  pure  and  peaceful  intellect  recorded  in  the  annals  of  the  human 
race." 

The  course  pursued  by  Mr.  Monroe,  in  the  Convention,  did  not  shake 
the  high  esteem  in  which  he  was  held  by  the  citizens  of  his  native  state  ; 
for,  upon  the  death  of  the  Honorable  William  Grayson,  in  December,  1789, 
he  was  chosen  to  supply  the  vacancy  thereby  occasioned  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States.  He  continued  in  the  Senate  till  May,  1794,  a  period  of 
nearly  five  years,  during  which  the  two  great  political  parties  became 
more  distinctly  marked.  He  belonged  to  that  which  favored  the  objects 
of  the  French  revolution ;  and  when  the  President  issued  his  proclama- 
tion of  neutrality,  he  was  among  its  most  violent  opposers.  This  measure, 
which  the  event  proved  to  have  been  dictated  by  the  soundest  policy, 
created  a  violent  fermentation,  and  the  government  was  accused  of  in- 
gratitude to  France. 

Mr.  Gouverneur  Morris,  who  had  been  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  the 
new  republic,  was  in  favor  of  observing  the  strictest  neutrality.  He  was 
recalled,  at  the  request  of  the  French  government,  and  in  May,  1794, 
Mr.  Monroe  was  appointed  his  successor.  This  judicious  appointment 
of  a  strong  anti-federalist  was  made  to  allay  the  jealousies  which  then 
existed.  He  went  to  France,  instructed  by  the  government  to  express, 
in  the  warmest  terms,  the  friendship  of  the  United  States.  He  was 
received,  as  one  who  strongly  favored  the  revolution,  with  splendid  cere- 
mony, by  the  National  Convention  ;  and  he  there  declared  the  strong 
attachment  of  his  country  to  the  cause  of  France.  Differing,  as  he  did, 
from  the  Executive,  in  his  views  concerning  the  policy  of  the  American 
administration,  and  believing  that  the  French  government  justly  com- 
plained of  that  policy,  it  must  have  been  an  arduous  duty  for  him  to  have 
obeyed,  with  strictness,  the  instructions  from  home  on  his  ministerial 
conduct.  At  the  close  of  Washington's  administration  he  was  recalled, 
and  his  place  supplied  by  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  Esq. 

Mr.  Monroe,  upon  his  return  to  the  United  States,  published  a  work  in 
explanation  of  his  own  opinions  and  proceedings,  entitled,  "  A  View  of 
the  Conduct  of  the  Executive  in  the  Foreign  Affairs  of  the  United  States, 
connected  with  the  Mission  to  the  French  Republic,  during  the  years 
1794,  5,  and  6."  This  book,  which  he  "  illustrated  by  his  instructions 
and  correspondence,  and  other  authentic  documents,"  is  an  octavo 
volume  of  four  hundred  and  seven  pages :  but  though  it  lies  before  us, 
it  will  be  impossible,  in  our  circumscribed  limits,  to  notice,  even  cur- 
sorily, the  strength  of  its  positions,  or  the  power  of  its  arguments.  The 
circumstances,  which  elicited  the  work,  are  now  regarded  by  all  parties 
in  the  same  light ;  and  no  one  pretends  to  doubt  the  enlightened  policy 
of  Washington  towards  the  French  Republic.  Many  honest  and  honora- 


184  MONROE. 

ble  men  were,  however,  at  that  time,  of  a  different  opinion,  and  among 
them  was  the  subject  of  this  memoir.  At  a  subsequent  period,  with  the 
true  nobility  of  a  mind,  which  disdains  to  cherish  preconceived  opinions 
in  opposition  to  the  convictions  of  better  judgment,  and  for  the  sake  of  a 
false  consistency,  he  cast  off  all  remembrance  of  past  animosity  and 
unkind  feeling,  and  harmonized  with  his  countrymen  in  their  entire  and 
perfect  veneration  for  the  character  of  Washington. 

The  mission  of  Mr.  Monroe  in  France  was  contemporaneous  with  that 
of  Mr.  Jay  in  Great  Britain.  The  latter,  in  obedience  to  his  instructions, 
concluded  with  Lord  Grenville  a  treaty,  by  which,  this  government  was 
firmly  bound  to  observe  towards  Great  Britain  the  strict  neutrality  which 
had  already  been  proclaimed.  Upon  the  publication  of  this  treaty,  it 
became  the  chief  subject  of  contention,  and  created  the  most  bitter  ani- 
mosity between  the  two  parties,  of  each  of  which  Mr.  Monroe  and  Mr. 
Jay  may  be  said  to  have  maintained  the  different  political  opinions. 

There  were  no  two  individuals  more  resolutely  and  unremittingly  op- 
posed to  each  other ;  and  yet,  in  the  same  generous  spirit  which  we  have 
just  commended,  James  Monroe,  with  the  causes  of  their  contention, 
forgot  the  angry  feelings  which  they  had  occasioned,  and  left  "  recorded, 
with  his  own  hand,  a  warm  and  unqualified  testimonial  to  the  pure  pat- 
riotism, the  preeminent  ability,  and  the  spotless  integrity  of  John  Jay." 

The  treaty,  which  had  been  concluded  by  Mr.  Jay,  proved  afterwards 
extremely  beneficial  to  this  country  ;  though  it  excited  much  hostile  feel- 
ing towards  us  in  France.  That  Mr.  Monroe's  opposition  to  this  and 
other  measures  of  the  existing  government  did  not  impair  the  confidence 
of  his  fellow-citizens,  is  made  manifest  by  his  election,  on  hi"  return,  to 
the  legislature  of  his  native  state,  and,  shortly  afterwards,  to  c^e  oihce  of 
Governor  of  Virginia,  in  which  he  served  for  three  years,  the  period  limit- 
ed by  the  constitution. 

While  Mr.  Monroe  was  thus  employed  in  the  honorable  discharge  of 
the  executive  duties  in  his  native  state,  his  attention,  as  well  as  that  of 
every  votary  of  freedom,  was  forcibly  turned  to  the  wonderful  events 
which  transpired  in  the  countries  of  the  old  world.  A  soldier's  sword 
had  severed  the  knot  of  the  oM  dynasties  of  the  European  states ;  the 
hand  that  wielded  it,  had  pointed  to  the  cloud-capped  summits  of  the  Alps, 
and  they  had  melted  away  and  parted,  like  the  Red  Sea,  beneath  the 
patriarch's  wand,  leaving  a  passage  through  their  stupendous  barriers  for 
the  armies  of  the  republic ;  the  same  hand  had  torn  the  imperial  crown 
from  the  brows  of  the  Roman  Pontiff,  and  the  same  sword  had  been  laid, 
after  having  again  waved  those  armies  homeward,  over  the  same  snow- 
crowned  ramparts,  at  the  feet  of  the  French  Directory.  But  it  had  been 
laid  there  in  mockery,  soon  to  be  resumed,  to  flash  in  angry  splendor 
before  the  gaze  of  the  astonished  world.  Wherever  that  hand  had  waved 
that  sword,  the  sceptres  of  kings  had  fallen  from  their  iron  grasp,  and  the 
plumes  and  the  banners  of  unconquered  legions  had  been  trailed  in  the 
dust.  The  rulers,  who  had  imparted  such  strength  to  that  hand,  and 
who  had  rejoiced  to  see  the  scathing  and  desolation  which  followed  that 
sword,  little  dreamed  that  it  would  soon  be  seen  in  the  very  capitol  of 
their  republic ;  and,  in  a  short  time,  be  cast  aside  to  give  place  to  the 


MONROE.  185 

rod  and  to  the  sceptre.  The  world  had  beheld  a  soldier,  distinguished 
for  skill  arid  prowess  in  arms ;  a  successful  general,  crowned  with  the 
laurels  of  fifty  battles  ;  a  First  Consul,  a  Dictator,  and  at  last  an  Emperor 
and  a  King,  in  one  man,  whose  name  was  Napoleon  Buonaparte.  And 
how  had  the  nations  of  Europe  borne  the  blaze  of  this  splendid  luminary  ? 
In  the  glowing  eloquence  of  Fisher  Ames,  "  they  seemed  to  have  been 
destined  like  comets  to  a  contact  with  the  sun  ;  not  to  thrust  him  from  his 
orb,  but  to  supply  his  waste  of  elemental  fire." 

Americans,  till  now,  had  witnessed  the  progress  of  this  wonderful 
meteor  from  afar ;  but  what  must  have  been  the  terror  and  anxiety,  in 
learning  that,  through  the  miserable  imbecility  of  Spain,  it  was  to  be 
brought  fearfully  near  to  their  own  country. 

In  the  year  1800,  Spain,  in  the  treaty  of  St.  Ildefonso,  had  secretly 
ceded  Louisiana  to  France ;  but,  though  in  reality  concluded  in  that 
year,  it  was  not  promulgated  till  1802.  The  greatest  consternation 
followed  the  bold  disclosure  of  this  treaty  ;  and  nothing  less  than  a  war 
with  France  was  anticipated.  The  plan  to  take  possession  of  this  ceded 
territory  was  as  magnificent  as  the  other  projects  of  its  devisor  ;  for, 
doubtless,  with  the  intention  of  recovering  all  their  old  dominions,  from 
New  Orleans  to  Canada,  twenty  thousand  veterans  were  banded  and 
ready  to  set  sail  for  Louisiana,  when  the  current  of  events  suddenly 
took  a  new  direction,  and  caused  Buonaparte  to  relinquish  his  premedi- 
tated crusade  against  the  United  States. 

On  the  eleventh  of  January,  1803,  Mr.  Monroe  was  appointed  Envoy 
Extraordinary,  and  joined  with  that  eminent  patriot,  Robert  R.  Living- 
ston, then  Resident  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  from  the  United  States,  in 
France,  in  the  Commission  Extraordinary,  to  negotiate  a  purchase  of 
the  island  of  New  Orleans,  and  the  Spanish  territory  east  of  the  Missis- 
sippi. He  was  also  appointed,  jointly,  with  Charles  Pinckney,  then 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  at  Madrid,  to  an  Extraor- 
dinary Mission,  to  negotiate,  if  necessary,  the  same  purchase  with  Spain, 
who  still  held  possession  of  Louisiana. 

Several  months  before  Mr.  Monroe's  arrival  in  Paris,  Mr.  Livingston 
had  presented  to  the  French  government,  "  a  very  able  memorial,  shew- 
ing, by  conclusive  arguments,  that  the  cession  of  the  province  to  the 
United  States  would  be  a  measure  of  wise  and  sound  policy;  conducive 
not  less  to  the  true  interests  of  France,  than  to  those  of  the  Federal 
Union."  It  did  not,  however,  suit  the  stupendous  views  of  the  Emperor, 
to  listen  at  that  time  to  any  such  proposition  :  but  Mr.  Monroe  had  hardly 
arrived,  before  his  Imperial  Majesty  discovered  that  the  large  sum  of 
money,  which  he  might  obtain  for  the  province,  would  be  extremely  con- 
venient in  the  war  which  he  had  just  excited  between  France  and  Great 
Britain.  The  sum  which  he  proposed  was  lather  astounding,  but  the 
American  Ministers,  although  it  surpassed  their  powers,  and  their  availa- 
ble funds,  hesitated  not  to  promise  to  pay  the  French  government  fifteen 
millions  of  dollars,  for  the  territory  of  Louisiana.  The  immense  benefits 
resulting  to  the  Union,  from  the  annexation  of  this  extensive  and  beau- 
tiful territory,  cannot  be  duly  appreciated,  unless  we  contrast  the  real  with 
the  probable  condition  of  the  Federal  Union,  had  such  an  annexation 
24 


186  MONROE. 

never  been  made.  If  the  French  had  been  allowed  to  take  peaceful 
possession  of  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  and  to  become  masters  of  the 
outlets  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  we  should  soon  have  lost  all  the  blessings 
of  our  neutrality.  With  the  English,  who  are  in  possession  of  the 
northern  lakes,  and  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  they  would  have  waged  harass- 
ing and  perpetual  warfare.  We  should  have  been  enclosed  on  all  sides, 
except  that  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  (and  perhaps  even  there  by  the  oppos- 
ing navies,)  by  two  of  the  most  powerful  nations  of  Europe,  deadly 
hostile  to  each  other.  With  one  or  the  other  we  must  have  been  allied  : 
our  national  existence  would  have  been  constantly  endangered;  and,  con- 
fined within  our  original  limits,  we  should  have  seen  the  rich  valleys  of  the 
west  desolated  by  that  enmity,  which  had  destroyed  towns  and  villages  in 
Europe  ;  instead  of  beholding,  as  we  now  behold,  our  empire  extended 
over  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  stretching  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  perpetuated  and  blest  under  the  glorious  advantages  of  peace  and 
civilization. 

After  this  most  important  treaty  had  been  ratified,  and  an  adjustment 
of  certain  claims  of  American  citizens  upon  France  had  been  made,  in 
a  convention,  which  was  held  at  Paris,  in  April,  1803,  Mr.  Monroe,  in 
the  same  month,  proceeded  to  England,  where  he  was  appointed  Minister 
Plenipotentiary,  to  succeed  Rufus  King;  who,  after  having  faithfully 
discharged  his  mission  for  seven  years,  was,  at  his  own  request,  returning 
to  his  own  country.  With  the  revival  of  the  war  with  France,  England 
began  anew  to  exercise  those  odious  impressments  and  unprovoked  out- 
rages upon  the  persons  and  vessels  of  neutral  powers,  which,  prior  to  the 
treaty  concluded  by  Mr.  Jay,  had  brought  us  to  the  verge  of  war :  but 
which  had  not  been  exercised  since  that  time.  It  seems  to  us  that  the 
measures  proposed  by  President  Jefferson  to  obtain  from  the  British 
government  a  convention  for  the  protection  of  our  seamen,  and  for  the 
observance  of  neutral  rights,  were  both  feeble  and  impolitic.  Our  Minis- 
ter should  not  have  been  instructed  to  solicit  what  he  had  the  right  most 
imperiously  to  demand,  viz.  a  total  cessation  of  the  rapine  and  plunder, 
committed  on  our  ships,  and  a  full  remuneration  for  the  wrongs  which 
had  already  been  inflicted.  If  such  a  peaceful  remedy  had  been  extended 
to  the  British  Minister  in  one  hand,  with  a  declaration  of  war  in  the 
other,  it  is  highly  probable  that,  harassed  as  he  was  with  the  new  French 
war,  the  former  would  have  been  accepted.  The  convention  having  failed, 
in  which  the  British  government  abandoned  the  right  to  impress  seamen, 
by  a  captious  exception  for  the  narrow  seas,  made  by  the  head  of  the 
admiralty,  Mr.  Monroe,  in  the  same  conciliatory  spirit  with  Mr.  King, 
was  endeavoring  to  adjust  these  difficulties,  when  he  was  summoned  to 
discharge  his  extraordinary  mission  to  Spain. 

When  Buonaparte  ceded  Louisiana  to  this  country,  he  took  care  to 
use,  in  his  grant  to  us,  the  very  words  in  which  it  had  been  conveyed  to 
him  by  Spain.  He  was  not  particular  to  have  the  exact  boundaries  spe- 
cified by  Spain  ;  but  intended  to  set  his  own  landmarks  wherever  he 
pleased.  But,  when  Louisiana  passed  from  his  possession,  he  very  con 
veniently  forgot  that  he  intended  to  comprehend  all  the  country,  from  the 
Perdido  east,  to  the  Rio  Bravo  west,  of  the  Mississippi ;  but  discovered 


MONROE.  187 

that  West  Florida  formed  no  part  of  the  ceded  territory  ;  that  the  district 
of  Mobile  was  not  to  be  included  ;  and  agreed  with  Spain  in  reducing 
the  province  of  Louisiana  to  little  more  than  the  island  of  New  Orleans. 

For  the  purpose  of  settling  this  disputed  question  of  boundary,  and  to 
purchase  the  remnant  of  Spain's  title  to  the  territory  of  Florida,  Mr. 
Monroe  was  called  upon  to  join  Mr.  Charles  Pinckney  at  Madrid.  On 
his  way  thither  he  remained  at  Paris  a  short  time  to  remind  the  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  Talleyrand,  of  a  promise,  which  had  been  made  at 
the  time  of  the  cession  of  Louisiana,  that  France  would  exert  her  influ- 
ence with  Spain  in  a  negotiation  for  the  acquisition  of  Florida  by  the 
United  States.  The  answer  from  that  ever-changing  Minister  was  not 
satisfactory :  and  after  having  seen  the  self-anointed  Emperor  place 
with  his  own  hands  upon  his  own  brows  the  imperial  diadem  of  France, 
in  the  presence  of  the  venerable  Roman  Pontiff,  and  surrounded  by  the 
congregated  magnificence  of  the  European  courts,  Mr.  Monroe  proceeded 
to  Madrid.  Here  he  remained,  with  his  colleague,  Mr.  Pinckney,  for  the 
space  of  five  months,  and  made  constant  and  vigorous,  but  unavailing 
efforts,  to  establish  the  claims  of  his  country.  The  state  papers,  which 
passed  at  this  stage  of  our  controversy  with  Spain,  and  which,  after 
having  for  many  years  been  buried  in  the  archives  of  government,  were 
at  last  published  at  Washington,  are  ranked  by  a  writer,  who  is  emi- 
nently qualified  to  judge,  in  the  highest  order;  and  concerning  them  he 
remarks  that  "  they  deserve  the  close  and  scrutinizing  attention  of  every 
American  statesman,  and  will  remain  solid,  however  unornamented, 
monuments  of  intellectual  power,  applied  to  national  claims  of  rig'it,  in 
the  land  of  our  fathers  and  the  age  which  has  now  passed  away." 

In  the  mean  while,  affairs  in  Great  Britain  had  assumed  such  a  menac- 
ing aspect  towards  this  country,  that  Mr.  Monroe,  on  his  return  thither, 
in  June,  1805,  had  to  contend  with  great  difficulties.  Mr.  Pitt  was  at 
the  head  of  the  British  government ;  and  pursued  the  interested  and 
base  policy  of  destroying  the  commerce  of  neutrals  with  France  and 
Spain,  to  compel  its  enemies  to  traffic  with  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain. 
To  effect  this,  the  British  cruisers  seized  many  of  our  vessels,  and  pro- 
cured their  condemnation  in  the  courts  of  admiralty.  There  seems  to 
be  no  excuse  for  this  gross  violation  of  the  law  of  nations.  During  the 
space  of  two  years,  the  commerce  and  navigation  of  this  country  had 
been  unmolested,  and,  upon  the  rekindling  of  war  in  Europe,  were  still 
pursuing  their  course  of  success,  never  suspecting  that  their  right  to 
trade  with  neutral  ports  would  be  disputed,  when  suddenly  our  enterpris- 
ing mariners  were  astonished  at  the  seizure  and  confiscation  of  their 
ships  and  cargoes  by  the  British.  Mr.  Monroe,  upon  being  informed  of 
these  acts  of  injustice,  remonstrated  with  the  Earl  of  Mulgrave,  then 
Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  but  received  only  an  equivocal  answer.  The 
death  of  Mr.  Pitt,  which  happened  at  this  time,  brought  in  a  new  minis- 
try, at  the  head  of  which  was  Charles  James  Fox.  This  liberal  and 
high-mi'.ided,  but  prejudiced  man,  instantly  countermanded  the  order  for 
the  capture  of  neutral  vessels,  and  released  those  which  had  already  been 
captured,  but  could  not  make  any  compensation  to  the  owners  of  those 
vessels  which  had  been  detained  and  condemned  by  Sir  William 


138  MONROE. 

Scott.*  When  these  facts  became  known  in  this  country,  the  excite- 
ment was  almost  terrific.  War  !  War  !  War  !  was  the  cry.  Petition 
upon  petition,  complaint  upon  complaint,  remonstrance  after  remon- 
strance, were  presented  to  Congress  by  plundered  merchants  and  ruined 
ship-owners.  To  still  the  dark  and  angry  waters  of  commotion,  and  to 
obtain  some  redress  for  such  flagrant  injuries,  Mr.  William  Pinckney,  the 
most  eloquent  orator  in  the  United  States,  was  sent  as  Minister  Plenipo- 
tentiary and  Extraordinary  to  join  Mr.  Monroe  in  London.  On  Mr. 
Pinckney's  arrival,  negotiations  were  immediately  commenced,  and  a 
treaty  was  made,  by  which,  with  proper  modifications  on  our  part,  peace 
and  harmony  might  have  been  restored  :  but  upon  its  transmission  to 
President  Jefferson,  he  reviewed  and  returned  it  with  the  design  that 
some  securer  provisions  might  be  added  with  regard  to  the  impressment 
of  seamen.  But  the  British  Ministry  had  undergone  another  change. 
George  Canning  had  succeeded  to  Fox  as  Prime  Minister,  and,  with  his 
daring  and  unyielding  temper,  refused  to  negotiate  further  on  the  ratifi- 
cation of  the  treaty ;  the  mission  therefore  of  Monroe  and  Pickney  was  at 
an  end.  The  former,  had  some  time  previous  obtained  permission  to  return 
home.  After  having  suffered  some  short  detention  in  consequence  of  the 
unparalleled  outrage  of  Admiral  Berkley  on  the  Chesapeake,  he  returned 
at  the  close  of  the  year  1807. 

From  this  period  Mr.  Monroe  never  went  abroad  ;  but  was  employed 
till  the  expiration  of  his  Presidential  term,  in  offices  of  the  highest  im- 
portance and  trust  in  his  own  country. 

In  the  cursory  view  which  we  have  taken  of  the  incidents  of  his  event- 
ful life,  we  have  thus  far  beheld  him,  first  appear  upon  the  stage  of  public 
action,  as  a  private  soldier,  fighting  the  battles  of  freedom  and  wounded 
in  her  cause  ;  following  the  glorious  leader  of  the  revolutionary  armies 
through  disheartening  misfortunes  and  elevating  success,  and,  after  con- 
tinuing for  a  time  to  serve  in  the  staff  of  a  valiant  general,  still  volun- 
teering to  repel  the  invaders  of  his  native  land.  We  have  next  beheld 
him,  while  resolutely  pursuing  the  study  of  the  laws,  under  the  direction 
of  the  illustrious  Jefferson,  appointed  a  military  commissioner  to  the  south- 
ern army  ;  then  upon  his  return  home  elected  to  the  legislature  of 
Virginia,  and  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  ;  then  a  member  of 
that  celebrated  convention  of  his  native  state,  which  met  to  deliberate 
upon  the  Federal  Constitution  ;  and  then  chosen  a  Senator  of  the  United 
States.  We  have  next  beheld  the  commencement  of  his  diplomatic 
career  as  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  France  under  the  administration 
of  President  Washington.  By  his  conscientious  and  sincere,  though 
impolitic  and  unadvised,  conduct  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of 
this  mission,  having  given  such  displeasure  to  the  general  government  as 
to  produce  his  recall,  we  have  seen  him,  once  more  in  his  native  state, 
elected  to  the  legislature,  and  then  to  the  exalted  office  of  Governor  of 

*  In  what  treatise  of  international  law,  Sir  W.  Scott  found  precedents  for  his  equita- 
ble adjudications,  it  remains  for  the  curious  to  investigate  ;  but  the  British  government 
has  been  wonderfully  successful,  with  the  stubborn  exception  of  Lord  Coke  and  some 
others,  in  pouring  light  into  the  minds  of  its  learned  and  incorruptible  judges. 


MONROE.  189 

Virginia,  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  the  unimpaired  confidence  and  high 
respect  of  his  fellow-citizens.  After  the  expiration  of  his  constitutional 
term  as  governor,  we  have  witnessed,  in  1803,  his  appointment  by  Mr. 
Jefferson,  as  Minister  Plenipotentiary  and  Extraordinary,  both  to  France 
and  Spain,  and  shortly  afterwards  to  Great  Britain  ;  and,  during  his  four 
years'  residence  in  these  countries,  his  employment  in  the  most  interest- 
ing and  important  diplomatic  negotiations,  in  which  the  United  States 
had  been  engaged  since  the  revolution. 

We  are  now  to  regard  him  again  receiving  the  highest  honors  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  about  to  enter  upon  a  loftier  and  broader  field  of  action.  We 
have  mentioned  his  return  home  in  1807.  For  a  few  months,  he  was 
permitted  to  rest  from  his  labor,  and  to  enjoy  that  quiet  happiness,  which 
always  blooms  under  the  shade  of  private,  domestic  tranquillity.  He 
was  now  forty-eight  years  of  age, — that  period  when  the  intellect  has 
arrived  at  its  noblest  strength  and  perfect  stature,  and  when,  aided  by 
wisdom  and  long  experience,  it  becomes  able  to  exert  its  powers,  with 
the  greatest  effect,  to  enter  upon  magnificent  enterprises,  and  to  overthrow, 
as  with  the  arm  of  a  giant,  the  obstacles  which  may  arise  in  its  path. 
With  a  consciousness  of  having  faithfully  performed  the  tasks  which  had 
been  allotted  to  him,  and  surrounded  by  all  those  home-blessings,  which 
give  a  value  to  existence — an  affectionate  wife  and  beloved  children — 
Mr.  Monroe  was  enjoying  that  otium  cum  dignitatc,  which  is  so  delight- 
ful to  a  great  mind  after  great  exertions,  when  he  was  once  more  sum- 
moned to  appear  in  the  legislative  chambers  of  his  own  Virginia ;  and 
was  again  re-elected  to  the  executive  chair.  Mr.  Monroe  acted  as  go- 
vernor one  more  term,  and  in  the  spring  of  1811,  he  was  appointed  by 
President  Madison,  Secretary  of  State.  But,  before  entering  upon  the 
consideration  of  his  faithful  performance  of  the  duties  of  the  high  offices, 
to  which  he  was  successively  elevated,  let  us  pause  to  consider  the  condi- 
tion of  these  United  States  at  this  eventful  period. 

The  war,  which  soon  broke  out  between  Great  Britain  and  this  coun- 
try, was  resting,  like  a  dark  cloud,  over  the  brightest  prospects  of  the 
land.  British  depredations  upon  American  commerce  had  been  continued 
to  such  an  extent,  and  our  demands  for  reparation  and  restitution  had 
been  so  unheeded,  that  to  have  tamely  submitted  in  silence  would  have 
been  the  height  of  pusillanimity.  There  were  many  different  opinions, 
however,  about  the  expediency  of  declaring  war  ;  and  many  distracting 
dissensions  took  place,  which  have  not  been  healed  even  at  this  distance 
of  time.  The  voice  of  one  part  of  the  country  was  heard  shouting,  in 
angry  accents,  for  war,  instant  and  desolating  war — while  the  thoughts  of 
another  part  were  turned  on  the  consideration  of  some  method  of  proce- 
dure, by  which  we  could  still  enjoy  the  blessings  of  peace.  It  was  indeed 
an  awful  and  an  important  crisis.  The  Federal  Constitution,  though  nearly 
established  in  the  affections  of  the  people,  by  its  excellent  adaptation  to  the 
state  of  their  country,  and  to  the  perpetuity  of  the  union,  had  never  be- 
fore been  subjected  to  the  ordeal  of  a  formidable  foreign  war.  It  was 
now  to  undergo  this  test :  and  great  indeed  must  have  been  the  weight 
of  the  responsibility,  which  was  thrown  upon  those,  who  were  intrusted 
with  the  protection  of  this  sacred  charter  of  American  rights,  and  who 


190  MONROE. 

were  to  conduct  the  \essel  of  state,  in  safety,  through  the  many  rocks 
and  quicksands  by  which  she  was  surrounded.  Yet,  with  the  star  banner 
of  liberty  nailed  to  her  mast,  and  by  the  guidance  of  the  sacred  charter 
of  the  constitution,  that  noble  ship  was  at  last  skilfully  and  manfully 
rescued  from  her  threatening  dangers,  and  even  rode  proudly  on  the  top 
of  the  wave,  with  every  rag  of  her  canvas  given  to  the  gale.  Mr. 
Monroe  came  on  board  just  before  the  vessel  plunged  into  the  midst  of 
her  perils.  As  he  had  been  among  the  first  of  those  gallant  men,  who 
joined  the  army  of  the  revolution,  when  disasters  and  difficulties  frowned 
on  every  side ;  so  was  he  called  to  the  councils  of  government  when  they 
were  harassed  and  distracted  by  the  impending  necessity  of  a  second  war, 
which  it  was  in  vain  to  attempt  to  avoid,  and  which,  though  not  so  hope- 
less as  that  of  the  revolution,  wanted  the  spirit  and  unanimity  which 
inspired  our  first  great  contest,  for  its  prosecution  and  support. 

Appointed  Secretary  of  State  by  President  Madison,  in  the  spring  of 
1811,  Mr.  Monroe  discharged  the  high  duties  of  that  important  station  in 
the  cabinet  with  zeal  and  fidelity.  In  the  ensuing  year,  on  the  nineteenth 
of  June,  war  was  publicly  proclaimed  against  Great  Britain.  A  few  days 
previous,  the  President  laid  before  Congress  the  correspondence  which 
had  been  carried  on  between  Mr.  Monroe,  as  Secretary  of  State,  and  the 
Ministry  of  Great  Britain.  These  letters  plainly  demonstrated  the  im- 
possibility of  effecting  an  adjustment  concerning  the  two  principal  points 
of  contention — the  orders  in  council,  and  the  subject  of  impressment. 
We  have  already  alluded  to  the  differing  opinions  which  prevailed  in  the 
country  concerning  the  war.  On  the  issuing  cf  the  proclamation  of  thn 
nineteenth  of  June,  it  was  received  with  any  thing  but  demonstration?  o. 
joy  in  the  New  England  States.  Indeed,  the  opposition  of  this  section 
of  the  union  was  strenuously  persevered  in,  till  the  perpetration  of  shame- 
ful outrages  by  the  British  troops,  and  more  particularly  the  disgraceful 
capture  of  Washington,  kindled  the  blaze  of  vindictive  resentment  in 
every  bosom,  and  created  a  unanimity  of  sentiment  in  favor  of  active 
hostilities,  which  caused  the  war  to  be  prosecuted  with  vigor,  and  finally 
terminated  with  success.  As  this  subject  has  been  fully  treated  in  our 
life  of  President  Madison,  and  as  the  events  of  this  war,  previous  to  the 
sacking  of  Washington,  were  not  directly  connected  with  Mr.  Monroe's 
part  in  the  administration,  we  shall  make  no  further  mention  of  them. 

After  this  melancholy  event,  which  at  first  exasperated  the  feelings  of 
the  people  against  the  government,  and  afterwards  so  drew  down  the 
whole  weight  of  popular  indignation  on  the  Secretary  of  War,  as  to  cause 
his  voluntary  resignation,  the  history  of  Mr.  Monroe,  until  the  end  of  the 
war,  becomes  intimately  involved  with  its  important  circumstances.  At 
the  request  of  Mr.  Madison,  without  resigning  his  office  as  Secretary  of 
State,  he  discharged  all  the  duties  of  the  War  Department ;  and  with  such 
effectual  vigilance  and  judicious  foresight,  as  to  give  general  satisfaction, 
and  produce  the  most  fortunate  results.  Indeed,  a  great  politician  has 
hazarded  the  conjecture,  that  had  his  appointment  to  the  Department  of 
War  preceded,  by  six  months,  its  actual  date,  the  heaviest  disaster  of  the 
war — heaviest,  because  its  remembrance  must  be  coupled  with  a  blush 
of  shame — would  have  been  spared,  as  a  blotted  page,  in  the  annals  of  our 
union. 


MONROE.  191 

This  disaster,  to  wit,  the  conflagration  of  Washington,  was  heralded 
by  a  letter  from  the  British  Admiral  Cochrane  to  the  Secretary  of  State, 
dated  the  day  previous  to  debarkation,  though  not  delivered  until  subse- 
quent to  the  literal  fulfilment  of  his  barbarous  commands ;  stating,  that, 
"  having  been  called  upon  by  the  Governor-General  of  the  Canadas,  to  aid 
him  in  carrying  into  effect  measures  of  retaliation  against  the  inhabitants 
of  the  United  States,  for  the  wanton  destruction  committed  by  the  army 
in  Upper  Canada,  it  became  imperiously  his  duty,  conformably  with  the 
notice  of  the  Governor-General's  application,  to  issue  to  the  naval  force 
under  his  command,  an  order  to  destroy  and  lay  waste  such  towns  and 
districts  upon  the  coast,  as  might  be  found  assailable." 

To  these  accusations,  so  grossly  false,  the  Secretary  of  State  could  only 
reply,  in  the  simple  language  of  truth,  that  "  in  no  instance  had  the 
United  States  authorized  a  deviation  from  the  known  usages  of  war  :  that, 
in  the  few  cases  in  which  there  had  been  even  a  charge  against  them,  the 
government  had  formally  disavowed  the  acts  of  its  officers,  at  the  same 
time  subjecting  the  conduct  of  such  officers  to  punishment  or  reproba- 
tion :  that  amongst  those  few,  the  charge  of  burning  the  parliament-house 
in  Upper  Canada  was  now,  for  the  first  time,  brought  forward :  until  now, 
such  an  accusation  had  not  been  made  against  the  Americans ;  on  the 
contrary,  one  of  the  most  respectable  civil  functionaries,  at  that  place, 
had  addressed  a  letter  of  thanks  to  General  Dearborn,  for  the  good 
conduct  of  his  troops;  and,  moreover,  that  when  Sir  George  Prevost,  six 
months  afterwards,  proceeded  to  measures  of  retaliation,  the  affair  of  the 
brick  house  was  not  mentioned.' 

But  though  Admiral  Cochrane  succeeded  in  overcoming  the  feeble 
force  with  which  the  capital  of  the  country  was  ineffectually  guarded,  and 
in  spreading  desolation  among  splendid  mansions,  both  public  and  private, 
to  revenge  the  enormous  crime  of  which  the  American  army  had  been 
guilty  in  burning  a  brick  house,  hired  for  the  temporary  occupation  of 
the  provincial  legislature,  the  measures  of  retaliation  adopted  by  the 
British  were  not  so  successful  upon  other  places  which  they  invaded. 
The  plan  of  operations  necessary  for  defence,  pursued  by  the  Department 
of  War,  was  far  more  vigorous  and  effective ;  and  the  invading  armies, 
both  on  the  water  and  6n  the  land,  met  with  such  a  determined  resist- 
ance aid  total  defeat  at  Baltimore,  as  to  cool  their  retaliatory  vengeance, 
and  to  soread  a  glow  of  joy  over  the  whole  country.  The  victory  at 
Plattsbuiwh  soon  followed,  to  reanimate  and  excite  to  nobler  exertion  the 
spirit  of  every  Amer:can  citizen. 

The  duties  which  Mr.  Monroe  had  to  perform,  at  this  time,  were 
extremely  difficult  and  arduous.  Being  appointed  Secretary  of  War, 
towards  the  close  of  the  campaign  of  1814,  his  first  care  was  to  mark  out 
a  general  plan  of  military  operations  for  the  ensuing  year.  Louisiana 
was  threatened  with  a  formidable  invasion.  The  war  in  which  Great 
Britain  had  been  engaged  with  the  conqueror  of  Europe  had  been  crowned 
with  the  most  brilliant  success.  During  the  commencement  of  our  war, 
the  strength  of  her  armies  was  concentrated  against  Napoleon  ;  but  at  this 
period  "  her  numerous  victorious  veteran  legions,  flushed  with  the  glory, 
and  stung  with  the  ambition,  of  long-contested,  hard-earned  success,  were 


192  MONROE. 

turned  back  upon  her  hands,  without  occupation  for  their  enterprise, 
eager  for  new  fields  of  battle,  and  new  rewards  of  achievement."  From 
these  veterans  ten  thousand  were  selected,  and  having  been  placed  under 
the  command  of  an  approved  and  brave  officer,  whose  subsequent  untimely 
fate  all  parties  lamented,  they  were  sent  to  attack  New  Orleans,  and  to 
acquire  possession  of  the  shores  and  waters  of  the  Mississippi.  To  meet 
this  emergency,  and  to  raise  the  necessary  funds  for  the  defence  of  New 
Orleans,  and  for  the  repulsion  of  these  dreaded  invaders,  became  the 
task  of  James  Monroe.  From  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  times, 
this  task  was  difficult  in  the  extreme. 

The  state  of  our  financial  concerns  was  deplorable.  There  had  al* 
ways  been  a  deficiency  of  funds  for  the  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war, 
and  the  national  credit  had  been  progressively  degraded.  When  the  war 
began,  the  rivalry  of  opposing  interests  and  political  prejudice  had  pre- 
vented the  renewal  of  the  charter  of  the  first  bank  of  the  United  States, 
and  the  most  dismal  consequences  ensued.  The  public  credit  was  almost 
ru-ned,  and  the  currency  of  the  country  fallen  into  frightful  disorder. 
*'  Banks  with  fictitious  capital,"  says  an  able  financier,  "  swarmed 
throughout  the  land,  and  spunged  the  purse  of  the  people,  often  for  the 
use  of  their  own  money,  with  more  than  usurious  extortion.  The  solid 
banks  were  unable  to  maintain  their  integrity,  only  by  contracting  their 
operations  to  an  extent  ruinous  to  their  debtors  and  to  themselves.  A 
balance  of  trade,  operating  like  universal  fraud,  vitiated  the  channels  of 
intercourse  between  north  and  south  ;  and  the  treasury  t>f  the  union  was 
replenished  only  with  millions  of  silken  tatters,  and  unavailable  funds  ; 
chartered  corporations,  bankrupt,  under  the  gentle  name  of  suspended 
specie  payments,  and  without  a  dollar  of  capital  to  pay  their  debts,  sold, 
at  enormous  discounts,  the  very  evidence  of  those  debts  ;  and  passed  off 
upon  the  government  of  the  country,  at  par,  their  rags,  purchasable,  in 
open  market,  at  depreciations  of  thirty  and  forty  per  cent." 

At  this  period  when,  from  the  low  state  of  the  national  credit,  and  from 
the  exhausted  condition  of  the  treasury,  it  was  impossible  to  raise  funds 
to  meet  the  pressing  necessity  of  the  preparations  for  the  defence  of  New 
Orleans,  then  it  was  that  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  with  a  noble  gene- 
rosity of  soul  and  a  patriotic  devotedness  to  the  cause  of  his  country, 
which  was  worthy  of  the  brightest  epoch  of  Grecian  renown,  performed 
an  act,  which,  if  it  stood  solitary  and  alone,  should  embalm  his  name  in 
the  grateful  remembrance  of  every  votary  of  freedom.  As  subsidiary  to 
the  credit  of  the  nation,  he  pledged  his  own  individual  credit. 

It  is  to  be  deeply  regretted,  as  we  shall  soon  have  occasion  to  show, 
that  the  conduct  of  our  Congress,  after  Mr.  Monroe's  retirement  into 
private  life,  was  such  as  to  strengthen  the  impression,  which  has  long  and 
falsely  prevailed,  and  which  the  friends  of  arbitrary  power  have  endeavor- 
ed to  keep  alive,  concerning  the  ingratitude  of  republics.  In  making  so 
great  a  personal  sacrifice,  the  Secretary  probably  believed  that  there  could 
arise,  in  future,  no  hesitation  in  recognising  his  claim  of  remuneration  ; 
but  we  feel  convinced,  upon  considering  other  noble  and  disinterested 
actions  of  his  life,  that  he  would  have  performed  the  same  generous  deed, 
even  if  he  had  anticipated  the  pecuniary  difficulties  which  it  was,  conse- 


MONROE.  193 

quently,  his  lot  to  encounter.  Besides  offering  up  his  private  interests  on 
the  shrine  of  his  country's  freedom,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  relinquish  that 
which  must  have  been  far  dearer  to  him,  the  prospects  of  a  reasonable  and 
praiseworthy  ambition. 

The  acts  of  Congress  had  already  authorized  an  army  which  numbered 
sixty  thousand  men.  The  first  proposition  of  Mr.  Monroe  was  to  raise 
forty  thousand  more,  and  his  plan  was  to  levy  upon  the  whole  mass  of  the 
people.  If  this  had  been  carried  into  effect,  there  would,  probably,  have 
been  no  bounds  to  the  resentment  of  the  people  against  its  projector.  He 
would  have  lost,  by  one  severe  though  necessary  measure,  all  that  de- 
served popularity,  which  he  had  been  so  long  acquiring ;  for  it  was  a 
resort,  seemingly  opposed  to  the  genius  of  our  institutions,  and  assimi- 
lated, in  the  minds  of  the  people,  to  the  conscriptions  of  the  French 
government.  Our  sturdy  yeomanry  would  have  deemed  such  a  course  an 
encroachment  on  their  rights  as  freemen  ;  and,  though  many  were  willing 
to  volunteer,  few  would  have  submitted  tamely  to  be  dragooned  into 
service  by  the  forcible  arguments  of  a  recruiting  officer.  Such  an  officer 
would,  doubtless,  have  been  authorized,  as  in  foreign  countries,  to  take 
the  farmer  from  his  plough,  the  weaver  from  his  loom,  the  mechanic  from 
his  shop,  and  the  clerk  from  his  desk,  as  well  as  to  intrude,  unquestioned 
and  unforbidden,  upon  the  retirement  of  the  scholar,  and  into  the  halls  of 
the  wealthy.  Mr.  Monroe  was  conscious  of  those  consequences  which 
would  attend  the  prosecution  of  such  a  plan :  and  he  determined,  in  his 
own  n>ind,  to  withdraw  his  name  from  the  presidential  canvass,  as  the 
friends  of  the  opposing  candidates  would  doubtless  seize  upon  this  event 
to  make  his  name  unpopular.  To  two  or  three  individuals,  in  his  confi- 
dence, he  disclosed  his  feelings  upon  the  subject,  and  had  authorized 
them  to  publish  his  intention  of  declining  his  nomination,  as  chief 
magistrate  of  the  union,  when  the  conclusion  of  peace  rendered  the 
increase  of  the  army  unnecessary,  and  therefore  removed  the  objections 
which  would  have  influenced  such  a  resignation. 

On  the  return  of  peace,  Mr.  Monroe,  having  relinquished  his  office  in 
the  Department  of  War,  reassumed  those  of  the  Department  of  State, 
which  he  continued  to  discharge  till  the  close  of  Mr.  Madison's  adminis- 
tration. Indeed,  Mr.  Monroe  has  been  justly  said  to  have  performed  the 
duties  of  these  high  stations  with  untiring  assiduity,  with  universally 
acknowledged  ability,  and  with  a  zeal  of  patriotism,  which  counted  health, 
fortune,  and  life  itself,  nothing  in  the  ardor  of  self-devotion  to  the  cause 
of  his  country.  Until  the  expiration  of  President  Madison's  term  of 
office,  Mr.  Monroe  warmly  co-operated  with  him  in  those  measures 
which  were  necessary  to  restore  the  harmony  of  the  government  and  to 
extricate  the  affairs  of  the  country  from  the  confusion  into  which  they  had 
been  thrown  by  the  misfortunes  of  the  war. 

On  the  5th  of  March,  1817,  Mr.  Monroe  was  inaugurated  as  President 
of  the  United  States.  The  President  and  Vice-President  were  escorted 
by  a  large  cavalcade  of  citizens,  to  Congress  Hall,  where  the  Ex-Presi- 
dent, the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  the  Senate  were  assembled  ; 
by  whom  the  incumbent  was  attended  to  the  portico,  where  he  delivered  a 
speech  from  which  we  have  selected  the  most  prominent  and  striking 


194  MONROE.   • 

passages.  After  expressing  his  high  sense  of  the  confidence  which  his 
fellow  citizens  had  shown  towards  him,  and  of  the  feeling  of  deep  respon 
sibility  with  which  he  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  his  arduous  duties, 
he  took  a  rapid  and  general  view  of  the  prosperous  condition  of  the  Re- 
public under  the  wise  provisions  of  its  venerated  Constitution. 

"  Other  considerations  of  the  highest  importance  admonish  us  to  cher- 
ish our  Union,  and  to  cling  to  the  Government  which  supports  it.  For- 
tunate as  we  are  in  our  political  institutions,  we  have  not  been  less  so  in 
other  circumstances,  on  which  our  prosperity  and  happiness  essentially 
depend.  Situated  within  the  temperate  zone,  and  extending  through 
many  degrees  of  latitude  along  the  Atlantic,  the  United  States  enjoy  all  the 
varieties  of  climate,  and  every  production  incident  to  that  portion  of  the 
globe.  Penetrating,  internally,  to  the  great  lakes,  and  beyond  the  sources 
of  the  great  rivers  which  communicate  through  our  whole  interior,  no  coun- 
try was  ever  happier  with  respect  to  its  domain.  Blessed,  too,  with  a  fertile 
soil,  our  produce  has  always  been  very  abundant,  leaving,  even  in  years 
the  least  favorable,  a  surplus  for  the  wants  of  our  fellow  men  in  other 
countries.  Such  is  our  peculiar  felicity,  that  there  is  not  a  part  of  our 
Union  that  is  not  particularly  interested  in  preserving  it.  The  great  agri- 
cultural interest  of  the  nation  prospers  under  its  protection.  Local  inte- 
rests are  not  less  fostered  by  it.  Our  fellow  citizens  of  the  north,  engag- 
ed in  navigation,  find  great  encouragement  in  being  made  the  favored 
carriers  of  the  vast  productions  of  the  other  portions  of  the  United  States, 
while  the  inhabitants  of  these  are  amply  recompensed,  in  their  turn,  by 
the  nursery  for  seamen  and  naval  force,  thus  formed  and  reared  up  for 
the  support  of  our  common  rights.  Our  manufactures  find  a  generous 
encouragement  by  the  policy  which  patronizes  domestic  industry  ;  and 
the  surplus  of  our  produce,  a  steady  and  profitable  market  by  local  wants, 
in  less  favored  parts  at  home. 

"  Such,  then,  being  the  highly  favored  condition  of  our  country,  it  is 
the  interest  of  every  citizen  to- maintain  it.  What  are  the  dangers  which 
menace  us  ?  If  any  exist,  they  ought  to  be  ascertained  and  guarded 
against. 

"  In  explaining  my  sentiments  on  this  subject,  it  may  be  asked,  what 
raised  us  to  the  present  happy  state  ?  How  did  we  accomplish  the  revo- 
lution? How  remedy  the  defects  of  the  first  instrument  of  our  Union,  by 
infusing  into  the  national  government  sufficient  power  for  national  pur- 
poses, without  impairing  the  just  rights  of  the  States,  or  affecting  those  of 
individuals  1  How  sustain,  and  pass  with  glory  through  the  late  war  ? 
The  government  has  been  in  the  hands  of  the  people.  To  the  people, 
therefore,  and  to  the  faithful  and  able  depositories  of  their  trust,  is  the 
credit  due.  Had  the  people  of  the  United  States  been  educated  in  diffe- 
rent principles  ;  had  they  been  less  intelligent,  less  independent,  or  less 
virtuous ;  can  it  be  believed  that  we  should  have  maintained  the  same 
steady  and  consistent  career,  or  been  blessed  with  the  same  success? 
While  then  the  constituent  body  retains  its  present  sound  and  healthful 
state,  every  thing  will  be  safe.  They  will  choose  competent  and  faithful 
representatives  for  every  department.  It  is  only  when  people  become 
ignorant  and  corrupt ;  when  they  degenerate  into  a  populace,  that  they 


MONROE.  195 

* 

are  incapable  of  exercising  the  sovereignty.  Usurpation  is  then  an  easy 
attainment,  and  an  usurper  soon  found.  The  people  themselves  become 
the  willing  instruments  of  their  own  debasement  and  ruin.  Let  us  then 
look  to  the  great  cause,  and  endeavor  to  preserve  it  in  full  force.  Let  us, 
by  all  wise  and  constitutional  measures,  promote  intelligence  among  the 
people,  as  the  best  means  of  preserving  our  liberties. 

"  Dangers  from  abroad  are  no  less  deserving  of  attention.  Experienc- 
ing the  fortune  of  other  nations,  the  United  States  may  be  again  involved 
in  war,  and  it  may,  in  that  event,  be  the  object  of  the  adverse  party  to 
overset  our  government,  to  break  our  union,  and  demolish  us  as  a  nation. 
Our  distance  from  Europe,  and  the  just,  moderate  and  pacific  policy  of 
our  government,  may  form  some  security  against  these  dangers,  but  they 
ought  to  be  anticipated  and  guarded  against.  Many  of  our  citizens  are 
engaged  in  commerce  and  navigation,  and  all  of  them  are  in  a  certain 
degree  dependent  on  their  prosperous  state.  Many  are  engaged  in  the 
fisheries.  These  interests  are  exposed  to  invasion  in  the  war  between 
other  powers,  and  we  should  disregard  the  faithful  admonition  of  experi- 
ence, if  we  did  not  expect  it.  We  must  support  our  rights  or  lose  our 
character,  and  with  it  perhaps  our  liberties.  A  people  who  fail  to  do  it, 
can  scarcely  be  said  to  hold  a  place  among  independent  nations.  National 
honor  is  national  property  of  the  highest  value.  The  sentiment  in  the 
mind  of  every  citizen  is  national  strength.  It  ought,  therefore,  to  be 
cherished. 

"  To  secure  us  against  these  dangers,  our  coast  and  inland  frontiers 
should  be  fortified,  our  army  and  navy  regulated  upon  just  principles  as 
to  the  force  of  each,  be  kept  in  perfect  order,  and  our  militia  be  placed 
on  the  best  practicable  footing.  To  put  our  extensive  coast  in  such  a 
state  of  defence  as  to  secure  our  cities  and  interior  from  invasion,  will  be 
attended  with  expense,  but  the  work,  when  finished,  will  be  permanent ; 
and  it  is  fair  to  presume,  that  a  single  campaign  of  invasion  by  a  naval 
force  superior  to  our  own,  aided  by  a  few  thousand  land  troops,  would 
expose  us  to  greater  expense,  without  taking  into  the  estimate  the  loss 
of  property  and  distress  of  our  citizens,  than  would  be  sufficient  for  this 
great  work. 

"  Our  land  and  naval  forces  should  be  moderate,  but  adequate  to  the 
necessary  purposes.  The  former  to  garrison  and  preserve  our  fortifica- 
tions, and  to  meet  the  first  invasions  of  a  foreign  foe  ;  and,  while  consti- 
tuting the  elements  of  a  greater  force,  to  preserve  the  science,  as  well  as 
all  the  necessary  implements  of  war,  in  a  state  to  be  brought  into  activity 
in  the  event  of  war.  The  latter,  retained  within  the  limits  proper  in  a 
state  of  peace,  might  aid  in  maintaining  the  neutrality  of  the  United 
States  with  dignity  in  the  wars  of  other  powers,  and  in  saving  the  pro- 
perty of  their  citizens  from  spoliation.  In  time  of  war,  with  the 
enlargement  of  which  the  great  naval  resources  of  the  country  render  it 
susceptible,  and  which  should  be  duly  fostered  in  time  of  peace,  it  would 
contribute  essentially,  both  as  an  auxiliary  of  defence,  and  as  a  powerful 
engine  of  annoyance,  to  diminish  the  calamities  of  war,  and  to  bring  the 
war  to  a  speedy  and  honorable  termination. 

"  But  it  ought  always  to  be  held  prominently  in  view,  that  the  safety  of 


196  MONROE. 

these  states,  and  of  every  thing  dear  to  a  free  people,  must  depend,  in  an 
eminent  degree,  on  the  militia.  Invasions  may  be  made,  too  formidable 
to  be  resisted  by  any  land  and  naval  force,  which  it  would  comport,  either 
with  the  principles  of  our  Government,  or  the  circumstances  of  the 
United  States,  to  maintain.  In  such  cases,  recourse  must  be  had  to  the 
great  body  of  the  people,  and  in  a  manner  to  produce  the  best  effect.  It 
is  of  the  highest  importance,  therefore,  that  they  be  so  organized  and 
trained,  as  to  be  prepared  for  any  emergency.  The  arrangement  should 
be  such,  as  to  put  at  the  command  of  the  Government  the  ardent 
patriotism  and  youthful  vigor  of  the  country.  If  formed  on  equal  and 
just  principles,  it  cannot  be  oppressive.  It  is  the  crisis  which  makes  the 
pressure,  and  not  the  laws  which  provide  a  remedy  for  it.  This 
arrangement  should  be  formed  too,  in  time  of  peace,  to  be  better  prepared 
for  war.  With  such  an  organization  of  such  a  people,  the  United  States 
have  nothing  to  dread  from  foreign  invasion.  At  its  approach,  an  over- 
whelming force  of  gallant  men  might  always  be  put  in  motion. 

"Other  interests,  of  high  importance,  will  claim  attention,  among 
which  the  improvement  of  our  country  by  roads  and  canals,  proceeding 
always  with  a  constitutional  sanction,  holds  a  distinguished  place.  By 
thus  facilitating  the  intercourse  between  the  States,  we  shall  add  much  to 
the  convenience  and  comfort  of  our  fellow  citizens  ;  much  to  the  orna- 
ment of  the  country;  and,  what  is  of  greater  importance,  we  shall  shorten 
distances,  and  by  making  each  part  more  accessible  to,  and  dependent 
on  the  other,  we  shall  bind  the  Union  more  closely  together.  Nature 
has  done  so  much  for  us,  by  intersecting  the  ,;:any  great 

rivers,  bays,  and  lakes,  approaching  from  distant  points  so  near  to  each 
other,  that  the  inducement  to  complete  the  work  seems  to  be  peculiarly 
strong.  A  more  interesting  spectacle  was,  perhaps,  never  seen,  than  is 
exhibited  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States  ;  a  territory  so  vast, 
and  advantageously  situated,  containing  objects  so  grand,  so  useful,  so 
happily  connected  in  all  their  parts. 

"  Our  manufactures  will  likewise  require  the  systematic  and  fostering 
care  of  the  government.  Possessing,  as  we  do,  all  the  raw  materials, 
the  fruit  of  our  own  soil  and  industry,  we  ought  not  to  depend,  in  the 
degree  we  have  done,  on  supplies  from  other  countries.  While  we  are 
thus  dependent,  the  sudden  event  of  war,  unsought  and  unexpected,  can- 
not fail  to  plunge  us  into  the  most  serious  difficulties.  It  is  important, 
too,  that  the  capital,  which  nourishes  our  manufactures,  should  be 
domestic,  as  its  influence  in  that  case,  instead  of  exhausting,  as  it  may 
do  in  foreign  hands,  would  be  felt  advantageously  on  agriculture,  and 
every  other  branch  of  industry.  Equally  important  is  it  to  provide  at 
home  a  market  for  our  raw  materials,  as,  by  extending  the  competition, 
it  will  enhance  the  price,  and  protect  the  cultivator  against  the  casualties 
incident  to  foreign  markets. 

"  With  the  Indian  tribes  it  is  our  duty  to  cultivate  friendly  relations, 
and  to  act  with  kindness  and  liberality  in  all  our  transactions.  Equally 
proper  is  it  to  persevere  in  our  efforts  to  extend  to  them  the  advantages 
of  civilization. 

"The  great  amount  of  our  revenue,  and  the  flourishing  state  of  tho 


MONROE.  197 

treasury,  are  a  full  proof  of  the  competency  of  the  national  resources, 
for  any  emergency,  as  they  are  of  the  willingness  of  our  fellow  citizens 
to  bear  the  burdens,  which  the  public  necessities  require.  The  vast 
amount  of  vacant  lands,  the  value  of  which  daily  augments,  forms  an 
additional  resource  of  great  extent  and  duration.  These  resources,  be- 
sides accomplishing  every  other  necessary  purpose,  put  it  completely  in 
the  power  of  the  United  States  to  discharge  the  national  debt  at  an 
early  period.  Peace  is  the  best  time  for  improvement  and  preparation  of 
every  kind ;  it  is  in  peace  that  our  commerce  flourishes  most ;  that  taxes 
are  most  easily  paid,  and  that  the  revenue  is  most  productive." 

He  then  remarked  on  the  necessity  of  a  faithful  disbursement  of  the 
public  money,  and  expressed  his  determination  to  do  all  in  his  power  to 
secure  the  utmost  economy  and  fidelity  in  this  important  branch  of  the 
administration.  The  absence  of  all  foreign  hostilities,  and  the  return  of 
domestic  harmony,  formed  other  gratifying  topics  of  reflection.  The 
speech  concludes  with  a  few  observations  on  the  instructive  and  useful 
examples  presented  by  the  administrations  of  his  illustrious  predecessors, 
and  with  the  fervent  hope  that  the  Almighty  would  graciously  continue 
that  protection  to  the  Republic,  which  He  had  already  displayed  so  con- 
spicuously in  its  favor. 

On  the  conclusion  of  his  address,  the  oath  of  office  was  administered 
to  the  President  by  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States.  A  signal 
gun  having  been  fired,  salutes  were  given  from  the  navy  yard,  the  bat- 
tery, Fort  Warburton,  and  from  a  corps  of  artillery.  The  day  was 
delightful,  and  the  crowd  of  spectators,  including  numerous  American 
and  foreign  functionaries,  was  estimated  at  from  six  to  eight  thousand. 

Among  the  early  appointments  of  President  Monroe,  was  that  of  Mr. 
John  Quincy  Adams  as  Secretary  for  the  department  of  State ;  of  Mr. 
William  H.  Crawford  for  the  department  of  the  Treasury ;  and  Mr. 
Isaac  Shelby,*  of  Kentucky,  for  the  department  of  War.  Mr.  Calhoun  was 
afterwards  appointed  to  the  War  department,  and  Mr.  B.  W.  Crowninshield 
to  the  Navy.  About  the  first  of  June,  the  President  left  Washington  to 
commence  his  tour  through  the  States ;  which  gave  occasion  to  so  many 
speculations  among  newspaper  politicians,  and  which  elicited  a  most 
general  expression  of  kindness,  respect,  and  courtesy. 

The  President  arrived  at  Baltimore  on  Sunday,  the  1st  of  June, 
visited  the  field  where  the  British  general  Ross  received  his  fatal  wound, 
reviewed  a  brigade  of  militia,  visited  various  public  works,  received  and 
answered  a  congratulatory  address  from  the  Mayor  and  City  Council, 
and  on  Tuesday  continued  his  journey  as  far  as  New-Castle.  His  reply 
to  the  Mayor  and  City  Council  of  Baltimore  was  in  the  following 
words : 

"FELLOW  CITIZENS, — The  sentiments  which  you  have  communicated, 
have  afforded  me  very  great  satisfaction.  They  are  just,  as  to  the 
objects  adverted  to,  and  to  me  they  are  generous  and  kind. 

"  It  was  impossible  for  me  to  approach  Baltimore,  without  recollecting, 

*  Mr.  Shelby  did  not  accept  the  apointment. 


198  MONROE. 

with  deep  interest,  the  gallant  conduct  of  her  citizens,  in  the  late  war, 
and  the  happy  results  attending  their  exertions.  The  glorious  victory 
which  was  achieved  by  her,  and  in  which  her  citizens  bore  so  distin- 
guished a  part,  at  a  very  important  epoch,  not  only  protected  this  patri- 
otic city,  but  shed  a  great  lustre  on  the  American  name. 

"  Experience  has  shown  our  dangers,  and  admonished  us  as  to  the 
means  of  averting  them.  Congress  has  appropriated  large  sums  of 
money,  for  the  fortification  of  our  coast,  and  inland  frontier,  and  for  the 
establishment  of  naval  dock-yards,  and  building  a  navy.  It  is  proper 
that  those  works  should  be  executed  with  judgment,  fidelity,  and 
economy.  Much  depends,  in  the  execution,  on  the  Executive,  to  whom 
extensive  power  is  given,  as  to  the  general  arrangement ;  and  to  whom 
the  superintendence  usually  belongs.  You  do  me  justice  in  believing, 
that  it  is  to  enable  me  to  discharge  these  duties,  with  the  best  advantage 
to  my  country,  that  I  have  undertaken  this  tour. 

"  From  the  increased  harmony  of  public  opinion,  founded  on  the 
successful  career  of  a  government,  which  has  never  been  equalled,  and 
which  promises,  by  a  further  developement  of  its  faculties,  to  augment, 
in  an  eminent  degree,  the  blessings  of  this  favored  people,  I  unite  with 
you  in  all  the  anticipations  which  you  have  so  justly  suggested. 

"  In  performing  services,  honestly  and  zealously  intended  for  the 
benefit  of  my  fellow  citizens,  I  shall  never  entertain  a  doubt  of  their 
generous  and  firm  support.  Incapable  of  any  feelings  distinct  from 
those  of  a  citizen,  I  can  assume  no  style,  in  regard  to  them,  different 
from  that  character ;  and  it  is  a  source  of  peculiar  delight  to  me,  to 
know  that,  while  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  United  States  acts  fully 
up  to  this  principle,  he  will  require  no  other  guard  than  what  may  be 
derived  from  their  confidence  and  affection."* 

On  Wednesday  the  President  proceeded  up  the  Delaware,  and  arrived 
at  the  navy-yard  in  Philadelphia  between  three  and  four  o'clock  on 
Thursday,  in  the  barge  of  the  Franklin  seventy-four',  in  which  Commo- 
dore Murray  and  Captain  Stuart  had  gone  down  to  Wilmington  to 
receive  him.  Every  respectful  attention  was  paid  to  him  in  this  city. 

*  In  the  previous  address  of  the  Mayor  was  a  passage  which  afforded  the  editor 
of  the  New- York  Post  an  opportunity  for  the  following  pleasant  sally. 

"Among  other  topics,"  says  the  Post,  "of  which  this  famous  speech  was  composed, 
the  following  pompous  and  important  passage  presents  itself : 

" '  That  a  city  which  bore  so  conspicuous  a  part  in  the  national  defence  should 
first  be  honored  with  the  presence  of  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  Union,  is  as 
flattering  as  it  is  natural.' 

"  We  cannot  but  accede  to  the  truth  of  the  observation,  that  it  was  natural  that 
the  President  in  his  journey  to  the  eastward, '  should  visit  Baltimore  before  he  did 
Philadelphia,  situated  a  hundred  miles  further  on  his  route,  nor  enough  admire  the 
ingenuity  that  could  turn  such  a  circumstance  into  a  flattering  compliment  to  the 
former  city.  We  should  not  have  been  surprised  if  the  President,  when  he  heard 
this,  had  cut  Mr.  Stiles  as  short,  by  expressing  his  entire  satisfaction,  as  Henry  IV. 
cut  the  French  mayor,  who  came  out  to  meet  him  on  a  similar  occasion,  and  began 
a  speech  which  he  had  prepared,  containing  ten  reasons  why  they  had  not  saluted 
his  Majesty's  approach  with  the  discharge  of  cannon,  the  first  of  which  was,  that 
they  had  no  cannon,  when  the  King  interrupted  him,  and  told  him  he  might  spare 
himself  the  trouble  of  giving  the  other  nine." 


MONROE.  199 

While  here  the  members  of  the  Pennsylvania  Society  of  the  Cincinnati 
paid  their  respects  to  him  and  presented  the  following  address : 

"  SIR — Embracing  the  occasion  which  your  attention,  as  Chief  Magis- 
trate, to  the  military  defence  of  the  United  States  has  afforded,  it  is 
with  peculiar  pleasure  that  the  members  of  the  Pennsylvania  Society  of 
the  Cincinnati,  a  portion  of  the  surviving  few  who  were  your  associates 
in  arms  during  the  war  of  the  revolution,  approach  to  renew  their  per- 
sonal intercourse,  and  to  assure  you  of  their  cordial  support  to  the  firm 
and  impartial  administration  of  the  government,  which,  by  combining 
in  its  measures  domestic  tranquillity  with  the  respect  of  foreign  nations, 
they  confidently  anticipate,  will  promote  the  best  interests  of  the  United 
States,  and  insure  to  our  citizens  the  advantages  of  social  harmony  and 
individual  happiness. 

"  That  you  may  participate  those  blessings,  and  enjoy  the  grateful 
esteem  of  a  happy  people,  is  the  sincere  wish  of 

"  Your  faithful  friends,  and  respectful  fellow  citizens." 

To  which  the  President  made  the  following  reply  : 

"  FELLOW  CITIZENS — In  attending  to  the  military  and  naval  defence  of 
the  United  States,  nothing  can  be  more  gratifying  to  me  than  to  meet 
the  surviving  members  of  my  associates  in  arms,  who  distinguished 
themselves  in  our  revolutionary  contest.  I  can  never  forget  the  dangers 
of  that  great  epoch,  nor  be  indifferent  to  the  merit  of  those  who  partook 
in  them. 

"  To  promote  tranquillity  at  home,  and  respect  abroad,  by  a  firm  and 
impartial  administration,  are  among  the  highest  duties  of  the  Chief 
Magistrate  of  the  United  States.  To  acquit  myself  in  the  discharge  of 
these  duties  with  advantage  to  my  fellow  citizens,  Avill  be  the  undeviat- 
ing  object  of  my  zealous  exertions.  Their  approbation  will  be  the 
highest  recompense  which  I  can  receive." 

It  is  the  province  of  biography  and  memoir  writing  to  record  matters 
too  trifling  for  the  dignity  of  history.  With  this  impression  we  scatter 
through  our  pages  descriptions  of  manners  and  ceremonies,  too  unim- 
portant, apparently,  to  warrant  any  minute  details,  but  yet  interesting,  as 
depicting  those  every -day  fashions  and  changes,  about  which  we  are  all 
naturally  curious.  With  these  observations  we  would  preface  the  fol- 
lowing account  of  the  President's  costume,  and  the  extracts  in  the  note*1 

*  "Mrs.  Monroe  is  an  elegant,  accomplished  -woman.  She  possesses  a  charming 
mind,  and  dignity  of  manners,  which  peculiarly  fit  her  for  her  elevated  station.  Her 
retired  domestic  habits  will  be  much  annoyed  by  what  is  called  here  society,  if  she 
does  not  totally  change  the  etiquette  (if  it  may  be  called  so)  established  by  Mrs. 
"Washington,  Adams,  and  Madison — a  routine  which  her  feeble  constitution  will  not 
permit  her  to  encounter ;  to  go  through  it,  she  must  become  a  perfect  slave  to  the 
sacrifice  of  her  health.  .  The  president,  secretaries,  senators,  members,  foreign 
ministers,  consuls,  comptrollers,  auditors,  accx  'ntants,  officers  of  the  navy  and 
army  of  every  grade,  farmers,  merchants,  parsons,  priests,  lawyers,  judges,  notaries, 
auctioneers,  office-hunters,  brokers,  clerks,  stay-tape  and  buckram  gentry,  specula- 
tors, and  nothingarians — all  with  their  wives,  and  some  with  their  gawking  offspring — 
crowd  to  the  President's  every  "Wednesday  evening — some  in  shoes,  most  in  boots, 
and  many  in  spurs — some  snuffing,  others  chewing,  and  many  longing  for  their  cigar 
and  whiskey  punch  left  at  home— some  with  powdered  heads,  others  frizzled  and 


200  MONROE. 

from  a  letter  from  Washington,  dated  previously  to  the  inauguration  of 
Mr.  Monroe  in  his  new  office. 

The  barge  fitted  up  for  the  reception  of  the  President  at  Philadelphia, 
was  lined  and  trimmed  with  crimson  velvet,  and  rowed  by  sixteen  oarsmen, 
dressed  in  scarlet  vests,  white  sleeves  and  trowsers.  The  President  was 
dressed  in  a  dark  blue  coat,  buff  vest,  doe-skin  buff-colored  breeches  and 
top  boots ;  he  wore  a  military  cocked  hat  of  the  fashion  of  the  revolution, 
and  a  black  bowed  ribbon  of  the  same  fashion  as  a  cockade. 

On  Thursday,  the  12th  of  June,  the  President  visited  the  fortifications 
and  navy-yard  at  New-York,  amidst  salutes  of  cannon.  On  the  follow- 
ing day  he  was  publicly  initiated  as  a  member  of  the  Literary  and  Phi- 
losophical Society  of  New-York,  when  the  President  of  the  Association, 
Mr.  De  Witt  Clinton,  delivered  an  address.  The  reply  of  President 
Monroe  to  the  address  of  the  Mayor,  Aldermen,  and  Commonalty  of  the 
city  of  New-York,  is  one  of  the  happiest  specimens  of  the  parade  day 
oratory  required  for  such  an  occasion.  It  is  concise,  vigorous,  and 
eloquent : 

"FELLOW  CITIZENS — In  performing  a  duty  enjoined  on  me  by  the  con- 
stitution and  laws  of  the  United  States,  I  cannot  express  the  satisfaction 
which  I  derive  from  the  intercourse  to  which  it  leads  with  so  many  of 
my  fellow  citizens ;  and  from  the  opportunity  it  affords,  to  behold  in  per- 
son the  blessings  which  an  all  gracious  Providence  has  extended  to  them. 
In  executing  the  laws  which  Congress  have  wisely  adopted  for  the  national 
defence,  the  Atlantic  and  inland  frontiers  of  this  State,  by  their  exposed 
situation,  are  entitled  to  particular  attention.  I  am  aware,  too,  that  this 

oiled,  with  some  whose  heads  a  comb  has  never  touched,  half  hid  by  dirty  collars, 
reaching  above  their  ears,  as  stiff  as  pasteboard.  'Mrs.  President,  this  is  my  wife' 
— '  Ma'am,  this  is  my  daughter' — '  Mr.  President,  this  is  my  Dick,  a  hopeful  youth, 
"just  freed  from  college  rules,"  and  light  as  the  vapor  he  puffs  from  Havana's  best.' 

"  How  distressing  to  every  man  who  feels  for  the  honor  and  dignity  of  his  govern- 
ment. Mrs.  Madison  feels  all  this,  while  she  is  harassed  to  death  by  these  boobies. 
She  must  feel  greatly  relieved  by  her  prospect  of  retirement.  She  is  justly  adored 
by  all  parties.  This  estimable  woman,  in  '  stooping  to  conquer,'  has  carried  her 
amiability  and  affability  as  far  as  to  return  the  visits  of  all  those  who  have  called  on 
her.  It  ought  not  to  be  expected  that  the  wife  of  the  President  should  return  visits. 
Our  nation  is  increasing  so  fast,  and  there  is  such  an  influx  of  foreigners  here 
(particularly  at  this  season  of  the  year)  that  a  stop  ought  to  be  put  to  it,  and  some 
rules  adopted  for  the  presentation  of  strangers  to  the  Chief  Magistrate  and  his 
family ;  otherwise  his  valuable  time  will  be  absorbed  in  ridiculous  visits  from  the 
idle  and  curious.  In  the  drawing-room  no  one  ought,  in  my  opinion,  to.be  admitted, 
without  a  previous  introduction  to  the  President  by  some  respectable  member  of  the 
government ;  and  if  those  members  were  not  discreet  in  the  characters  and  numbers 
of  these  introductions,  they  ought  to  be  told  of  it.  All  judicious,  sensible  persons 
see  now  the  necessity  of  such  arrangements. 

"  These  foreign  ministers  and  agents,  too,  are  far  too  intimate  at  the  President's, 
and  with  the  different  branches  of '.lie  government.  Towards  them  the  same  eti- 
quette ought  to  be  adopted,  as  is  known  to  exist  at  their  own  courts.  This  they 
would  not  complain  of.  There  is  a  respect  due  to  our  sachems,  which  this  vulgar 
state  of  things  diminishes.  "We  allow  our  generals  and  commanders  of  ships  to 
establish  formalities  at  their  posts,  and  on  their  quarter-decks ;  and  will  you  not 
allow  the  President  to  form  certain  rules  for  the  government  of  his  house  and  the 
distribution  of  his  time  ?" 


MONROE.  201 

populous  and  flourishing  city  presents,  in  time  of  war,  a  strong  temptation 
to  the  cupidity  of  an  invading  foe.  It  is  in  the  spirit  of  the  laws  which 
[  am  called  to  execute,  it  is  in  the  spirit  of  the  people  whom  I  represent, 
to  provide  amply  for  the  security  of  every  part,  according  to  the  danger 
to  which  it  is  exposed.  In  performing  this  duty,  I  shall  endeavor  to  be 
their  faithful  organ. 

'"The  present  prosperous  condition  of  our  country  is,  as  you  justly 
observe,  the  best  proof  of  the  excellence  of  our  institutions,  and  of  the 
wisdom  with  which  they  have  been  administered. 

"  It  affords,  too,  a  solid  ground  on  which  to  indulge  the  most  favorable 
anticipations  as  to  the  future.  An  enlightened  people,  educated  in  the 
principles  of  liberty,  and  blessed  with  a  free  government — bold,  vigorous, 
and  enterprising  in  the  pursuit  of  every  just  and  honorable  attainment — 
united  by  the  strong  ties  of  a  common  origin,  of  interest,  and  affection — 
possessed  of  a  vast  and  fertile  territory — improving  in  agriculture,  in  the 
arts  and  manufactures — extending  their  commerce  to  every  sea — already 
powerful,  and  rapidly  increasing  in  population — have  every  inducement 
and  every  means  whereby  to  perpetuate  these  blessings  to  the  latest  pos- 
terity. 

"  The  honorable  termination  of  the  late  war,  \vhereby  the  rights  of  the 
nation  were  vindicated,  should  not  lull  us  into  repose — the  events  attend- 
ing it  show  our  vulnerable  points ;  and  it  is  in  time  of  peace  that  we 
ought  to  provide  by  strong  works  for  their  defence. 

"  The  gallantry  and  good  conduct  of  our  army,  navy,  and  militia,  and 
the  patriotism  of  our  citizens,  generally,  so  conspicuously  displayed  in 
that  war,  may  always  be  relied  on.  Aided  by  such  works,  our  frontiers 
will  be  impregnable. 

"  Devoted  to  the  principles  of  our  government  from  my  earliest  youth, 
and  satisfied  that  the  great  blessings  which  we  enjoy  are,  under  Divine 
Providence,  imputable  to  that  great  cause,  it  will  be  the  object  of  my  con- 
stant and  zealous  efforts  to  give  to  those  principles  their  best  effect. 
Should  I,  by  these  efforts,  contribute  in  any  degree  to  the  happiness  of 
my  fellow  citizens,  I  shall  derive,  from  it  the  highest  gratification  of  which 
my  mind  is  susceptible." 

While  in  New  York  the  President  Avas  elected  a  member  of  the  So- 
ciety for  the  encouragement  of  American  Manufactures ;  he  attended  a 
meeting  of  that  Society,  and  avowed  his  desire  to  promote  the  object  of 
their  institution.  John  Adams,  Thomas  Jefferson,  and  James  Madison 
were  elected  members  at  the  same  time. 

The  President  was  received  in  a  similar  style  of  respectful  hospitality, 
at  New  Haven,  Hartford,  Middletown,  Springfield,  and  Boston.  On 
reaching  the  southern  entrance  of  Boston,  he  was  met  by  the  Committee 
of  Arrangements,  and  received  with  a  few  words  of  welcome  from  the 
Honorable  Mr.  Otis :  "  Sir — You  are  now  arrived  within  the  limits  of 
Boston,  and  these  gentlemen  are  a  Committee  appointed  to  welcome  your 
approach,  and  escort  you  to  your  lodgings.  Upon  your  arrival  there, 
they  will  avail  themselves  of  your  permission,  to  express  to  you  in  a  more 
formal  and  respectful  manner  than  can  be  done  here,  the  assurances  of  the 
unfeigned  satisfaction  which  the  citizens  of  Boston  realize  ii>  the  honor 
26 


202  MONROE. 

you  have  been  pleased  to  confer  upon  them  by  this  visit."  A  procession 
was  then  formed,  and  the  President  was  escorted  through  the  principal 
streets  of  the  city  to  the  rooms  provided  for  his  reception  in  the  Exchange 
Coffee-House.  During  the  march  of  the  cavalcade,  salutes  were  fired 
from  Dorchester  heights,  from  the  common,  Fort  Independence,  and  the 
navy-yard.  State-street,  through  which  the  procession  passed,  was 
fancifully  decorated  with  the  flags  of  the  United  States,  and  the  numerous 
merchant  ships  in  the  harbor  made  a  brilliant  display  of  their  stars  and 
stripes.  The  crowd  of  spectators  which  surrounded  the  procession  was 
immense,  greater  than  any  which  had  been  witnessed  since  the  visit  of 
Washington.  Shortly  after  the  arrival  of  the  President  at  his  rooms,  he 
accompanied  the  Committee  to  the  second  gallery  of  the  old  Exchange, 
where  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Arrangements  made  an  address 
in  behalf  of  the  inhabitants  of  Boston.  He  remained  in  Boston  for  seve- 
ral days,  and  was  received  with  the  greatest  kindness  and  respect  by  all 
its  citizens  without  distinction  of  party.  ^ 

The  President  continued  his  journey,  and  was  received  with  similar 
tokens  of  honor  at  the  principal  towns  on  his  northern  route.  Much 
disappointment  was  expressed  at  the  manner  in  which  the  President  was 

*  The  minuteness  with  which  the  movements  of  the  President  are  chronicled  in  the 
newspapers  of  the  time,  almost  reminds  us  of  the  similar  details  of  the  British,  jour- 
nals in  respect  to  the  various  movements  of  their  riobility.  The  following  is  the 
account  of  his  visit  to  Charlestown : ' 

"On  Saturday  morning  the  President  visited  the  navy -yard  i:i  Charleston:  i:. 
ducted  by  Commodore  Hull,  the  Commissioner.  He  inspected,  with  much  minuteness, 
but  with  rapidity,  the  numerous  branches  of  this  important  and  extensive  establish- 
ment; and  which  the  Commissioner  has  ornamented  with  numerous  improvements. 
After  inspecting  the  arsenal,  warehouses,  depots  of  ordnance  and  naval  stores,  and 
the  various  quarters  and  barracks,  the  President  went  on  board  the  ships  in  ordinary 
— the  Constitution,  Java,  Macedonian,  and  Guerriere.  He  took  particular  interest  in 
examining  '  Old  Iron-Sides,'  which  vessel,  we  understood,  he  said,  '  ought  not  to  be 
again  sent  to  sea,  but  be  preserved  as  a  monument  of  national  glory.'  The  marine 
garrison,  ui,«4er  Captain  Wainwright,  did  the  guard  of  honor  duties  upon  the  occasion, 
and  exhibited  a  state  of  exact  discipline.  On  his  entrance  and  departure  from  the 
navy-yard,  the  President  was  saluted  with  nineteen  guns  from  the  water  battery  of 
the  yard.  After  the  examination  of  the  whole  establishment,  the  President  partook 
of  a  sumptuous  and  elegant  dejeune  with  Mrs.  Hull,  the  lady  of  the  Commissioner. 
Of  the  guests  were  nearly  two  hundred  personages,  embracing  His  Excellency  the 
Governor,  His  Honor  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  Counsellors,  Senators  and  Represen- 
tatives of  the  State,  Members  of  Congress,  Judges  and  Magistrates,  Commodore 
Bainbridge,  and  numerous  naval  officers,  General  Miller,  and  numerous  officers  of 
the  army,  and  many  strangers  of  eminence.  The  breakfast  table  was  ornamented 
with  the  superb  vases  and  services  of  plate  presented  to  the  Commodore  by  the  citi- 
zens of  Philadelphia  and  Charleston.  The  President  was  on  the  right,  and  Governor 
Brooks  on  the  left  of  Mrs.  Hull ;  and  the  splendor  of  the  martial  insignia,  united  with 
the  lustre  of  beauty  and  accomplishment,  heightened  the  ensemble  of  a  banquet 
which  displayed  the  taste  of  the  fair  hostess,  and  the  munificence  of  the  gallant  Com- 
modore. 

"  Among  the  persons  introduced  to  the  President,  on  Bunker  Hill,  were  Mr.  Thomas 
Miller,  Timothy  ^Thompson,  and  John  Kettel,  the  only  surviving  inhabitants  of  Charles- 
town,  who  were  in  the  memorable  battle  that  commenced  the  war  of  Independence, 
on  the  very  spot  they  then  trod  upon.  The  President  received  them  with  much  affa- 
bility, and  was  evidently  affected  with  the  scene.r 


MONROE.  503 

received  in  New  Hampshire.  During  the  whole  of  his  tour,  he  had  re- 
ceived the  personal  attention  of  all  the  executives  of  the  States  on  enter- 
ing their  limits,  until  he  reached  New  Hampshire.  Being  then  left  by 
the  Massachusetts  escort,  he  was  obliged  to  trust  himself  to  stagedrivers 
and  guideposts,  until  he  arrived  at  Greenland.  Here  he  was  received 
by  a  large  number  of  the  citizens  of  Portsmouth,  and  conducted  to  the 
metropolis.  The  neglect  of  the  Governor  in  not  waiting  upon  the  Presi- 
dent, nor  providing  him  an  escort,  was  the  subject  of  much  witticism  at 
the  time  among  the  journals  of  both  parties.  "  How  Governor  Plumer," 
observed  one  paper,  "  will  excuse  his  conduct  upon  this  occasion,  we  are 
unable  to  say.  The  eastern  doctors  disagree  upon  this  subject.  One 
editor  says,  he  did  not  order  out  the  militia  because  he  had  not  the  power. 
Another  says,  he  possessed  the  power,  but  not  the  disposition.  A  third 
observes,  that,  being  tenacious  of  the  honor  of  the  State,  his -Excellency 
wisely  concluded  that  his  non-appearance  in  public  would  be  attended 
with  the  least  disgrace  to  his  constituents.  A  fourth  says,  it  is  owing  to 
an  act  passed  by  the  Legislature  a  few  weeks  since,  offering  a  bounty  for 
killing  crows ;  which  makes  it  extremely  hazardous  for  his  Excellency 
to  appear  in  public.  But,  after  all,  we  suspect  these  gentlemen  do  not 
understand  the  business.  The  expenses  of  a  parade  must  necessarily  be 
considerable ;  and  the  probability  is,  that  the  Governor,  having  gene- 
rously relinquished  a  very  considerable  portion  of  his  salary  for  the  pur- 
chase of  popularity,  could  not  well  afford  it.  This  we  suspect  is  the  true 
secret ;  and  if  so,  the  censures  passed  upon  the  Governor  are  very  unjust 
and  wicked."  His  Excellency  afterwards  addressed  an  apologetical  let- 
ter to  Mr.  Monroe,  explaining  his  personal  non-attendance  by  his  ill 
health,  and  stating  that  by  the  jealousy  of  the  State  Constitution  on  the 
subject  of  the  militia,  he  was  not  authorized  to  call  them  out,  except  for  cer- 
tain known  objects  particularly  designated.  We  hope  that  the  conscien- 
tious scruples  of  the  worthy  Governor  will  find  numerous  examples  of 
imitation  on  more  important  subjects. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  follow  the  President  particularly  in  his  northern 
and  western  progress.  On  leaving  Portsmouth,  he  directed  his  course 
westward  to  Plattsburg,  in  the  state  of  New  York.  In  his  route  thither, 
he  visited  Dover,  Concord,  and  Hanover,  in  New  Hampshire,  and  Wind- 
.sor  and  Burlington,  in  Vermont.  The  important  post  at  Plattsburg 
occupied  his  attention  for  several  days.  From  this  place  he  continued 
westward  to  Ogdensburg,  Sackett's  Harbor,  and  Detroit.  He  reached 
Washington,  on  his  return,  on  the  19th  of  September.  Here  he  was  re- 
ceived with  honors  similar  to  those  which  had  been  paid  to  him  else- 
where, and  returned  the  following  answer  to  the  address  of  the  Mayor 
and  Aldermen  of  Washington  : 

"  I  cannot  express  in  sufficiently  strong  terms  the  gratification  which  I 
feel  in  returning  to  the  seat  of  government,  after  the  long  and  very  inte- 
resting tour  in  which  I  have  been  engaged ;  and  I  beg  you  to  be  assured 
that  nothing  can  contribute  more  to  dissipate  the  fatigue  to  which  I  have 
been  exposed,  than  the  very  cordial  reception  which  has  been  given  me 
ey  my  fellow  citizens  and  neighbors,  of  the  city  and  district. 

•'  I  shall  always  look  back  to  the  important  incidents  of  my  late  tour, 


204  MONROE. 

with  peculiar  satisfaction.  1  flatter  myself  that  I  have  derived  from  it 
information,  which  will  be  very  useful  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of 
xhe  high  trust  confided  to  me ;  and,  in  other  respects,  it  has  afforded  me 
the  highest  gratification.  In  all  that  portion  of  our  country  through 
which  I  have  passed,  I  have  seen,  with  delight,  proofs  the  most  conclu- 
sive of  the  devotion  of  our  fellow  citizens  to  the  principles  of  our  free 
republican  government,  and  to  our  happy  union.  The  spontaneous  and 
independent  manner  in  which  these  sentiments  were  declared,  by  the 
great  body  of  the  people,  with  other  marked  circumstances  attending 
them,  satisfied  me  that  they  came  from  the  heart.  United  firmly  in  the 
support  of  these  great,  these  vital  interests,  we  may  fairly  presume  that 
all  difficulty  on  minor  questions  will  disappear. 

"  In  returning  to  the  city  of  Washington,  I  rejoice  to  find  the  public 
building,  intended  for  the  accommodation  of  the  Chief  Magistrate,  in  a 
state  to  receive  me,  and  to  admit  within  it  this  friendly  interview  with 
you." 

Thus  terminated  the  felicitous  tour  of  President  Monroe,  which  could 
not  fail  to  prove  of  lasting  benefit  to  the  states,  by  bringing  the  Execu- 
tive in  such  close  connexion  with  all  over  whom  its  power  was  exerted, 
by  conciliating  sectional  prejudices,  and  giving  birth  to  a  generous  mu- 
tuality of  confidence  between  the  people  and  their  Chief  Magistrate. 

On  the  first  of  December,  in  pursuance  of  constitutional  provisions, 
tke  members  of  the  new  Congress  assembled  at  the  Capitol,  when  each 
house  organized  itself,  and  adopted  the  usual  preliminaries  of  business. 
Mr.  Gaillard  of  South  Carolina  took  the  chair  of  the  Senate  a?  President 
pro  txn;  twenty-three  members  were  present,  A  committee  was  then 
appointed  to  join  one  from  the  House,  to  wail  on  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  inform  him  that  they  were  ready  to  receive  his  com- 
munications. The  members  of  the  House  were  called  to  order  by  their 
old  clerk,  Mr.  Dougherty,  and  they  proceeded  immediately  to  the  choice 
of  a  Speaker,  tvhen  Mr.  Henry  Clay  received  one  hundred  and  forty 
from  one  hundred  forty-seven  votes,  and  was  declared  to  be  elected.  Be- 
ing conducted  to  the  chair,  and  the  oath  having  been  administered,  Mr. 
Clay  delivered  the  following  address  : 

"If  we  consider,  gentlemen,  the  free  and  illustrious  origin  of  this  as- 
sembly ;  the  extent  and  magnitude  of  the  interests  committed  to  its  charge ; 
and  the  brilliant  prospects  of  the  rising  confederacy,  whose  destiny  may 
be  materially  affected  by  v^e  legislation  of  Congress  ;  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives justly  ranks  among  the  most  eminent  deliberative  bodies  that 
have  existed.  To  be  appointed  to  preside  at  its  deliberations  is  an  ex- 
alted honor  of  which  I  entertain  the  highest  sense.  And  I  pray  you  to 
accept,  for  the  flattering  manner  in  which  you  have  conferred  it,  my  pro- 
found acknowledgments. 

"  If  I  bring  into  the  chair,  gentlemen,  the  advantage  of  some  experi- 
ence of  its  duties,  far  from  inspiring  me  with  undue  confidence,  that  ex- 
perience serves  only  to  fill  me  with  distrust  of  my  o\vn  capacity.  I  have 
been  taught  by  it  how  arduous  those  duties  are,  and  how  unavailing 
would  be  any  efforts  of  mine  to  discharge  them,  Avithout  the  liberal  sup- 
port and  cheering  countenance  of  the  House,  I  shall  anxiously  seek, 


MONROE.  205 

-gentlemen,  to  merit  that  support  and  countenance  by  an  undeviating  aim 
at  impartiality,  and  at  the  preservation  of  that  decorum,  without  the  ob- 
servance of  which  the  public  business  must  be  illy  transacted,  and  the 
dignity  and  the  character  of  the  House  seriously  impaired." 

On  the  following  day  Mr.  Monroe  transmitted  to  both  Houses  of  Con- 
gress the  customary  message.  He  opened  with  a  few  remarks  on  the 
happy  and  prosperous  condition  of  our  country,  the  establishment  of  pub- 
lic credit  and  the  fortunate  dissipation  of  local  prejudices.  Among  the 
principal  topics  of  the  message  were  the  arrangement  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  for  the  reduction  of  the  naval  force  upon 
the  lakes ;  the  report  of  the  commissioners  on  the  island  in  Passama- 
quoddy  Bay;  the  negociation  with  Spain  for  spoliations  on  our  com- 
merce, and  the  settlement  of  boundaries ;  and  our  relations  with  the 
various  powers  of  Europe.  The  view  of  our  internal  affairs  was  repre- 
sented as  very  gratifying ;  and  the  revenue  was  described  as  in  a  very 
productive  state.  It  promised  ability  to  redeem  the  whole  of  the  Loui- 
siana debt,  and  to  discharge  the  Mississippi  stock  by  the  year  1819. 
The  militia  force  of  the  several  States  was  estimated  at  eight  hundred 
thousand  men,  and  an  improvement  in  their  organization  and  discipline 
was  recommended  to  the  unremitted  attention  of  Congress.  Purchases 
from  the  Indian  tribes  on  the  borders  of  Lake  Erie,  and  the  other  public 
lands  of  the  Union,  form  other  subjects  of  consideration.  The  most  im- 
portant part  of  the  message  is  that  which  has  reference  to  the  subject  of 
internal  improvements,  in  which  the  President  expresses  his  opinion  of 
the  constitutionality  of  the  interference  of  Congress.  This  is  embraced 
in  the  portion  of  the  message  extracted  below. 

"  When  we  consider  the  vast  extent  of  territory  within  the  United 
States,  the  great  amount  and  value  of  its  productions ;  the  connexion  of 
its  parts,  and  other  circumstances,  on  which  their  prosperity  and  happi- 
ness depend,  we  cannot  fail  to  entertain  a  high  sense  of  the  advantage  to 
be  derived  from  the  facility  which  may  be  afforded  in  the  intercourse 
between  them,  by  means  of  good  roads  and  canals.  Never  did  a  country 
of  such  vast  extent  offer  equal  inducements  to  improvements  of  this  kind, 
nor  ever  were  consequences  of  such  magnitude  involved  in  them.  As 
this  subject  was  acted  on  by  Congress  at  the  last  session,  and  there  may 
be  a  disposition  to  revive  it  at  the  present,  I  have  brought  it  into  view, 
for  the  purpose  of  communicating  my  sentiments  on  a  very  important 
circumstance  connected  with  it,  with  that  freedom  and  candor  which  a 
regard  for  the  public  interest,  and  a  proper  respect  for  Congress,  require. 
A  difference  of  opinion  has  existed,  from  the  first  formation  of  our  con- 
stitution to  the  present  time,  among  our  most  enlightened  and  virtuous 
citizens,  respecting  the  right  of  Congress  to  establish  such  a  system  of 
improvement.  Taking  into  view  the  trust  with  which  I  am  now  honored, 
it  would  be  improper,  after  what  has  passed,  that  the  discussion  should 
be  revived,  with  an  uncertainty  of  my  opinion  respecting  the  right. 
Disregarding  early  impressions,  I  have  bestowed  on  the  subject  all  the 
deliberation  which  its  great  importance,  and  a  just  sense  of  my  duty, 
required — and  the  result  is,  a  settled  conviction  in  my  mind,  that  Congiess 
do  not  possess  the  right.  It  is  not  contained  in  any  of  the  specified  pow  ers 


206  MONROE. 

granted  to  Congress ;  nor  can  I  consider  it  incidental  to,  or  a  necessary 
mean,  viewed  on  the  most  liberal  scale,  for  carrying  into  effect  any  of  the 
powers  which  are  specifically  granted.  In  communicating  this  result,  I 
cannot  resist  the  obligation  which  I  feel  to  suggest  to  Congress  the  pro- 
priety of  recommending  to  the  States  the  adoption  of  an  amendment  to 
the  Constitution,  which  shall  give  to  Congress  the  right  in  question.  In 
cases  of  doubtful  construction,  especially  of  such  vital  interest,  it  comports 
with  the  nature  and  origin  of  our  institutions,  and  will  contribute  much 
to  preserve  them,  to  apply  to  our  constituents  for  an  explicit  grant  of  the 
power.  We  may  confidently  rely,  that  if  it  appears  to  their  satisfaction, 
that  the  power  is  necessary,  it  will  always  be  granted.  In  this  case  I  am 
happy  to  observe,  that  experience  has  afforded  the  most  ample  proof  of 
its  utility,  and  that  the  benign  spirit  of  conciliation  and  harmony  which 
now  manifests  itself  throughout  our  Union,  promises  to  such  a  recom- 
mendation the  most  prompt  and  favorable  result.  I  think  proper  to  sug- 
fsst,  also,  in  case  this  measure  is  adopted,  that  it  be  recommended  to  the 
tates  to  include,  in  the  amendment,  a  right  in  Congress  to  institute, 
likewise,  seminaries  of  learning,  for  the  all-important  purpose  of  diffusing 
knowledge  among  our  fellow  citizens  throughout  the  United  States. 

"  Our  manufactories  will  require  the  continued  attention  of  Congress. 
The  capital  employed  in  them  is  considerable,  and  the  knowledge 
acquired  in  the  machinery  and  fabric  of  all  the  most  useful  manufactures 
is  of  great  value.  Their  preservation,  which  depends  on  due  encourage  • 
ment,  is  connected  with  the  high  interests  of  the  nation. 

"  Although  the  progress  of  the  public  buildings  has  been  as  favorable 
as  circumstances  have  permitted,  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  Capitol  is 
not  yet  in  a  state  to  receive  you.  There  is  good  cause  to  presume  that 
the  two  wings,  the  only  part  as  yet  commenced,  will  be  prepared  for  that 
purpose  at  the  next  session.  The  time  seems  now  to  have  arrived,  when 
this  subject  may  be  deemed  worthy  the  attention  of  Congress,  on  a  scale 
adequate  to  national  purposes.  The  completion  of  the  middle  building 
will  be  necessary  to  the  convenient  accommodation  of  Congress,  of  the 
committees,  and  various  offices  belonging  to  it.  It  is  evident  that  the 
other  public  buildings  are  altogether  insufficient  for  the  accommodation 
of  the  several  executive  departments,  some  of  whom  are  much  crowded, 
and  even  subjected  to  the  necessity  of  obtaining  it  in  private  buildings, 
at  some  distance  from  the  head  of  the  department,  and  with  inconve- 
nience to  the  management  of  the  public  business.  Most  nations  have 
taken  an  interest  and  a  pride  in  the  improvement  and  ornament  of  their 
metropolis,  and  none  were  more  conspicuous  in  that  respect  than  the 
ancient  republics.  The  policy  which  dictated  the  establishment  of  a 
permanent  residence  for  the  national  government,  and  the  spirit  in  which 
it  was  commenced  and  has  been  prosecuted,  show  that  such  improvements 
were  thought  worthy  the  attention  of  this  nation.  Its  central  position, 
between  the  northern  and  southern  extremes  of  our  union,  and  its  ap- 
proach to  the  west,  at  the  head  of  a  great  navigable  river,  which  inter- 
locks with  the  western  waters,  prove  the  wisdom  of  the  councils  which 
established  it.  Nothing  appears  to  be  more  reasonable  and  proper,  than 
that  convenient  accommodations  should  be  provided,  on  a  well  digested 


MONROE.  207 

plan,  for  the  heads  of  the  several  departments,  and  for  the  Attorney 
General ;  and  it  is  believed  that  the  public  ground  in  the  city,  applied  to 
those  objects,  will  be  found  amply  sufficient.  I  submit  this  subject  to  the 
consideration  of  Congress,  that  such  further  provision  may  be  made  in  it, 
as  to  them  may  seem  proper. 

"  In  contemplating  the  happy  situation  of  the  United  States,  our  atten- 
tion is  drawn,  with  peculiar  interest,  to  the  surviving  officers  and  soldiers 
of  our  revolutionary  army,  who  so  eminently  contributed,  by  their  services, 
to  lay  its  foundation.  Most  of  those  very  meritorious  citizens  have  paid 
the  debt  of  nature,  and  gone  to  repose.  It  is  believed  that  among  the 
survivors  there  are  some  not  provided  for  by  existing  laws,  who  are  re- 
duced to  indigence,  and  even  to  real  distress.  These  men  have  a  claim 
on  the  gratitude  of  their  country,  and  it  will  do  honor  to  their  country  to 
provide  for  them.  The  lapse  of  a  few  years  more,  and  the  opportunity 
will  be  forever  lost :  indeed,  so  long  already  has  been  the  interval,  that 
the  number  to  be  benefited  by  any  provision  which  may  be  made,  will 
not  be  great. 

"  It  appearing  in  a  satisfactory  manner  that  the  revenue  arising  from 
imposts  and  tonnage,  and  from  the  sale  of  the  public  lands,  will  be  fully 
adequate  to  the  support  of  the  civil  government,  of  the  present  military 
and  naval  establishments,  including  the  annual  augmentation  of  the  latter, 
to  the  extent  provided  for ;  to  the  payment  of  the  interest  on  the  public 
debt,  and  to  the  extinguishment  of  it  at  the  times  authorized,  without  the 
aid  of  the  internal  taxes ;  I  consider  it  my  duty  to  recommend  to  Con- 
rress  their  repeal.  To  impose  taxes,  when  the  public  exigencies  require 
them,  is  an  obligation  of  the  most  sacred  character,  especially  with  a  free 
people.  The  faithful  fulfilment  of  it  is  among  the  highest  proofs  of 
their  virtue  and  capacity  for  self-government.  To  dispense  with  taxes, 
when  it  may  be  done  with  perfect  safety,  is  equally  the  duty  of  their 
representatives.  In  this  instance  we  have  the  satisfaction  to  know  that 
they  were  imposed  when  the  demand  was  imperious,  and  have  been  sus- 
tained with  exemplary  fidelity.  I  have  to  add,  that  however  gratifying 
it  may  be  to  me,  regarding  the  prosperous  and  happy  condition  of  our 
country,  to  recommend  the  repeal  of  these  taxes  at  this  time,  I  shall 
nevertheless  be  attentive  to  events,  and,  should  any  future  emergency 
occur,  be  not  less  prompt  to  suggest  such  measures  and  burthens  as  may 
then  be  requisite  and  proper." 

On  the  eleventh  of  December,  the  State  of  Mississippi  was  acknow- 
ledged by  Congress  as  sovereign  and  independent,  and  was  admitted  to 
the  Union.  In  the  course  of  the  same  month,  an  expedition  which  had 
been  set  on  foot  by  a  number  of  adventurers  from  different  countries, 
against  East  and  West  Florida,  was  terminated  by  the  troops  of  the 
United  States.  They  had  formed  an  establishment  at  Amelia  Island,  at 
that  time  the  subject  of  negociation  between  Spain  and  our  government, 
and  their  direct  objects  being  undoubtedly  piratical,  the  law  of  nations 
and  the  stipulations  of  various  treaties  required  of  the  United  States  to 
suppress  it.  A  similar  establishment  had  been  previously  formed  at  Gal- 
vezton,  a  small  island  on  the  coast  of  Texas,  and  it  was  subsequently  in 
a  like  manner  suppressed. 


208  MONROE. 

Several  important  measures  were  adopted  by  Congress  during  the 
session  1817 — 18 ;  among  which  were  the  bill  fixing  the  compensation  of 
members  of  Congress  at  eight  dollars  a  day ;  a  second,  in  acquiescence 
with  the  suggestion  of  the  President,  to  abolish  internal  duties ;  and  a 
third,  providing,  upon  the  same  recommendation,  for  the  indigent  officers 
and  soldiers  of  the  revolutionary  army.  In  April,  1818,  Illinois  adopted 
a  State  constitution,  and  in  December  following  was  admitted  as  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Union. 

Soon  after  the  conclusion  of  this  session  of  Congress,  the  President, 
in  pursuance  of  his  determination  to  visit  those  parts  of  the  United  States 
most  exposed  to  the  enemy,  prepared  to  survey  the  Chesapeake  bay,  and 
the  country  lying  on  its  extensive  shores.  In  the  month  of  May,  he  left 
Washington,  accompanied  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  and  other  gentlemen  of  distinction.  On  his  arrival  at  Annapolis, 
the  President  and  his  suite  made  a  minute  examination  of  the  contiguous 
waters,  in  reference  to  their  fitness  for  a  naval  depot.  After  making  a 
farther  examination  of  the  coast,  he  proceeded  to  Norfolk.  Having  at 
length  accomplished  the  principal  object  of  his  tour,  he  returned  to 
Washington  on  the  seventeenth  of  June,  through  the  interior  of  Virginia. 
The  same  demonstrations  of  respect  and  affection  that  were  extended  to 
him  during  his  northern  tour,  followed  him  in  this. 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  May,  1818,  a  treaty  concluded  at  Stock- 
holm with  the  government  of  Sweden,  by  Mr.  Russell,  Minister  Plenipo- 
tentiary to  that  court,  was  ratified  by  the  President  and  Senate  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States.  During  the  same  year  a  war  was  carried 
on  between  the  United  States  and  the  Seminole  Indians,  which  terminat- 
ed in  the  complete  discomfiture  of  the  latter  party.  A  partir alar  account 
of  this  war  is  given  in  the  life  of  President  Jackson,  who  bore  a  con- 
spicuous part  in  it. 

On  the  twenty-eighth  of  January,  1819,  a  convention  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States,  concluded  at  London,  October  20th,  1818, 
and  ratified  by  the  Prince  Regent  on  the  second  of  November  following, 
was  ratified  by  the  President  of  the  United  States.  By  the  first  article 
of  this  convention,  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  have  liberty,  in 
common  with  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  to  take  fish  on  the  southern, 
western,  and  northern  coast  of  Newfoundland.  The  second  article  estab- 
lishes the  northern  boundaries  of  the  United  States  from  the  Lake  of  the 
Woods,  to  the  Stony  Mountains.  By  the  fourth  article,  the  commercial 
convention  between  the  two  countries,  concluded  at  London,  in  1815,  is 
extended  for  the  term  of  ten  years  longer. 

On  the  twenty-second  of  February  following,  a  treaty  was  concluded 
at  Washington,  by  John  Quincy  Adams,  and  Luis  de  Onis,  by  which 
East  and  West  Florida,  with  all  the  islands  adjacent,  were  ceded  by 
Spain  to  the  United  States.  By  this  treaty  the  western  boundary  between 
the  United  States  and  Spain  was  settled.  A  sum  not  exceeding  five 
millions  of  dollars  was  to  be  paid  by  the  United  States  out  of  the  proceeds 
of  sales  of  lands  in  Florida,  or  in  stock,  or  money,  to  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  on  account  of  Spanish  spoliations  and  injuries.  To  liqui- 
date the  claims,  a  board  was  to  be  constituted  by  the  government  of  the 


MONROE.  209 

Uni:ed  States,  of  American  citizens,  to  consist  of  three  commissioners, 
who  should  report  within  three  years. 

On  the  second  of  March,  1819,  the  government  of  the  Arkansas  Ter 
ritory  was  organized  by  act  of  Congress.  During  the  following  summer, 
the  President  visited  the  southern  section  of  the  country,  having  in  view 
the  same  great  national  interests  which  had  prompted  him  in  his  previous 
tour  to  the  north.  In  this  tour  the  President  visited  Charleston,  Savan- 
nah, and  Augusta ;  thence  he  proceeded  to  Nashville,  through  the 
Cherokee  nation,  and  thence  to  Louisville  and  Lexington,  Kentucky,  and 
returned  to  the  seat  of  government  early  in  August. 

The  most  important  topic  of  consideration,  during  the  ensuing  session, 
was  connected  with  the  admission  of  the  territory  of  Missouri  into  the 
Union.  It  was  on  the  expediency  of  imposing  it  as  a  condition  of  this 
admission,  that  the  future  removal  or  transportation  of  slaves  into  that 
territory  should  be  prohibited.  This  question  divided  itself  into  three 
branches  :  1.  The  constitutionality  of  the  measure.  2.  Its  conformity 
to  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  of  1803,  by  which  France  ceded  the 
territory  in  question  to  the  United  States.  3.  The  expediency  of  the 
measure,  as  it  might  affect  the  relative  condition  of  slaves  in  the  United 
States,  and  as  it  might  affect  the  relations  between  different  parts  of  the 
Union.  The  affirmative  and  negative  of  these  propositions  were  sup- 
ported with  equal  zeal  and  eloquence  by  nearly  equal  numbers.  Mr. 
Rufus  King,  and  Mr.  John  Sergeant,  took  the  lead  in  this  debate  in  favor 
of  restriction ;  Mr.  Clay  and  Mr.  Pinckney  were  the  champions  of  the 
opposite  party.  This  question  gave  rise  to  great  warmth  of  feeling,  and 
seemed  at  one  time  to  threaten  the  dissolution  of  the  Union.*'  In  the 

*  In  the  debate  in  the  Senate  on  this  subject,  Mr.  Lowrie,  of  Maryland,  observed — 
"  Before  I  sit  down,  permit  me  to  advert  to  some  expressions  which  have  fallen  from 
gentlemen  in  this  debate.  The  gentleman  from  Virginia  (Mr.  Barbour)  the  other 
day  told  us,  that  this  subject  will  be  an  ignited  spark,  which,  communicated  to  an 
immense  mass  of  combustion,  will  produce  an  explosion  that  will  shake  this  Union 
to  its  centre.  The  gentleman  from  Georgia  (Mr.  Walker)  tells  us,  that  he  thinks  he 
hears  the  thunders  roll,  he  sees  the  father  arrayed  against  the  son,  and  the  brother 
drawing  the  bloody  sword  from  the  bosom  of  the  brother !  Mr.  President,  I  will  not 
now  detain  the  Senate,  by  inquiring  in  which  of  the  States  these  combustible  mate- 
rials are,  or  by  pointing  out  the  field  on  which  the  battle  will  be  fought.  Before  that 
bill  leaves  your  table,  if  no  other  gentleman  takes  up  this  part  of  the  subject,  I  may 
perhaps  take  the  liberty  of  looking  at  it  a  little  more  in  detail ;  not,  sir,  as  a  member 
from  a  single  state,  but  as  one  of  the  representatives  of  the  whole  United  States.  At 
present,  however,  I  will  only  observe,  that  I  also  believe,  with  those  gentlemen,  that 
we  are  drawing  to  a  very  serious  crisis ;  to  save  us  from  which,  all  the  wisdom  of 
the  present  Congress,  as  well  as  the  blessings  of  the  Almighty,  will  be  necessary. 
But,  sir,  if  the  alternative  be,  as  gentlemen  thus  broadly  intimate,  a  dissolution  of 
the  Union,  or  the  extension  of  slavery  over  this  whole  western  country,  I,  for  one, 
will  choose  the  former.  I  do  not  say  this  lightly ;  I  am  aware  that  the  idea  is  a 
dreadful  one.  The  choice  is  a  dreadful  one.  Either  side  of  the  alternative  fills  my 
mind  with  horror.  I  have  not  however  yet  despaired  of  the  republic.  And,  unless 
the  melancholy  result  convinces  me  to  the  contrary,  I  must  still  believe,  that  we 
are  able  to  dispose  of  this  distracting  question  so  as  to  satisfy  the  reasonable  expec- 
tations of  thr-  people  of  the  United  States." 

A  New  Y«.rk  paper  remarks,  "We  have  no  fear  as  to  the  result  of  this  war  of 
words.  Mr.  King,  were  he  left  to  struggle  single-handed,  would,  on  this  subject, 


210  MONROE 

view  of  the  subject  taken  by  Mr.  King,  he  confined  himself  chiefly  to 
the  power  of  Congress  to  lay  this  restriction,  implied  in  the  general 
authority  to  admit  new  States,  and  to  the  nature  of  state  sovereignty. 
The  concluding  portion  of  his  speech  was  devoted  to  a  very  high  and 
momentous  consideration :  that  by  the  law  of  nature,  and  the  eternal  rule 
of  justice,  there  can  be  no  such  thing  as  a  right  in  a  fellow  creature  to 
hold  him  and  his  posterity  in  bondage  ;  that  treaties  and  constitutions 
ought  to  be  construed  in  the  sense  of  this  great  paramount  law ;  and  that 
the  toleration  of  slavery  in  the  original  States  and  those  formed  from  the 
original  States,  a  toleration  acknowledged  to  have  grown  out  of  necessity, 
could  furnish  no  ground  for  originating  this  unjust  institution,  where  such 
necessity  does  not  exist.  In  a  subsequent  speech  he  alluded  to  the 
injustice  of  placing  freemen  on  the  footing  of  slaves ;  and  to  the  sense 
of  injury  which  the  inhabitants  of  the  free  States  must  and  ought  to 
feel  at  finding  themselves  outvoted  by  an  union  of  freemen  and  slaves, 
in  any  ratio  whatever.  He  stated  and  repeated  that  the  slave  ratio  in 
the  representation  of  the  old  States,  and  those  formed  oat  of  the  old 
States,  was  a  matter  of  deliberate  and  sacred  compact.  But  he  main- 
tained that  to  force  upon  the  non-slave-holding  States  new  parties  to  this 
compact,  and  to  continue  to  extend  the  slave  ratio  over  the  vast  tract  of 
country  growing  up  into  new  States,  was  an  injustice  most  flagrant  in  its 
nature,  and  ruinous  in  its  necessary  consequences. 

In  the  progress  of  this  discussion  an  attempt  was  made  to  annex  the 
Missouri  bill  to  the  Maine  bill;  it  was  proposed  in  the  Senate,  and 
rejected  by  the  House.  The  course  taken  in  the  final  decision  of  the 
question  of  restriction  was  not  a  little  remarkable.  On  the  last  day  of 
February,  1820,  after  one  of  the  longest  and  ablest  debates  ever  held  in 
Congress,  the  House  of  Representatives  voted,  by  a  majority  of  eight,  to 
adopt  an  amendment  to  the  Missouri  bill  restricting  slavery ;  and  on  the 
first  day  of  March,  they  voted,  by  a  majority  of  four,  to  reject  the  amend- 
ment, to  which  they  had  so  deliberately  agreed.*1  On  the  third  of  March, 
an  act  was  passed,  admitting  Maine  into  the  Union  on  an  equal  footing 
with  the  original  States. 

One  of  the  most  unfortunate  incidents  of  a  public  nature  that  mark 
this  period  of  our  history,  is  the  death  of  Commodore  Decatur.  He  fell 
in  a  duel  fought  on  the  twenty-first  of  March  with  Commodore  Barron. 
The  course  pursueJ  by  the  House  of  Representatives  on  this  occasion 

triumph  over  the  combined  battery  of  senatorial  combatants  for  the  extension  of 
slavery.  He  will,  however,  be  powerfully  supported  by  Otis,  Mellen,  Roberts,  and 
others  ;  who,  in  point  of  talents,  rank  high  in  our  national  senate." 

*  The  Missouri  question  is  at  length  decided.  The  fatal  die  is  cast,  by  which  a 
new  wound  is  inflicted  on  the  honor  of  our  country,  and  the  curse  of  slavery  is 
extended  over  a  tract  of  country  nearly  equal  to  the  frre  original  slave-holding 
States  of  the  Union.  This  has  been  done  by  means  of  the  votes  of  men  in  both 
houses  of  Congress,  whose  constituents  have  unequivocally  expressed  their  disappro- 
bation of  the  measure.  The  vote  was  decided  in  both  houses  by  men  who  acted  in 
opposition  to  the  expressed  instructions  of  their  State  Legislatures ;  the  decision  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  by  the  votes  of  two  men  from  our  own  State ;  one  of 
them  even  from  our  own  town,  and  almost  the  only  man  belonging  to  the  town  who 
did  not  anxiously  wish  for  a  contrary  decision. — Boston  Repertory. 


MONROE.  211 

was  highly  dignified  and  honorable.  Eminent  as  had  been  the  public 
services  of  the  deceased,  they  refused  to  take  the  usual  notice  of  such  an 
event  by  adjournment,  because  he  had  fallen  in  violation  of  the  laws 
of  God  and  of  his  country.  His  funeral  took  place  at  Washington  on 
the  twenty-fifth  of  the  month.  An  immense  assemblage  of  citizens  was 
collected  on  the  melancholy  occasion.  His  remains  were  attended  to  the 
vault  at  Kalorama,  in  which  they  were  deposited,  by  a  great  part  of  the 
male  population  of  the  city  and  adjacent  country,  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  nearly  all  the  officers  of  government,  members  of 
Congress,  and  representatives  of  foreign  governments  at  that  time  resi- 
dent in  Washington.  Due  military  honors  were  rendered  on  the  occasion 
by  the  marine  corps  under  the  command  of  Major  Miller,  and  minute 
guns  were  fired  from  the  navy-yard  during  the  procession  and  funeral 
service. 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  March,  the  President  transmitted  to  Congress 
an  extract  of  a  letter  from  the  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United 
States  at  St.  Petersburgh,  bearing  date  the  preceding  first  of  November, 
on  the  subject  of  our  relations  with  Spain ;  indicating  the  sentiments  of 
the  Emperor  of  Russia,  respecting  the  non-ratification,  by  his  Catholic 
Majesty,  of  the  treaty  recently  concluded  between  the  United  States  and 
Spain,  and  the  strong  interest  taken  by  his  majesty  in  promoting  the  ratifi- 
cation of  that  treaty.  He  also  transmitted  an  extract  of  a  letter  from  our 
Minister  at  Madrid,  of  a  later  date  than  those  previously  communicated, 
by  which  it  appears,  that  at  the  instance  of  the  Charge  des  Affaires  of  the 
Russian  Emperor,  a  new  pledge  had  been  given  by  the  Spanish  government 
that  the  Minister  who  had  been  lately  appointed  to  the  United  States,  should 
set  out  on  his  mission  without  delay,  with  full  power  to  settle  all  differences 
in  a  manner  satisfactory  to  the  parties.  The  President  further  communi- 
cated that  the  governments  of  France  and  Russia  had  expressed  an  earnest 
desire  that  the  United  States  would  take  no  immediate  step  on  the  principle 
of  reprisal,  which  might  tend  to  disturb  the  peace  between  the  States  and 
Spain.  Under  these  circumstances,  he  submitted  to  Congress  the  pro- 
priety of  postponing  a  decision  on  the  questions  then  depending  with 
Spain,  until  the  next  session. 

On  the  tenth  of  May,  the  President  communicated  to  Congress  another 
message  on  the  same  subject.  The  minister  sent  from  Spain  had  received 
no  authority  to  surrender  the  territory  in  dispute,  and  the  treaty  with 
Spain  still  remained  unratified  by  his  Catholic  Majesty.  The  object  of 
his  mission  was  merely  to  make  complaints,  and  demand  explanations 
respecting  an  imputed  system  of  hostility  on  the  part  of  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  against  the  subjects  and  dominions  of  Sp?in,  and  an 
unfriendly  policy  in  their  government,  and  to  obtain  new  stipulations 
against  these  alleged  injuries,  as  the  condition  on  which  the  treaty  shouM. 
be  ratified.  One  proposition  of  the  minister  was,  that  the  United  States 
should  abandon  the  right  to  recognise  the  revolutionary  colonies  in  South 
America,  or  to  form  new  relations  with  them.  In  short,  the  treaty  was 
declared  to  be  of  no  obligation  whatever  ;  and  its  ratification  was  made  to 
depend,  not  on  the  considerations  which  led  to  its  adoption,  and  the  con- 
ditions which  it  contained,  but  on  a  new  article  unconnected  with  it, 


212  MONROE. 

respecting  which  a  new  negociation  was  to  be  opened,  of  indefinite  dura- 
tion, and  doubtful  issue.  The  concluding  passage  of  this  message  is 
highly  honorable  to  the  feelings  which  prompted  it. 

"  Under  this  view  of  the  subject,  the  course  to  be  pursued  would 
appear  to  be  direct  and  obvious,  if  the  affairs  of  Spain  had  remained  in 
the  state  in  which  they  were  when  this  minister  sailed.  But  it  is  known 
that  an  important  change  has  since  taken  place  in  the  government  of  that 
country,  which  cannot  fail  to  be  sensibly  felt,  in  its  intercourse  with  other 
nations.  The  Minister  of  Spain  has  essentially  declared  his  inability  to 
act,  in  consequence  of  that  change.  With  him,  however,  under  his 
present  powers,  nothing  could  be  done.  The  attitude  of  the  United 
States  must  now  be  assumed,  on  full  consideration  of  what  is  due  to  their 
rights,  their  interest,  and  honor,  without  regard  to  the  powers  or  incidents 
of  the  late  mission.  We  may,  at  pleasure,  occupy  the  territory,  which 
was  intended  and  provided  by  the  late  treaty  as  an  indemnity  for  losses 
so  long  since  sustained  by  our  citizens,  but  still  nothing  could  be  settled 
definitely,  without  a  treaty  between  the  two  nations.  Is  this  the  time  to 
make  the  pressure  ?  If  the  United  States  were  governed  by  views  of 
ambition  and  aggrandizement,  many  strong  reasons  might  be  given  in  its 
favor.  But  they  have  no  objects  of  that  kind  to  accomplish ;  none  which 
are  not  founded  in  justice,  and  which  can  be  injured  by  forbearance. 
Great  hope  is  entertained  that  this  change  will  promote  the  happiness  of 
the  Spanish  nation.  The  good  order,  moderation,  and  humanity,  which 
have  characterized  the  movement,  are  the  best  guarantees  of  its  success. 
The  United  States  would  not  be  justified  in  their  own  estimation,  should 
they  take  any  step  to  disturb  its  harmony.  When  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment is  completely  organized  on  the  principles  of  this  change,  as  it  is 
expected  it  soon  will  be,  there  is  just  ground  to  presume  that  our  diffe- 
rences with  Spain  will  be  speedily  and  satisfactorily  settled.  With  these 
remarks,  I  submit  it  to  the  wisdom  of  Congress,  whether  it  will  not  still 
be  advisable  to  postpone  any  decision  on  this  subject  until  the  next 
session." 

On  the  thirteenth  of  November,  1820,  Congress  reassembled  at  Wash- 
ington. Mr.  Gaillard  took  the  chair  of  the  Senate  as  President  pro  tern- 
pore  ;  and  a  committee  was  appointed  to  wait  on  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  to  inform  him  of  the  organization  of  the  Senate,  and  of  its 
readiness  to  receive  and  act  upon  such  communication  as  he  might  think 
proper  to  make.  In  the  House  of  Representatives,  on  calling  over  the 
roll,  it  appeared  that  there  were  present  a  sufficient  number  of  members 
to  constitute  a  quorum.  This  being  ascertained,  the  clerk  informed  the 
House  that  he  had  received  a  letter  from  the  Honorable  Henry  Clay,  late 
Speaker  of  the  House,  in  which  Mr.  Clay  begged  leave  to  resign  the 
office  of  Speaker,  as  imperious  circumstances  would  prevent  him  from 
attending  to  its  duties  till  after  the  Christmas  holidays.  This  was  ordered 
to  lie  on  the  table,  and  to  be  inserted  in  the  journals  of  the  House.  The 
House  then  proceeded  to  ballot  for  a  new  Speaker,  and  no  choice  having 
been  made  after  seven  successive  trials,  an  adjournment  took  place  without 
election.  It  was  evident,  from  an  inspection  of  the  ballotings,  that  the  old 
distinctions  of  party  had  been  broken  down  on  the  occasion,  and  that  the 


MONROE.  213 

votes  did  not  indicate  the  strength  of  any  party  before  known  in  the 
country. 

The  whole  of  the  following  day  was  spent  by  the  House  in  an  ineffec- 
tual attempt  to  choose  a  Speaker.  Nineteen  ballots  took  place,  without 
the  intervention  of  any  circumstances,  either  from  the  accession  of  mem- 
bers, or  a  disposition  to  effect  an  union,  to  show  whether  or  not  a  Speaker 
was  to  be  chosen.  The  favorite  candidates  were  Mr.  Lowndes,  of  South 
Carolina,  Mr.  J.  W.  Taylor,  of  New  York,  and  Mr.  Smith,  of  Maryland. 
On  this  day's  balloting  the  former  had  a  plurality  of  rotes  four  times, 
Mr.  Taylor  five  times,  and  Mr.  Smith  three  times. 

On  the  second  day  of  the  session,  a  communication  was  made  to  the 
Senate  by  the  President,  accompanied  with  a  copy  of  the  Constitution  as 
adopted  for  the  government  of  the  State  of  Missouri.  This  communica- 
tion having  been  read,  it  was  resolved  that  a  committee  should  be 
appointed  to  inquire  whether  any,  and  if  any,  what  legislative  measures 
may  be  necessary  for  admitting  the  State  of  Missouri  into  the  Union. 
On  the  following  day,  the  choice  of  Speaker  of  the  House  was  effected, 
and  Mr.  John  W.  Taylor,  of  New  York,  took  the  chair.  The  President's 
message  was  this  day  received  and  read. 

It  commenced  with  an  expression  of  much  satisfaction  at  the  state  of 
public  affairs,  and  of  the  general  felicity  of  our  situation.  Nothing 
explicit  was  communicated  in  respect  to  our  relations  with  Spain ;  and 
no  change  had  occurred  in  our  relations  with  Great  Britain.  An  attempt 
had  been  made  to  regulate  our  commerce  with  France,  on  the  principle 
of  reciprocity  and  equality,  and  the  French  minister  was  soon  expected 
at  Washington  to  attempt  an  arrangement  of  these  important  interests. 
The  contest  between  Spain  and  her  colonies  was  declared  to  be  main- 
tained by  the  latter  with  most  success. 

"In  looking  to  the  internal  concerns  of  the  country,"  continued  the 
message,  "you  will,  I  am  persuaded,  derive  much  satisfaction  from  a  view 
of  the  several  objects  to  which,  in  the  discharge  of  your  official  duties, 
your  attention  will  be  drawn.  Among  these,  none  holds  a  more  impor- 
tant place  than  the  public  revenue,  from  the  direct  operation  of  the  power 
by  which  it  is  raised,  on  the  people,  and  by  its  influence  in  giving  effect 
to  every  other  power  of  the  government.  The  revenue  depends  on  the 
resources  of  the  country,  and  the  facility  by  which  the  amount  required 
is  raised,  is  a  strong  proof  of  the  extent  of  the  resources,  and  of  the 
efficiency  of  the  government.  A  few  prominent  facts  will  place  this 
great  interest  in  a  just  light  before  you.  On  the  thirtieth  of  September, 
1815,  the  funded  and  floating  debt  of  the  United  States  was  one  hundred 
and  nineteen  millions  six  hundred  and  thirty-five  thousand  five  hundred 
and  fifty-eight  dollars.  If  to  this  sum  be  added  the  amount  of  five  per 
cent,  stock,  subscribed  to  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  the  amount  of 
Mississippi  stock,  and  of  the  stock  which  was  issued  subsequently  to  that 
date,  the  balances  ascertained  to  be  due  to  certain  States,  for  military 
services,  and  to  individuals,  for  supplies  furnished,  and  services  rendered, 
during  the  late  war,  the  public  debt  may  be  estimated  as  amounting  at 
that  date,  and  as  afterwards  liquidated,  to  one  hundred  and  fifty-eight 
millions  seven  hundred  and  thirteen  thousand  forty-nine  dollars.  On 


214  MONROE. 

the  thirtieth  of  September,  1820,  it  amounted  to  ninety-one  millions  nine 
hundred  and  ninety-three  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eighty-three  dol- 
lars, having  been  reduced  in  that  interval,  by  payments,  sixty -six  millions 
eight  hundred  and  seventy-nine  thousand  one  hundred  and  sixty-five 
dollars.  During  this  term,  the  expenses  of  tits  government  of  the  United 
States  were  likewise  defrayed,  in  every  branch  of  the  civil,  military,  and 
naval  establishments ;  the  public  edifices  in  this  city  have  been  rebuilt, 
with  considerable  additions ;  extensive  fortifications  have  been  commenced, 
and  are  in  a  train  of  execution ;  permanent  arsenals  and  magazines  have 
been  erected  in  various  parts  of  the  Union ;  our  navy  has  been  conside- 
rably augmented,  and  the  ordnance,  munitions  of  war,  and  stores,  of  the 
army  and  navy,  which  were  much  exhausted  during  the  war,  have  been 
replenished. 

"  By  the  discharge  of  so  large  a  proportion  of  the  public  debt,  and  the 
execution  of  such  extensive  and  important  operations,  in  so  short  a  time, 
a  just  estimate  may  be  formed  of  the  great  extent  of  our  national  resour- 
ces. The  demonstration  is  the  more  complete  and  gratifying,  when  it  is 
recollected  that  the  direct  tax  and  excise  were  repealed  soon  after  the 
termination  of  the  late  war,  and  that  the  revenue  applied  to  these  purposes 
has  been  derived  almost  wholly  from  other  sources. 

"  The  receipts  into  the  Treasury  from  every  source,  to  the  thirtieth  of 
September  last,  have  amounted  to  sixteen  millions  seven  hundred  and 
ninety-four  thousand  one  hundred  and  seven  dollars  and  sixty-six  cents ; 
whilst  the  public  expenditures,  to  the  same  period,  amounted  to  sixteen 
millions  eight  hundred  and  seventy-one  thousand  five  hundred  and  thirty- 
four  dollars  and  seventy-two  cents :  leaving  in  the  Treasury,  on  that  day, 
a  sum  estimated  at  one  million  nine  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars. 

"  With  the  Indians  peace  has  been  preserved,  and  a  progress  made  in 
carrying  into  effect  the  act  of  Congress,  making  an  appropriation  for  their 
civilization,  with  the  prospect  of  favorable  results.  As  connected  equally 
with  both  these  objects,  our  trade  with  those  tribes  is  thought  to  merit  the 
attention  of  Congress.  In  their  original  state,  game  is  their  sustenance, 
and  war  their  occupation ;  and,  if  they  find  no  employment  from  civilized 
powers,  they  destroy  each  other.  Left  to  themselves,  their  extirpation  is 
inevitable.  By  a  judicious  regulation  of  our  trade  with  them,  we  supply 
their  wants,  administer  to  their  comforts,  and  gradually,  as  the  game 
retires,  draw  them  to  us.  By  maintaining  posts  far  in  the  interior,  we 
acquire  a  more  thorough  and  direct  control  over  them ;  without  which  it 
is  confidently  believed  that  a  complete  change  in  their  manners  can  never 
be  accomplished.  By  such  posts,  aided  by  a  proper  regulation  of  our 
trade  with  them,  and  a  judicious  civil  administration  over  them,  to  be 
provided  for  by  law,  we  shall,  it  is  presumed,  be  enabled  not  only  to  pro- 
tect our  own  settlements  from  their  savage  incursions,  and  preserve  peace 
among  the  several  tribes,  but  accomplish  also  the  great  purpose  of  their 
civilization. 

"  Considerable  progress  has  also  been  made  in  the  construction  of  ships 
of  war,  some  of  which  have  been  launched  in  the  course  of  the  present 
year. 

"  Our  peace  with  the  powers  on  the  coast  of  Barbary  has  been  preserved, 


MONROE  215 

but  we  owe  it  altogether  to  the  presence  of  our  squadron  in  the  Medi- 
terranean. It  has  been  found  equally  necessary  to  employ  some  of  our 
vessels  for  the  protection  of  our  commerce  in  the  Indian  sea,  the  Pacific, 
and  along  the  Atlantic  coast.  The  interests  which  we  have  depending 
in  those  quarters,  which  have  been  much  improved  of  late,  are  of  great 
extent,  and  of  high  importance  to  the  nation,  as  well  as  to  the  parties 
concerned,  and  would  undoubtedly  suffer,  if  such  protection  was  not 
extended  to  them.  In  the  execution  of  the  law  of  the  last  session,  for 
the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade,  some  of  our  public  ships  have  also 
been  employed  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  where  several  captures  have  already 
been  made  of  vessels  engaged  in  that  disgraceful  traffic." 

On  the  twenty-fifth,  Mr.  Lowndes,  from  the  committee  on  the  Consti- 
tution of  Missouri,  made  an  able  report  on  the  subject,  declaring  said 
constitution  to  be  republican,  and  concluding  with  a  Resolve,  That  the 
State  of  Missouri  shall  be,  and  is  hereby,  declared  to  be  one  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  and  is  admitted  into  the  Union  on  an  equal  footing 
with  the  original  States,  in  all  respects  whatever.  Mr.  Lowndes  moved 
to  refer  the  resolution  to  a  committee  of  the  whole,  on  the  state  of  the 
union*  which  put  it  into  the  power  of  the  House  to  act  upon  it  at  any 
time.  Whilst  on  the  floor,  he  took  occasion  to  say  that  this  report  must 
be  considered,  as  indeed  must  all  reports  of  committees,  as  the  act  of  a 
majority  of  the  committee,  and  not  as  expressing  the  sentiment  of  every 
individual  of  the  committee.  The  debate  on  this  subject  continued  one 
weeK,  and  it  was  decided  by  a  majority  of  fourteen  in  the  House,  that 
Missouri  could  not  be  admitted  into  the  Union  with  the  present  Constitu- 
tion. This  discussion  was  managed  with  great  ability  and  good  temper. 
The  members  from  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  and  South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Alabama,  and  Mississippi,  voted  unani- 
mously in  support  of  the  Missouri  Constitution.  The  northern  and 
middle  States,  with  a  few  exceptions,  cast  all  their  votes  against  its 
admission. 

The  Missouri  question  again  presented  itself  in  rather  a  different 
shape,  on  the  fourteenth  of  February,  1821,  the  day  appointed  by  law 
for  opening  and  counting  the  votes  for  President  and  Vice-President  for 
the  ensuing  term.  It  was  foreseen  that  a  difficulty  might  arise  in  regard 
to  the  votes  for  Missouri,  and,  to  guard  against  it,  a  resolution  had  been 
passed  in  the  Senate  the  day  before,  directing,  among  other  things,  that 
in  case  any  objection  should  be  made  to  counting  the  votes  returned  from 
Missouri,  and  provided  these  votes  would  not  make  any  difference  in 
the  result,  the  President  should  declare  that  if  the  votes  of  Missouri 
were  counted,  the  number  of  votes  for  A.  B.  for  President  would  be  so 
many,  and  if  the  votes  of  Missouri  were  not  counted,  the  number  would 
be  so  many,  and  that  in  either  case  A.  B.  is  elected.  The  same  course 
in  relation  to  Vice-President.  This  resolution  was  taken  up  in  the 
House  this  morning.  It  was  generally  supported  by  the  restrictionists, 
and  was  also  warmly  supported  by  Mr.  Clay  as  the  only  mode  of  avoid- 
ing the  difficulty.  It  was,  however,  opposed  by  most  of  the  Missouri 
party.  It  was  finally  agreed  to  on  the  part  of  the  House,  sometime  after 
the  hour  appointed  for  the  meeting  of  the  two  Houses  to  count  the  votes. 


216  MONROE. 

The  Constitution  is  not  very  explicit  in  prescribing  the  mode  of  proce« 
dure,  or  who  shall  be  judge  of  the  returns.  The  Senate  had  passed  a 
resolution,  directing  that  the  President  of  the  Senate  should  preside 
while  the  two  Houses  were  assembled.  The  House  of  Representatives, 
not  to  yield  the  point  of  dignity,  passed  a  resolution  directing  that  the 
Speaker  of  the  House  should  retain  his  seat,  and  that  a  chair  should  be 
provided  at  his  right  for  the  President  of  the  Senate.  A  message  was 
sent  to  the  Senate  to  inform  them  that  the  House  were  ready  to  receive 
them  in  the  Representatives'  Chamber,  and  to  proceed  to  count  the  votes. 
Mr.  Clay  moved  that  a  committee  should  be  appointed  to  receive  the 
President  and  Senate  at  the  door,  and  conduct  them  to  their  seats.  This 
motion  was  opposed,  as  without  precedent,  but  it  prevailed.  A  part  of 
the  seats  of  the  members,  on  the  right  of  the  chair,  were  vacated  to 
accommodate  the  members  of  the  Senate.  The  President  of  the  Senate 
having  taken  his  seat,  the  returns  were  laid  before  him  by  the  clerk  of 
the  Senate,  remaining  sealed.  Mr.  Barbour,  teller  on  the  part  of  the 
Senate,  and  Messrs.  Smith  and  Sergeant,  tellers  on  the  part  of  the 
House,  sat  at  the  clerk's  table,  and  the  clerks  of  the  Senate  and  House 
occupied  separate  tables  in  front.  The  President  of  the  Senate  first  took 
up  the  return  from  the  State  of  New  Hampshire,  cut  the  seal  and  handed 
it  to  the  teller  on  the  part  of  the  Senate.  He  first  read  the  superscrip- . 
tion,  then  the  certificate  of  the  Governor  of  the  due  appointment  of  the 
electors, — the  record  of  proceedings  of  the  electors, — the  number  of  votes 
given  for  each  candidate,  duly  certified  by  all  the  electors.  The  papers 
were  then  handed  to  one  of  the  tellers  on  the  part  of  the  House,  who 
repeated  the  reading  of  all  the  documents  in  the  same  order.  The 
Clerk  of  the  Senate,  who  in  the  meantime  had  made  an  entry  of  the 
votes  given  by  the  State  for  each  candidate,  read  it  aloud.  The  clerk 
of  the  House  then  read  the  entry  which  he  had  made,  precisely  of  the 
same  import.  The  entries  made  by  the  clerks  were  then  handed  to  the 
tellers  and  examined  by  them,  and  handed  back  to  the  clerks.  The 
President  of  the  Senate  then  took  up  the  return  of  the  State  of  Massa- 
chusetts, cut  the  seal,  and  handed  it  to  the  teller,  and  the  same  order  of 
proceedings  was  had  upon  it  as  before.  The  same  order  was  observed 
in  relation  to  the  returns  of  all  the  States.  Some  of  the  returns  were 
much  more  full  and  formal  than  others,  and  occupied  much  time  in 
reading.  The  reading  of  the  whole  occupied  several  hours.  When 
the  President  of  the  Senate  came  to  the  return  of  the  votes  of  Missouri, 
Mr.  Livermore  of  New  Hampshire  objected  to  their  being  received  and 
counted,  Missouri  not  being  a  State.  As  soon  as  this  objection  was 
made,  a  member  of  the  Senate  proposed  that  the  Senators  should  with- 
draw. The  Senate  immediately  withdrew,  and  Mr.  Floyd,  of  Virginia, 
proposed  a  resolution,  importing  that  Missouri  is  a  State  of  the  Union, 
and  the  votes  returned  from  that  State  ought  to  be  received  and  counted. 
A  debate  ensued  on  this  resolution.  A  motion  was  made  to  postpone 
the  consideration,  and  afterwards  a  motion  to  lay  it  on  the  table,  which 
last  prevailed.  The  Senate  were  then  informed  by  message,  that  the 
House  were  ready  to  proceed  in  counting  the  votes. 

The  Senate  again  came  in.     The  return  of  Missouri  was  opened  and 


MONROE.  217 

and  recorded  by  the  clerks.  The  stalement  of  the  votes  as  return* 
ed  was  then  read  over  by  the  President  of  the  Senate,  and  he  declared 
the  result  in  the  form  prescribed  by  the  joint  resolution  of  the  two 
Houses,  viz.  "  If  the  votes  of  Missouri  were  counted,  the  number  of  votes 
for  James  Monroe  would  be  two  hundred  and  thirty-one  ;  if  they  are  not 
counted,  the  number  of  votes  for  James  Monroe  is  two  hundred  and  twenty- 
eight,  and  for  John  Q.  Adams  one.  For  Vice-President,  if  the  votes  of 
Missouri  were  counted,  the  number  of  votes  for  D.  D.  Tompkins  would 
be  two  hundred  and  eighteen,  if  not,  two  hundred  and  fifteen,  &c." — • 
This  is  not  the  precise  form,  but  the  words  were  to  ihis  effect.  He 
was  going  on  to  declare  Monroe  and  Tompkins  duly  elected,  when  Mr. 
Floyd  rose,  and  addressing  the  President  of  the  Senate,  demanded  to  be 
informed  whether  the  votes  of  Missouri  were  counted  or  not.  The 
President  of  the  Senate  replied,  that  it  was  an  occasion  on  which  there 
could  be  no  debate.  Mr.  Floyd  repeated  his  question,  and  demanded 
an  answer.  The  Speaker  of  the  House  rose  and  said  that  the  gentle- 
man from  Virginia  must  take  his  seat.  Mr.  Randolph  rose  and 
addressed  the  President  of  the  Senate  nearly  to  the  same  effect  as  he  had 
been  addressed  by  Mr.  Floyd.  The  Speaker  told  him  he  was  out  of 
order,  and  must  take  his  seat.  Mr.  Randolph  remained  upon  the  floor, 
and  there  were  cries  of  order,  order,  from  all  parts  of  the  House.  The 
Speaker  again  told  Mr.  Randolph  he  must  take  his  seat.  Mr.  R.  sat 
down,  and  instantly  Mr.  Brush  of  Ohio,  who  sat  near  him,  rose  and 
said,  "I  rise  to  support  the  right  of  the  gentleman  from  Virginia." 
The  Speaker  told  Mr.  Brush  that  he  also  was  out  of  order,  and  must 
take  his  seat.  He  sat  down,  and  order  being  restored,  the  President 
of  the  Senate  proceeded  to  declare  James  Monroe  and  D.  D.  Tompkins 
duly  elected  President  and  Vice-President.  Mr.  Randolph  then  rose 
and  addressed  the  chair. 

Mr.  Randolph  said,  it  was  not  without  reluctance  that  he  offered 
himself  to  the  attention  of  the  House  at  this  time ;  but  he  submitted  to 
the  very  worthy  gentleman  from  Maryland  who  had  just  taken  his  seat, 
whether  the  object  which  he  had  in  view  could,  according  to  his  own 
views  of  propriety,  be  effectuated  by  the  course  which  he  had  recommend- 
ed to  this  House.  It  was  no  part  of  his  nature,  Mr.  R.  said,  nor  of  his 
purpose  to  inflate,  to  a  greater  magnitude  this  exaggerated  question  of 
the  admission  of  Missouri  into  the  Union.  But  the  question  had  now 
assumed  that  aspect  which,  had  it  depended  on  him,  it  should  have  taken 
at  an  earlier  period  of  the  session.  It  was,  he  said,  not  only- congenial 
with  the  principles  and  practices  of  our  free  government,  but,  unless  he 
was  deceived,  with  the  practice  of  that  country  from  which  we  have 
adopted,  and  wisely  adopted,  our  manly  institutions,  that  on  any  occasion 
when  any  person  presents  himself  to  a  representative  body  with  creden- 
tials of  title  to  a  seat,  he  shall  take  his  seat,  and  perform  the  functions 
of  a  member,  until  a  prior  and  a  better  claim  shall  not  only  be  preferred, 
but  established.  It  was  seen,  that,  but  the  day  before  yesterday,  the 
committee  of  elections  of  this  House  came  forward  with  a  report,  stating 
that  the  qualifications  and  returns  of  certain  members  were  perfect  who 
nave  been  acting  and  legislating,  and  on  whose  votes  the  laws  of  the 
28 


218  MONROE. 

land  have  depended,  for  the  last  three  or  four  months.  Just  so  it  ought 
to  have  been  with  regard  to  the  Representative  from  the  State  of  Missouri. 
She  has  now,  said  Mr.  R.,  presented  herself,  for  the  first  time,  in  a 
visible  and  tangible  shape.  She  comes  into  this  House,  not  in  forma 
pauperis,  but  claiming  to  be  one  of  the  co-sovereignties  of  this  confede- 
rated government,  and  presents  to  you  her  vote,  by  receiving  or  reject- 
ing which,  the  election  of  your  Chief  Magistrate  will  be  lawful  or  unlawful; 
he  did  not  mean  by  the  vote  of  Missouri,  but  by  the  votes  of  all  the  States. 
Now  comes  the  question,  whether  we  will  not  merely  repel  her,  but 
repel  her  with  scorn  and  contumely.  Cui  bono  ?  And  he  might  add, 
quo  ivarranto  ?  He  should  like  to  hear,  he  said,  from  the  gentleman 
from  New  Hampshire  (Mr  Livermore)  where  this  House  gets  its  authori- 
ty— he  should  like  to  hear  some  of  the  learned  (or  unlearned)  sages  of 
the  law,  with  which  this  House,  as  well  as  all  our  legislative  bodies, 
abounds,  shew  their  authority  for  refusing  to  receive  the  votes  from 
Missouri.  Mr.  R.  said  he  went  back  to  first  principles.  The  Electoral 
Colleges,  he  said,  are  as  independent  of  this  House,  as  this  House  is 
of  them.  They  had  as  good  a  right  to  pronounce  on  their  qualifications, 
as  this  House  has  on  those  of  its  members.  Your  office,  said  he,  in 
regard  to  the  electoral  votes,  is  merely  ministerial.  It  is  to  count  the 
votes,  and  you  undertake  to  reject  the  votes.  To  what  will  this  lead  ? 
Do  you  ever  expect  to  see  the  time  when  there  shall  be  in  the  Presidential 
chair  a  creature  so  poor,  so  imbecile,  not  only  not  worthy  of  being  at  the 
head  of  the  nation,  but  not  worthy  of  being  at  the  head  of  a  petty 
corporation — do  you  ever  expect  to  see  in  that  office  an  animal  so  poor, 
as  not  to  have  in  this  House  retainers  enough  to  enable  him  to  reject  the 
vote  of  any  State,  which,  being  counted,  might  prevent  his  continuance, 
and  their  continuance,  and  that  of  their  friends,  in  office  ?  He  spoke 
not  of  the  present  incumbent — he  was  not  so  wanting  in  common  decency 
and  decorum  as  to  do  so — he  spoke  in  reference  not  only  to  what  is  past, 
but  to  that  which  is  prospective,  and  which  every  man  who  looks  the 
least  into  futurity,  must  know  will  happen,  and,  in  all  probability,  will 
shortly  happen.  He  undertook  to  say,  that  if  this  House  should,  by  a 
vote  of  indefinite  postponement — for  the  form  was  immaterial — or  in 
any  other  way — and  it  would  be  observed,  for  the  first  instance  in  the 
person  of  Missouri,  of  this  much  injured,  long  insulted,  trampled  upon 
member  of  this  confederacy,  was  this  example  to  be  set — -if,  said  he,  you 
do,  for  the  first  time,  now  refuse  to  receive  the  votes  of  a  State,  it  will  be 
created  into  a  precedent,  and  that  in  the  lifetime  of  some  of  those  who 
now  hear  me,  for  the  manufacture  of  Presidents  by  this  House.  The 
wisest  men  may  make  constitutions  on  paper,  as  they  please.  What, 
Mr.  R.  asked,  was  the  theory  of  this  Constitution  ?  It  is,  that  this 
House,  except  upon  a  certain  contingency,  has  nothing  at  all  to  do  with 
the  appointment  of  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States, 
and  when  it  does  act,  must  act  by  States,  and  by  States  only  can  it  act  on 
this  subject,  unless  it  transcend  the  limits  of  the  Constitution.  What,  he 
asked,  was  to  be  the  practice  of  the  Constitution,  as  now  proposed  ? 
That  an  informal  meeting  of  this  and  the  other  House  is  to  usurp  the 
initiative,  the  nominative  power,  with  regard  to  the  two  first  officers  of  the 


MONROE.  219 

government ;  that  they  are  to  wrest  from  the  people  of  the  United 
States  their  indubitable  right  of  telling  us  whom  they  wish  to  exercise 
the  functions  of  the  government,  in  despite  and  contempt  of  their 
decision.  Is  there  to  be  no  limit  to  the  power  of  Congress  ?  No  mound 
or  barrier  to  stay  their  usurpation  ?  Why  were  the  electoral  bodies 
established  ?  The  Constitution  has  wisely  provided  that  they  shall 
assemble,  each  by  itself,  and  not  in  one  great  assembly.  By  this  means, 
assuredly,  that  system  of  intrigue  which  was  matured  into  a  science,  or 
rather  into  an  art  here,  was  guarded  against.  But  Mr.  R.  ventured  to  say, 
that  the  electoral  college  of  this  much  despised  Missouri,  acting  con- 
formably to  law,  and  to  the  genius  and  nature  of  our  institutions,  if  it 
were  composed  of  but  one  man,  was  as  independent  of  this  House  as  this 
House  was  of  it.  If,  however,  said  he,  per  fas  aut  nefas,  the  point  is  to 
be  carried  ;  if  the  tocsin  is  to  be  sounded  ;  if  the  troops  are  to  be  rallied, 
and  Missouri  is  to  be  expelled  with  scorn  from  our  august  presence — 
how  august,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  leave  it  for  you  to  decide — there  are  those 
who  will  be  willing  to  take  her  to  their  arms.  And  in  point  of  mere 
expediency,  he  would  ask  of  gentlemen — he  put  the  suggestion  in 
that  shape,  because  he  believed  they  were  now  doing  nothing  but  riveting 
those  ties  by  which  Missouri  would,  he  trusted,  forever  be  bound  to  that 
section  of  the  country  by  which,  with  whatever  reason,  her  rights  have 
been  supported  on  this  floor  ?  I  do  look  with  a  sentiment  I  cannot 
express,  said  Mr.  R. — I  look  with  a  sentiment  of  pity — and  that  has 
been  said  to  be  nearly  allied  to  love,  as  I  know  it  to  be  allied  to  a  very 
different  emotion — I  look  with  pity  on  those  who  believe  that,  by  their 
feeble  efforts  in  this  House, — governed  by  forms  and  technicalities, 
your  sergeant  at  arms  and  committees  of  attendance,  and  mummeries 
such  as  belong  to  other  countries  where  I  have  never  travelled,  and 
trust  in  God  I  never  shall, — they  can  stop  the  growth  of  the  rising 
Empire  in  the  West. — Let  gentlemen  lay  a  resolution  on  the  table,  let  it 
be  engrossed  in  a  fair  hand,  and  do  you,  Mr.  Speaker,  sign  it,  that  the 
waves  of  the  Mississippi  shall  not  seek  the  ocean,  and  then  send  your 
sergeant  at  arms  to  carry  it  into  execution ;  and  see  whether  you  can 
enforce  it  with  all  the  force,  physical  or  moral,  under  your  control. 
Mr.  R.  concluded  by  expressing  his  hope  that  the  gentleman  from 
Maryland  would  withdraw  his  motion  for  indefinite  postponement. 

Mr.  Archer  replied  to  Mr.  Randolph,  who  rose  again  in  his  turn  to 
explain. 

Mr.  Randolph  said,  it  was  highly  probable  that  the  few  remarks  which 
he  had  made  might  give  rise  to  misapprehensions,  in  the  minds  of  other 
gentlemen,  as  they  had  done  in  the  mind  of  his  colleague. — He  therefore 
wished  to  explain.  His  position,  he  said,  was  misunderstood.  It  had 
been  said,  and  pertinently  said,  that  Missouri  might  be  admitted  into  the 
Union  in  more  ways  than  one.  His  position,  then,  was,  that  this  is  the 
first  instance  in  which  Missouri  has  knocked  at  the  door  and  demanded 
her  rights.  It  is  now  for  us,  said  Mr.  R.,  by  permitting  her  to  come  in, 
or  rather  by  refraining  from  extruding  her  from  this  hall,  to  de- 
termine whether  she  shall  now  be  one  of  our  commonwealth,  or,  as 
the  fashion  is  to  call  it,  of  our  empire.  Mr.  R.  said,  he  had  no 


220  MONROE. 

doubt  that  Congress  might  drive  Missouri  into  the  wilderness,  like 
another  son  of  Hagar.  If  we  do,  said  he,  we  drive  her  at  our  own  peril. 
If  either  of  the  worthy  Senators  and  Representatives  from  Missouri,  whose 
long  forbearance  had  excited  surprise  in  no  man's  breast  more  than  in 
that  of  Mr.  R. — he  did  not  mean  to  blarne  them  for  pursuing  the  counsel 
of  cooler  heads  than  his — had  presented  themselves  here,  would  you 
(addressing  the  speaker)  have  felt  yourself  bound  to  exclude  them  from 
the  communion  with  more  than  papal  power — not  only  from  the  cup  of 
wine,  but  from  the  bread  of  life  itself?  Let  me  tell  my  friend  before  me, 
(Mr.  Archer,)  we  have  not  the  power  which  he  seems  to  think  we  pos- 
sess ;  and,  if  this  be  a  cassus  omissus  in  the  Constitution,  I  want  to 
know  where  we  acquire  the  power  to  supply  the  defect.  You  may  keep 
Missouri  out  of  the  Union  by  violence,  but  here  the  issue  is  joined. 
She  comes  forward  in  the  person  of  Presidential  and  Vice-Presidential 
Electors,  instead  of  that  of  her  Representative ;  and  she  was  thus  pre- 
sented in  a  shape  as  unquestionable  as  that  of  New  York,  Pennsylvania, 
Massachusetts,  or  the  proudest  and  oldest  State  in  the  Union.  She 
comes  forward  by  her  attorneys,  her  electors.  Will  you  deny  them 
admittance  ?  Will  you  thrust  her  electors,  and  hers  only  from  this  hall  ? 
Mr.  R.  said,  his  friend  had  not  given  to  this  subject  the  sort  of  considera- 
tion which  he  knew  him  to  be  capable  of  giving  it.  I  made  no  objection, 
said  Mr.  R.,  to  the  votes  of  New  Hampshire,  Maine,  or  Vermont :  I 
have  as  good  a  right  to  object  to  the  votes  of  New  Hampshire,  as  the 
gentleman  from  New  Hampshire  has  to  object  to  the  votes  of  Missouri. 
Who  made  thou,  Cain,  thy  brother's  keeper?  Who  pur  Missouri  into 
custody  of  the  honorable  gentleman  of  New  Hampshire  ?  The  electors  of 
Missouri  are  as  much  homines  probi  et  legates  as  the  electors  of  New 
Hampshire.  This,  Mr.  R.  said,  was  no  skirmish,  as  it  had  been  called. 
This  was  the  battle,  when  Greek  meets  Greek  ;  it  was  a  conflict  not  to  be 
decided  between  the  phalanx  and  the  legion,  whether  the  impenetrability 
of  the  one  or  the  activity  of  the  other  shall  prevail.  Let  us  buckle  on  our 
armor,  said  Mr.  R.,  let  us  put  aside  all  this  flummery,  these  metaphysical 
distinctions,  these  legal  technicalities,  these  special  pleadings,  this  dry 
minuteness,  this  unprofitable  drawing  of  distinctions  without  difference  : 
let  us  say  now,  as  we  have  said  on  another  occasion,  we  will  assert, 
maintain,  and  vindicate  our  rights,  or  put  to  every  hazard  what  you 
pretend  to  hold  in  such  high  estimation.  Mr.  R.  said,  he  recollected 
perfectly  well,  in  the  celebrated  election  of  Thomas  Jefferson  and  Aaron 
Burr — they  live,  said  he,  illustrious  examples  of  the  merits  of  their 
respective  partisans — what  were  we  then  told  ?  Why,  that  we  must 
withdraw  our  opposition,  or  there  would  be  no  election ;  that  a  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Union  impended ;  that  volcanoes  began  to  play ;  that  earth- 
quakes yawned  beneath  us — and,  recollect,  Sir,  we  had  a  President  in 
the  chair  who  had  a  majority  in  this  House,  small  as  it  was.  He 
treated  the  idea  of  giving  way  with  derision  and  scorn :  we  said, 
we  will  not  give  way,  and  you  must  take  the  consequences :  we 
appealed,  said  Mr.  R.,  to  the  good  sense  of  the  nation — and  I  do  now 
appeal  to  this  nation,  said  he,  whether  this  pretended  sympathy  for  the 
rights  of  free  negroes  and  mulattoes  is  to  supersede  the  rights  of  the  free 


MONROE.  221 

white  citizens,  of  ten  times  their  whole  number.  They  gave  way,  Sir, 
said  Mr.  R. — The  sheep  is  the  most  timid  and  helpless  of  all  animals :  it 
retreats  before  any  attack  is  offered  to  it.  The  President  of  the  United 
States,  Mr.  R.  said,  possesses  great  powers  and  highly  responsible 
functions,  and  should  be  looked  up  to  with  veneration  and  deference, 
because  he  is  a  chief  magistrate  of  a  people,  legally  appointed  by  their 
suffrages.  But  a  President  of  the  United  States,  appointed  by  the 
exclusion  of  the  votes  of  those  who  are  the  same  flesh  and  blood  as 
ourselves — for  the  people  of  Missouri  are  not  natives  of  Missouri,  with 
the  exception  of  a  few  French  and  still  fewer  Spaniards — is  no  more 
the  chief  magistrate  of  this  country,  than  that  thing — that  pageant,  which 
the  majorities  of  the  two  Houses  proposed  to  set  up  just  twenty  years 
ago — a  President  made  by  law — no,  by  the  form  and  color  of  law, 
against  the  principles  of  the  Constitution,  and  in  violation  of  the  rights 
of  the  freemen  of  this  country.  Sir,  said  Mr.  R.,  I  would  not  give  a 
button  for  him.  On  his  personal  account,  and  for  his  personal  qualities, 
I  might  treat  him  with  respect  as  an  individual,  but  as  Chief  Magistrate 
of  this  country,  he  would  be  more  odious  to  my  judgment  than  one  of 
the  house  of  Stuart  attempting  to  seat  himself  on  the  throne  of  England, 
in  defiance  of  the  laws  of  succession  and  of  the  opinion  of  the  people. 

The  President  of  the  Senate  then  proposed  that  the  Senate  should 
retire,  and  to  this  proposition  the  members  of  the  Senate  acceded.  Mr. 
Randolph  in  the  meanwhile  speaking.  The  Senate  then  withdrew,  and 
Mr.  Randolph  submitted  the  following  resolutions  : 

1.  Resolved,  That  the  electoral  votes  of  the  State  of  Missouri  have 
this  day  been  counted,  and  do  constitute  part  of  the  majority  of  two 
hundred  and  thirty-one  votes  given  for  President,  and  of  two  hundred 
and  eighteen  votes  given  for  Vice-President.  , 

2.  Resolved,  That  the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed,  and  of 
votes  given  for  President  and  Vice-President,  have  not  been  announced 
by  the  presiding  officers  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives, 
agreeable  to  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and 
that  therefore  the  proceeding  has  been  irregular  and  illegal. 

A  motion  was  then  made  to  adjourn,  which  was  carried  by  yeas  and 
nays. 

On  the  twenty-sixth  of  February,  Mr.  Clay,  from  the  joint  committee 
appointed  on  the  Missouri  subject,  reported  the  following  resolution. 

Resolved,  That  Missouri  shall  be  admitted  into  this  Union  on  an 
equal  footing  with  the  original  States,  in  all  respects  whatever,  upon  the 
fundamental  condition,  that  the  fourth  clause  of  the  twenty-sixth  section 
of  the  third  article  of  the  Constitution  submitted  on  the  part  of  said 
State  to  Congress,  shall  never  be  construed  to  authorize  the  passage  of 
any  law,  and  that  no  law  shall  be  passed  in  conformity  thereto,  by  which 
any  citizen  of  either  of  the  States  in  this  Union  shall  be  excluded  from 
the  enjoyment  of  any  of  the  privileges  and  immunities  to  which  such 
citizen  is  entitled  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  :  Provided, 
that  the  Legislature  of  the  said  State,  by  a  solemn  public  act,  shall 
declare  the  assent  of  the  said  State,  to  the  said  fundamental  condition,  and 
shall  transmit  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  on  or  before  the 


222  MONROE. 

fourth  Monday  in  November  next,  an  authentic  copy  of  the  said  act ; 
upon  the  receipt  whereof  the  President,  by  proclamation,  shall  announce 
the  fact :  whereupon,  and  without  any  further  proceeding  on  the  part 
of  Congress,  the  admission  of  the  said  State  into  this  Union  shall  be 
considered  as  complete. 

Mr.  Clay  briefly  explained  the  views  of  the  committee,  and  the  con- 
siderations which  induced  them  to  report  the  resolution.  He  considered 
this  resolution  as  being  the  same  in  effect  as  that  which  had  been 
previously  reported  by  the  former  committee  of  thirteen  members  ;  and 
stated  that  the  committee  on  the  part  of  the  Senate  was  unanimous,  and 
that  on  the  part  of  the  House  nearly  so,  in  favor  of  this  resolution. 

Mr.  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  delivered  his  objections  to  the  resolution, 
on  the  ground  of  the  defect  of  power  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  to  authorize  or  require  the  Legislature  of  a  State  once  admitted 
into  the  Union,  to  do  the  act  proposed  by  this  resolution  to  be  demanded 
of  the  Legislature  of  Missouri. 

Mr.  Allen,  of  Massachusetts,  delivered  his  sentiments,  with  much  ear- 
nestness, and  pretty  much  at  large,  in  opposition  to  the  resolution,  on  the 
ground  as  well  of  its  terms,  as  of  hostility  to  the  toleration  of  slavery  in 
any  shape,  or  under  any  pretence,  by  the  legislation  of  Congress  ;  and 
concluded  by  moving  to  amend  the  resolution  by  striking  out  the  word 
citizen,  wherever  it  occurs  in  the  resolution,  as  above  printed,  and  to 
msert  in  lieu  thereof  "  free  negro  or  mulatto." 

At  length  the  final  question  was  taken,  and  decided  in  the  affirmative, 
by  a  vote  of  eighty-seven  to  eighty-one.  So  the  resolution  was  passed, 
and  ordered  to  be  sent  to  the  Senate  for  concurrence  ;  here  it  received  its 
last  reading  and  was  pased  on  the  twenty-eighth. 

On  the  twenty-second  of  February,  a  proclamation  was  issued  by  the 
President,  promulgating  the  treaty  which  had  been  made  with  Spain, 
and  its  final  ratifications  by  the  United  States  and  his  Catholic  Majesty- 
Two  measures  of  great  public  interest  and  importance  were  thus  at  about 
the  same  period  brought  to  a  felicitous  termination.  The  session  of 
Congress,  though  it  had  been  stormy  in  its  progress,  terminated  in  good 
order  and  perfect  harmony. 

On  the  fifth  of  March,  Mr.  Monroe  took  the  oath  to  support  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  and  was  again  inaugurated  as  President. 
On  this  occasion  he  made  an  address  to  his  fellow  citizens  at  large,  and 
laid  before  them  a  general  view  of  the  policy  which  the  government 
intended  to  pursue.  He  very  properly  availed  himself  of  his  re-election, 
to  consider  it  as  the  public  approbation  of  his  conduct  in  the  preceding 
term.  After  a  brief  notice  of  measures  for  fortification  and  defence, 
which  had  been  rendered  necessary  by  the  events  of  the  last  war,  the 
President  took  a  cursory  review  of  our  foreign  relations,  and  the  state  of 
the  national  revenue.  The  address  concludes  with  the  following  para- 
graphs : 

"  The  care  of  the  Indian  tribes  within  our  limits  has  long  been  an 
essential  part  of  our  system,  but,  unfortunately,  it  has  not  been  executed 
in  a  manner  to  accomplish  all  the  objects  intended  by  it.  We  have 
treated  them  as  independent  nations,  without  their  having  any  substan- 


MONROE.  223 

tial  pretension  to  that  rank.  The  distinction  has  flattered  their  pride, 
retarded  their  improvement,  and,  in  many  instances,  paved  the  way  to 
their  destruction.  The  progress  of  our  settlements  westward,  sup- 
ported as  they  are  by  a  dense  population,  has  constantly  driven  them 
back  with  almost  the  total  sacrifice  of  the  lands  which  they  have  been 
compelled  to  abandon.  They  have  claims  on  the  magnanimity,  and,  I 
may  add,  on  the  justice  of  this  nation,  which  we  must  all  feel.  We 
should  become  their  real  benefactors,  we  should  perform  the  office  of 
their  Great  Father,  the  endearing  title  which  they  emphatically  give  to 
the  Chief  Magistrate  of  our  Union.  Their  sovereignty  over  vast  territo- 
ries should  cease,  in  lieu  of  which  the  right  of  soil  should  be  secured  to 
each  individual,  and  his  posterity  in  competent  portions  ;  and,  for  the 
territory  thus  ceded  by  each  tribe,  some  reasonable  equivalent  should  be 
granted,  to  be  vested  in  permanent  funds  for  the  support  of  civil  go- 
vernment over  them,  and  for  the  education  of  their  children,  for  their 
instruction  in  the  arts  of  husbandry,  and  to  provide  sustenance  for  them 
until  they  could  provide  it  for  themselves.  My  earnest  hope  is,  that 
Congress  will  digest  some  plan,  founded  on  these  principles,  with  such 
improvements  as  their  wisdom  may  suggest,  and  carry  it  into  effect  as 
soon  as  it  may  be  practicable. 

"  Europe  is  again  unsettled,  and  the  prospect  of  war  increasing. 
Should  the  flame  light  up,  in  any  quarter,  how  far  it  may  extend,  it  is 
impossible  to  foresee.  It  is  our  peculiar  felicity  to  be  altogether  uncon- 
nected with  the  causes  which  produce  this  menacing  aspect  elsewhere. 
With  every  power  we  are  in  perfect  amity,  and  it  is  our  interest  to  remain 
so,  if  it  be  practicable  on  just  conditions.  I  see  no  reasonable  cause  to 
apprehend  variance  with  any  power,  unless  it  proceed  from  a  violation  of 
our  maritime  rights.  In  these  contests,  should  they  occur,  and  to  what- 
ever extent  they  may  be  carried,  we  shall  be  neutral ;  but,  as  a  neutral 
power,  we  have  rights  which  it  is  our  duty  to  maintain.  For  light  injuries 
it  will  be  incumbent  on  us  to  seek  redress  in  a  spirit  of  amity,  in  full 
confidence  that,  injuring  none,  none  would  knowingly  injuro  us.  For 
more  imminent  dangers  we  should  be  prepared,  and  it  should  always  be 
recollected  that  such  preparation,  Adapted  to  the  circumstances,  and  sanc- 
tioned by  the  judgment  and  wishes  of  our  constituents,  cannot  fail  to  have 
a  good  effect  of  averting  dangers  of  every  kind.  We  should  recollect, 
also,  that  the  season  of  peace  is  best  adapted  to  tnese  preparations. 

"  If  we  turn  our  attention,  fellow  citizens,  more  immediately  to  the 
internal  concerns  of  our  country,  and  more  especially  to  those  on  which 
its  future  welfare  depends,  we  have  every  reason  to  anticipate  the  hap- 
piest results.  It  is  now  rather  more  than  forty-four  years  since  we 
declared  our  independence,  and  thirty-seven  since  it  was  acknowledged. 
The  talents  and  virtues  which  were  displayed  in  that  great  struggle  were 
a  sure  presage  of  all  that  has  since  followed.  A  people  who  were  able 
to  surmount,  in  their  infant  state,  such  great  perils,  would  be  more  com- 
petent, as  they  rose  into  manhood,  to  repel  any  which  they  might  meet 
in  their  progress.  Their  physical  strength  would  be  more  adequate  to 
foreign  danger,  and  the  practice  of  self-government,  aided  by  the  light  of 
experience,  could  not  fail  to  produce  an  effect,  equally  salutary,  on  all 


224  MONROE. 

those  questions  connected  with  the  internal  organization.  These  favora- 
ble anticipations  have  been  realized.  In  our  whole  system,  national  and 
state,  we  have  shunned  all  the  defects  which  unceasingly  preyed  on  the 
vitals  and  destroyed  the  ancient  republics.  In  them  there  were  distinct 
orders,  a  nobility  and  a  people,  or  the  people  governed  in  one  assembly. 
Thus,  in  the  one  instance,  there  was  a  perpetual  conflict  between  the  orders 
in  society  for  the  ascendancy,  in  which  the  victory  of  either  terminated 
in  the  overthrow  of  the  government,  and  the  ruin  of  the  state.  In  the 
other,  in  which  the  people  governed  in  a  body,  and  whose  dominions  sel- 
dom exceeded  the  dimensions  of  a  county  in  one  of  our  States,  a  tumul- 
tuous and  disorderly  movement  permitted  only  a  transitory  existence.  In 
this  great  nation  there  is  but  one  order,  that  of  the  people,  whose  power, 
by  a  peculiarly  happy  improvement  of  the  representative  principle,  is 
transferred  from  them  without  impairing,  in  the  slightest  degree,  their 
sovereignty,  to  bodies  of  their  own  creation,  and  to  persons  elected  by 
themselves,  in  the  full  extent  necessary  for  all  the  purposes  of  free, 
enlightened,  and  efficient  government.  The  whole  system  is  elective, 
the  complete  sovereignty  being  in  the  people,  and  every  officer,  in  every 
department,  deriving  his  authority  from,  and  being  responsible  to  them, 
for  his  conduct." 

On  the  3d  of  December,  Congress  again  assembled,  and  the  Honorable 
Philip  P.  Barbour  was  elected  Speaker  of  the  House.  On  the  5th,  the 
President  transmitted  to  both  Houses  of  Congress  the  annual  message. 
It  was  quite  long  and  interesting,  presenting  a  favorable  view  of  the 
affairs  of  the  nation,  as  respected  its  commerce,  manufactures,  and  revenue. 
It  stated  that,  in  pursuance  of  the  treaty  with  Spain,  possession  of  East 
and  West  Florida  had  been  given  to  the  United  States,  but  that  the 
officers  charged  with  that  service  had  omitted,  in  contravention  of  the 
orders  of  their  sovereigns,  the  delivery  of  the  archives  and  documents 
relative  to  the  sovereignty  of  those  provinces.  This  omission  had  given 
rise  to  several  disagreeable  and  painful  incidents.  The  success  of  the 
South  American  colonies,  during  the  previous  year,  was  another  topic  of 
the  message.  The  new  government  of  Colombia  had  extended  its  terri- 
tories, and  considerably  augmented  its  strength ;  and  at  Buenos  Ayres, 
where  civil  dissension  had  sometime  before  prevailed,  greater  harmony 
and  better  order  had  been  restored.  Equal  success  had  attended  their 
efforts  in  the  provinces  on  the  Pacific.  It  was  advised,  as  the  true  policy 
of  the  United  States,  to  promote  a  settlement  of  this  question  with  Spain 
based  on  the  independence  of  the  colonies. 

Manufactures  receive  particular  attention  in  this  message.  "  It  cannot 
be  doubted,  that  the  more  complete  our  internal  resources,  and  the  less 
dependent  we  are  on  foreign  powers,  for  every  national,  as  well  as 
domestic  purpose,  the  greater  and  more  stable  will  be  the  public  felicity. 
By  the  increase  of  domestic  manufactures,  will  the  demand  for  the  rude 
materials  at  home  be  increased,  and  thus  will  the  dependence  of  the 
several  parts  of  our  Union  on  each  other,  and  the  strength  of  the  Union 
itself,  be  proportionably  augmented.  In  this  process,  which  is  very 
desirable,  and  inevitable  under  the  existing  duties,  the  resources  which 
obviously  present  themselves  to  supply  a  deficiency  in  the  revenue,  should 


MONROE.  225 

it  occur,  are  the  interests  which  may  derive  the  principal  benefit  from  the 
change.  If  domestic  manufactures  are  raised  by  duties  on  foreign,  the 
deficiency  in  the  fund  necessary  for  public  purposes  should  be  supplied 
by  duties  on  the  former.  At  the  last  session,  it  seemed  doubtful,  whether 
the  revenue  derived  from  the  present  sources  would  be  adequate  to  all 
the  great  purposes  of  our  Union,  including  the  construction  of  our  forti- 
fications, the  augmentation  of  our  navy,  and  the  protection  of  our 
commerce  against  the  dangers  to  which  it  is  exposed.  Had  the  deficiency 
been  such  as  to  subject  us  to  the  necessity,  either  to  abandon  those 
measures  of  defence,  or  to  resort  to  other  means  for  adequate  funds,  the 
course  presented  to  the  adoption  of  a  virtuous  and  enlightened  people 
appeared  to  be  a  plain  one.  It  must  be  gratifying  to  all  to  know,  that 
this  necessity  does  not  exist.  Nothing,  however,  in  contemplation  of 
such  important  objects,  which  can  be  easiry  provided  for,  should  be  left 
to  hazard.  It  is  thought  that  the  revenue  may  receive  an  augmentation 
from  the  existing  sources,  and  in  a  manner  to  aid  our  manufactures, 
without  hastening  prematurely  the  result  which  has  been  suggested.  It 
is  believed  that  a  moderate  additional  duty  on  certain  articles  would  have 
that  effect,  without  being  liable  to  any  serious  objection." 

On  the  twenty-first  of  January,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Sergeant,  chairman 
of  the  committee  on  the  judiciary,  the  House  went  into  a  committee  of 
the  whole,  Mr.  Taylor  in  the  chair,  on  the  bill  for  establishing  an  uniform 
system  of  bankruptcy.  The  first  section  of  the  bill  being  under  conside- 
ration, Mr.  Sergeant  rose  and  occupied  the  floor  in  favor  of  the  bill,  till 
the  hour  of  adjournment,  when  the  committee  rose  and  the  House  ad- 
journed. On  the  following  day,  Mr.  Sergeant  resumed  and  closed  his 
speech  on  this  important  subject.  Mr.  Randolph  utterly  denied  the  power 
of  Congress,  to  pass  a  law  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts,  whenever 
made.  Mr.  Smyth,  of  Virginia,  took  a  prominent  stand  in  opposition  to 
the  bill ;  and  Mr.  Sergeant  continued  to  the  close  the  chief  speaker  in 
its  defence.  The  bill  was  finally  rejected  in  the  House  by  a  vote  of 
ninety-nine  to  seventy-two. 

On  the  twenty-sixth  of  February,  Mr.  Lloyd,  of  Maryland,  rose  in  the 
Senate,  and  addressed  the  chair  as  follows : 

"  MR.  PRESIDENT  :  It  has  become  my  painful  duty  to  announce  to  the 
Senate  the  melancholy  fact,  that  my  much  esteemed  and  distinguished 
colleague  is  no  more.  An  attempt  to  excite  the  sympathies  of  the  Senate 
for  a  loss  so  great  and  so  afflicting — a  loss  we  must  all  sincerely  deplore 
— would  betray  a  suspicion  of  their  sensibility.  This  chamber,  Sir, 
has  been  one  of  the  fields  of  his  fame.  You  have  seen  him  in  his 
strength.  You  have  seen  him  the  admiration  of  the  Senate  ;  the  pride 
of  his  native  State  ;  the  ornament  of  his  country.  He  is  now  no  more. 
But,  for  his  friends  and  relatives,  there  is  consolation  beyond  the  grave. 
I  humbly  and  firmly  trust,  that  he  now  reposes  on  the  bosom  of  his  God." 

Sundry  resolves   were  then  entered  into,  for  appointing  a  committee 

for  superintending  the  funeral,  and  for  the  Senate's  attending  the  same, 

and  wearing  a  mourning  badge.     Similar  proceedings  also  took  place  in 

the  House  ;  in  which  body,  tne  preceding  day,  Mr.  Randolph  had  moved 

29 


226  MONROE. 

and  carried  an  adjournment,  on  the  premature  report  of  Mr.  Pinckney'a 
death ;  on  which  occasion  he  made  the  following  observations : 

Mr.  Randolph  rose,  he  said,  to  announce  to  the  House  a  fact,  which, 
he  hoped,  would  put  an  end,  at  least  for  this  day,  to  all  further  jar  or 
collision,  here  or  elsewhere,  among  the  meml-ers  of  this  body.  Yes,  for 
this  one  day,  at  least,  said  he,  let  us  say,  as  our  first  mother  said  to  our 
first  father, 

"  While  yet  we  live,  scarce  one  short  hour,  perhaps, 
Between  us  two  let  there  be  peace." 

"  I  rise  to  announce  to  the  House,  the  not  unlocked  for  death  of  a  man 
who  held  the  first  place  in  the  public  estimation,  in  the  first  profession  in 
;hat  estimation,  in  this  or  in  any  other  country.  We  have  been  talking  of 
General  Jackson,  and  a  greater  than  him  is  not  here,  but  gone  forever ! 
I  allude,  Sir,  to  the  boast  of  Maryland,  and  the  pride  of  the  United  States 
— the  pride  of  all  of  us — but  particularly  the  pride  and  ornament  of  the 
profession  of  which  you,  Mr.  Speaker,  are  a  member,  and  an  eminent 
one.  He  was  a  man  with  whom  I  lived,  when  a  member  of  this  House, 
and  a  new  one  too ;  and  ever  since  he  left  it  for  the  other — I  speak  it 
with  pride — in  habits,  not  merely  negatively  friendly,  but  of  kindness  and 
cordiality.  The  last  time  that  I  saw  him  was  on  Saturday — the  last 
Saturday  but  one — in  the  pride  of  life,  and  full  possession  and  vigor  of 
all  his  faculties,  in  that  lobby.  He  is  now  gone  to  his  account,  (for  as 
the  tree  falls,  so  it  must  lie,)  where  we  must  all  go,  where  I  must  very 
soon  go,  and  by  the  same  road  too,  the  course  of  nature — and  where  all 
of  us,  put  off  the  evil  day  as  long  as  we  may,  must  also  soon  go.  For 
what  is  the  past  but  as  a  span,  and  which  of  us  can  look  forward  to  as 
many  years  as  we  have  lived  ?  The  last  act  of  intercourse  between  us 
was  an  act,  the  recollection  of  which  I  would  not  be  without,  for  all  the 
offices  that  all  the  men  of  the  United  States  have  filled,  or  ever  shall  fill. 
He  had,  indeed,  his  faults — foibles,  I  should  rather  say ;  and,  Sir,  who  is 
without  them  ?  Let  such,  and  such  only,  cast  the  first  stone.  And  these 
foibles,  faults  if  you  will,  .which  every  body  could  see,  because  every 
body  is  clear  sighted  in  regard  to  the  faults  and  foibles  of  others — he,  I 
have  no  doubt,  would  have  been  the  first  to  acknowledge,  on  a  proper 
representation  of  them. 

"  Every  thing  now  is  hidden  to  us — not,  God  forbid !  that  utter  dark- 
ness rests  upon  the  grave,  which,  hideous  as  it  is,  is  lighted,  cheered,  and 
warmed  by  fire  from  heaven — not  the  impious  fire  fabled  to  be  stolen  from 
heaven  by  the  heathen,  but  by  the  spirit  of  the  living  God,  whom  we  all 
profess  to  worship,  and  whom  I  hope  we  shall  spend  the  remainder  of 
this  day  in  worshiping,  not  with  mouth  honor,  but  in  our  hearts  ;  in  spirit 
and  in  truth,  that  it  may  not  be  said  of  us, .also,  'This  people  draweth 
nigh  unto  me  with  their  mouth  and  honoreth  me  with  their  lips,  but  their 
heart  is  far  from  me.'  Yes,  it  is  just  so.  He  is  gone.  I  will  not  say 
that  our  loss  is  irreparable  ;  because  such  a  man  as  has  existed  may  exist 
again.  There  has  been  a  Homer ;  there  has  been  a  Shakspeare  ;  there 
has  been  a  Milton ;  there  has  been  a  Newton.  There  may  then  be  another 
Pinckney  ;  but  there  is  now  none.  And  it  was  to  announce  this  event 


MCNROE.  227 

1  have  risen.  I  am,  said  Mr.  Randolph,  almost  inclined  to  believe  in 
presentiments.  I  have  been  all  along  as  well  assured  of  the  fatal  termi- 
nation of  that  disease  with  which  he  was  affected,  as  I  am  now.  And 
I  have  dragged  my  weary  limbs  before  sunrise  to  the  door  of  his  sick 
chamber,  (for  I  would  not  intrude  upon  the  sacred  sorrows  of  his  family,) 
almost  every  morning  since  his  illness.  From  the  first  I  had  almost  no 
hope.  I  move  you,  Sir,  that  this  House  do  now  adjourn." 

On  the  8th  of  March,  the  President  communicated  to  Congress  a  mes- 
sage, in  which  he  recommended  the  recognition  of  South  American 
independence.  This  message  was  referred  to  a  committee,  who  reported 
unanimously  in  favor  of  the  proposed  measure,  and  introduced  a  resolve 
to  appropriate  a  sum  to  enable  the  President  to  give  due  effect  to  such 
recognition.  The  Spanish  Minister,  on  the  publication  of  the  message, 
immediately  addressed  a  letter  to  Mr.  Adams,  the  Secretary  of  State,  in 
which  he  entered  a  solemn  protest  against  this  recognition  of  the  govern- 
ments mentioned  of  the  insurgent  provinces  of  South  America ;  and  declar- 
ed that  it  could  in  no  way  invalidate  in  the  least  the  rights  of  Spain  to  said 
provinces,  or  to  employ  every  means  in  her  power  to  reunite  them  to  the 
rest  of  her  dominions.  To  this  letter  the  Secretary  made  a  reply,  in 
which  he  stated  that  the  recognition  by  the  President  was  not  intended  to 
invalidate  any  right  of  Spain,  or  to  affect  the  employment  of  any  means 
which  she  might  be  disposed  to  use  for  the  purpose  of  reuniting  those 
provinces  to  the  rest  of  her  dominions.  It  was  merely  the  acknowledg- 
ment of  existing  facts,  with  the  view  to  the  regular  establishment,  with 
these  newly  formed  nations,  of  those  political  and  commercial  relations 
which  it  is  the  moral  obligation  of  civilized  and  Christian  nations  to 
entertain  reciprocally  with  one  another. 

On  the  2d  of  December,  Congress  again  assembled,  Mr.  Gaillard 
taking  the  chair  of  the  Senate,  and  Mr.  Barbour  that  of  the  House. 
The  message  of  the  President  contained  a  satisfactory  exposition  of  the 
affairs  of  the  confederacy,  both  at  home  and  abroad.  The  view  of  our 
national  finances  was  very  favorable.  On  the  subjects  of  internal  im- 
provement, and  manufactures,  the  President  observed : 

"  Believing  that  a  competent  power  to  adopt  and  execute  a  system  of 
internal  improvement  has  not  been  granted  to  Congress,  but  that  such  a 
power,  confined  to  great  national  purposes  and  with  proper  limitations, 
would  be  productive  of  eminent  advantage  to  our  Union,  I  have  thought 
it  advisable  that  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution,  to  that  effect,  should 
be  recommended  to  the  several  States.  A  bill  which  assumed  the  right 
to  adopt  and  execute  such  a  system  having  been  presented  for  my  signa- 
ture, at  the  last  session,  I  was  compelled,  from  the  view  which  I  had 
taken  of  the  powers  of  the  General  Government,  to  negative  it,  on  which 
occasion  I  thought  it  proper  to  communicate  the  sentiments  which  I  had 
formed,  on  mature  consideration,  on  the  whole  subject.  To  that  commu- 
nication, in  all  the  views  in  which  the  great  interest  to  which  it  relates, 
may  be  supposed  to  merit  your  attention,  I  have  now  to  refer.  Should 
Congress,  however,  deem  it  improper  to  recommend  such  an  amendment, 
they  have,  according  to  my  judgment,  the  right  to  keep  the  road  in 
repair,  by  providing  for  the  superintendence  of  it,  and  appropriating  the 


MONROE. 

money  necessary  for  repairs.  Surely,  if  they  had  the  right  to  appropriate 
money  to  make  the  road,  they  have  a  right  to  appropriate  it  to  preserve 
the  road  from  ruin*  From  the  exercise  of  this  power  no  danger  is  to  be 
apprehended.  Under  our  happy  system,  the  people  are  the  sole  and 
exclusive  fountain  of  power.  Each  government  originates  from  them, 
and  to  them  alone,  each  to  its  proper  constituents,  are  they  respectively 
and  solely  responsible,  for  the  faithful  discharge  of  their  duties,  within 
their  constitutional  limits.  And  that  the  people  will  confine  their  public 
agents,  of  every  station,  to  the  strict  line  of  their  constitutional  duties, 
there  is  no  cause  to  doubt.  Having,  however,  communicated  my  senti* 
ments  to  Congress,  at  the  last  session,  fully,  in  the  document  to  which  I 
have  referred,  respecting  the  right  of  appropriation,  as  distinct  from  the 
right  of  jurisdiction  and  sovereignty  over  the  territory  in  question,  I  deem 
k  improper  to  enlarge  on  the  subject  here. 

"  From  the  best  information  that  I  have  been  able  to  obtain,  it  appears 
that  our  manufactures,  though  depressed  immediately  after  the  peace, 
have  considerably  increased,  and  are  still  increasing,  under  the  encour- 
agement given  them  by  the  tariff  of  1816,  and  by  subsequent  laws. 
Satisfied,  I  am,  whatever  may  be  the  abstract  doctrine  in  favor  of  unre- 
stricted commerce,  provided  all  nations  would  concur  in  it,  and  it  was  not 
liable  to  be  interrupted  by  war,  which  has  never  occurred,  and  cannot  be 
expected,  that  there  are  other  strong  reasons  applicable  to  our  situation, 
and  relations  with  other  countries,  w.iich  impose  on  us  the  obligation  to 
cherish  and  sustain  our  manufactures.  Satisfied,  however,  I  likewise 
am,  that  the  interest  of  every  part  of  our  Union,  even  of  those  most 
benefited  by  manufactures,  requires  thnt  this  subject  should  be  touched 
with  the  greatest  caution,  and  a  critical  knowledge  of  the  effect  to  be 
produced  by  the  slightest  change.  On  full  consideration  of  the  subject, 
in  all  its  relations,  I  am  persuaded,  that  a  further  augmentation  may  now 
be  made  of  the  duties  on  certain  foreign  articles,  in  favor  of  our  own,  and 
without  affecting  injuriously  any  other  interest.  For  more  precise  details, 
I  refer  you  to  the  communications  which  were  made  to  Congress  during 
the  last  session." 

On  the  recognition  of  South  American  independence,  the  message 
continued : 

"  A  strong  hope  was  entertained  that  peace  would,  ere  this,  have  been 
concluded  between  Spain  and  the  Independent  Governments  south  of  the 
United  States  in  this  hemisphere.  Long  experience  having  evinced  the 
competency  of  those  governments  to  maintain  the  independence  which 
they  had  declared,  it  was  presumed  that  the  considerations  which  induced 
their  recognition  by  the  United  States,  would  have  had  equal  weight  with 
other  powers,  and  that  Spain  herself,  yielding  to  those  magnanimous 
feelings  of  which  her  history  furnishes  so  many  examples,  would  hare 
terminated,  on  that  basis,  a  controversy  so  unavailing,  and  at  the  same 
time,  so  destructive*  We  still  cherish  the  hope,  that  this  result  will  not 
long  be  postponed. 

"  Sustaining  our  neutral  position,  and  allowing  to  each  party,  while 
the  war  continues,  equal  rights,  it  is  incumbent  on  the  United  States  to 
claim  of  each,  with  equaj  rigor>  the  faithful  observance  of  our  rights. 


MONROE.  229 

according  to  the  well  known  law  of  nations.  From  each,  therefore,  a 
like  co-operation  is  expected  in  the  suppression  of  the  piratical  practice 
which  has  grown  out  of  this  war,  and  of  blockades  of  extensive  coasts  on 
both  seas,  which,  considering  the  small  force  employed  to  sustain  them, 
have  not  the  slightest  foundation  to  rest  on." 

The  first  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury  transmitted  to  the  House  a  list 
of  balances  due  more  than  three  years.  The  House  in  committee  took 
up  the  bill  reported  last  session  on  the  disbursement  of  public  moneys. 
Mr.  Bassett  said  in  remarking  on  this  subject,  that  it  was  a  fact  stated  in 
a  message  from  the  President,  that  at  one  time  accounts  for  one  hundred 
millions  of  dollars,  advanced  for  different  objects,  remained  unsettled ; 
and  mentioned  large  losses  to  the  public  by  defalcations  of  individuals. 
The  bill  was  ordered  to  be  printed,  and  the  committee  rose.  Mr.  Cannon 
introduced  some  resolutions  respecting  improving  the  militia  for  the 
national  defence.  Mr.  Condict,  of  New  Jersey,  made  a  motion  for 
instructing  the  naval  committee  to  inquire,  and  report  immediately,  what 
measures  are  necessary  effectually  to  extirpate  the  West  India  pirates, 
and  to  punish  those  who  aid  and  abet  them.  He  took  notice  of  the  very 
slight  reference  which  the  President  had  made  to  this  subject  in  his 
message,  "  being  all  comprised  in  a  short  paragraph,"  which  he  read. 
He  hoped  to  see  a  competent  force  immediately  provided  to  ferret  out 
these  freebooters,  and  drag  them  to  a  condign  and  speedy  punishment — 
not  to  have  them  brought  here,  and  tried  by  a  jury,  under  all  the  delays 
incident  to  our  courts ;  but,  as  they  had  placed  themselves  beyond  the 
laws  of  civil  society,  had  set  at  defiance  the  laws  of  God  and  man,  the 
most  effectual  restraint  upon  their  barbarities  would  be  to  exhibit  to  them 
the  spectacle  of  a  few  dozen  of  their  leaders  suspended  by  halters  from 
the  yard-arms  of  our  public  ships.  About  this  time  the  Speaker  presented 
a  message  from  the  President  upon  the  subject  of  piracies,  recommending 
the  providing  a  competent  force  to  repress  their  enormities. 

The  proceedings  of  this  session  of  Congress  excited  but  little  interest 
and  attention  in  the  nation  at  large.  There  were  no  topics  of  engrossing 
importance.  The  case  of  the  mutilated  documents,  as  it  was  called 
occupied  the  time  of  the  House  for  some  days.  This  was  a  case  in 
which  certain  documents  which  had  been  given  to  Messrs.  Gales  &  Sea- 
ton  to  be  printed,  were  printed  with  the  omission  of  certain  sentences. 
Public  attention  was  first  called  to  this  omission  by  an  article  in  the 
Washington  Republican,  and  the  charge  there  made  was  in  substance  as 
follows :  That  in  printing  the  documents  accompanying  the  report  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  of  the  14th  February,  1822,  in  answer  to  a 
resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  calling  upon  him  to  exhibil 
a  statement  of  his  transactions  with  all  those  banks  which  had  been 
made  by  him  the  depositories  of  public  moneys  received  from  the  sales  of 
public  lands,  that  they  had  suppressed  and  totally  omitted,  in  the  printed 
document  which  they  furnished  the  House,  pans  of  those  documents 
implicating  Mr.  Crawford  the  most  strongly.  From  the  investigations 
pursued  on  this  subject,  it  appeared  that  neither  Mr.  Gales  nor  Mr.  Seaton 
had  any  knowledge  of,  or  participation  in,  the  suppressions  in  question ; 
and  that  there  was  no  evidence  tending  in  the  slightest  degree  to  show 


230  MONROE. 

that  the  suppressions  were  caused  by  the  influence  of  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  or  with  his  knowledge.  They  were  marked  by  one  of  the 
chief  clerks  of  the  Department  of  the  Treasury,  for  the  purpose  of  calling 
the  attention  of  the  Secretary  to  them,  and  omitted  by  the  direction  of 
the  same  clerk. 

On  the  1st  of  December,  being  the  day  established  by  the  Constitution, 
the  eighteenth  Congress  commenced  its  first  session.  In  his  message, 
at  the  opening  of  the  session,  the  President  spoke  in  animated  terms  of 
the  prosperous  condition  of  the  country,  and  of  the  amicable  state  of  our 
relations  with  foreign  countries. 

The  message  represented  the  public  finances  to  be  even  more  prospe- 
rous than  had  been  anticipated  ;  that  the  state  of  the  army,  in  its  organi- 
zation and  discipline,  had  been  gradually  improving  for  several  years, 
and  had  attained  a  high  degree  of  perfection ;  that  the  proposed  fortifi- 
cations of  the  country  were  rapidly  progressing  to  a  state  of  completion, 
and  that  the  military  academy  at  West  Point  had  already  attained  a 
high  degree  of  perfection,  both  in  its  discipline  and  instruction.  In 
relation  to  the  efforts  of  the  executive  to  stop  the  depredations  of  pirates 
on  the  national  commerce,  the  President  stated,  that,  in  the  West 
Indies,  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  the  naval  force  had  been  augmented, 
according  to  the  provisions  of  Congress.  "  This  armament,"  said  he, 
"  has  been  eminently  successful  in  the  accomplishment  of  its  object. 
The  piracies,  by  which  our  commerce  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  island 
of  Cuba  had  been  afflicted,  have  been  repressed,  and  the  confidence  of 
the  merchants  in  a  great  measure  restored." 

In  allusion  to  the  struggle  of  the  Greeks  for  liberty,  the  message 
contained  the  following  language — language  to  which  every  American 
would  cordially  subscribe  :— -"  A  strong  hope  has  been  long  entertained, 
founded  on  the  heroic  struggle  of  the  Greeks,  that  they  would  succeed 
in  their  contest,  and  resume  their  equal  station  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth.  It  is  believed  that  the  whole  civilized  world  takes  a  deep  interest 
in  their  welfare.  Although  no  power  has  declared  in  their  favor,  yet 
noue,  according  to  our  information,  has  taken  part  against  them.  Their 
cause  and  their  name  have  protected  them  from  dangers,  which  might, 
ere  this,  have  overwhelmed  any  other  people.  The  ordinary  calcula- 
tions of  interest,  and  of  acquisition,  with  a  view  to  aggrandizement, 
which  mingle  so  much  in  the  transactions  of  nations,  seem  to  have  had 
no  effect  in  regard  to  them.  From  the  facts  which  have  come  to  our 
knowledge,  there  is  good  cause  to  believe  that  their  enemy  has  lost, 
forever,  all  dominion  over  them — that  Greece  will  again  become  an 
independent  nation.  That  she  may  obtain  that  rank,  is  the  object  of  our 
most  ardent  wishes." 

On  the  existing  state  of  the  country,  the  President  held  the  following 
strong  and  eloquent  language  :  "  If  we  compare  the  present  condition  of 
our  Union  with  its  actual  state  at  the  close  of  our  revolution,  the  history 
of  the  world  furnishes  no  example  of  a  progress  in  improvement,  in  all 
the  important  circumstances  which  constitute  the  happiness  of  a  nation, 
which  bears  any  resemblance  to  it.  At  the  first  epoch,  our  population 
did  not  exceed  three  millions.  By  the  last  census  it  amounted  to  about 


MONROE.  231 

ten  millions,  and,  what  is  more  extraordinary,  it  is  almost  altogether 
native;  for  the  emigration  from  other  countries  has  been  inconsiderable. 
At  the  first  epoch,  half  the  territory  within  our  acknowledged  limits  was 
uniiAinted  and  a  wilderness.  Since  then  new  territory  has  been 
acquired,  of  vast  extent,  comprising  within  it  many  rivers,  particularly 
the  Mississippi,  the  navigation  of  which  to  the  ocean  was  of  the  highest 
importance  to  the  original  States.  Over  this  territory  our  population 
has  expanded  in  every  direction,  and  new  States  have  been  established, 
almost  equal  in  number  to  those  which  formed  the  first  bond  of  our 
Union.  This  expansion  of  our  population  and  accession  of  new  States 
to  our  Union,  have  had  the  happiest  effect  on  all  its  higher  interests. 
That  it  has  eminently  augmented  our  resources,  and  added  to  our 
strength  and  respectability,  as  a  power,  is  admitted  by  all.  But  it  is 
not  in  these  important  circumstances  only,  that  this  happy  effect  is  felt. 
It  is  manifest,  that,  by  enlarging  the  basis  of  our  system,  and  increasing 
the  number  of  States,  the  system  itself  has  been  greatly  strengthened  in 
both  its  branches.  Consolidation  and  disunion  have  thereby  been  rendered 
equally  impracticable.  Each  government,  confiding  in  its  own  strength, 
has  less  to  apprehend  from  the  other ;  and,  in  consequence,  each  enjoy- 
ing a  greater  freedom  of  action,  is  rendered  more  efficient  for  all  the 
purposes  for  which  it  was  instituted." 

In  his  message  to  Congress,  at  the  opening  of  the  session,  the  Presi- 
dent, having  alluded  to  the  struggle  of  the  Greeks  for  liberty,  and  having 
expressed,  as  the  organ  of  public  sentiment,  the  sympathy  of  the  nation 
in  their  behalf,  a  resolution  was  presented  to  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, by  a  member,  providing  for  the  expenses  incident  to  the  appoint- 
ment of  an  agent,  or  commissioner  to  Greece,  whenever  the  President 
should  deem  such  appointment  expedient.  Although  Congress  did  not 
deem  it  expedient  to  adopt  the  resolution,  it  being  indefinitely  postponed, 
it  served  to  call  forth  the  warmest  expressions  of  regard,  on  the  floor  of 
Congress,  for  that  oppressed  people,  and  to  elicit  the  attachment  of  the 
country  to  the  principles  of  rational  liberty. 

On  the  27th  of  May,  1824,  the  eighteenth  Congress  closed  its  first 
session.  Among  the  most  important  bills  which  were  passed  was  one 
for  abolishing  imprisonment  for  debt ;  and  a  second  establishing  a  tariff 
of  duties  on  imports  into  the  country. 

Each  of  these  bills  caused  much  debate  in  the  national  legislature, 
and  excited  no  small  solicitude  among  those  classes  of  citizens,  whose 
interests  were  likely  to  be  most  affected  by  them.  The  bill  for  abolish- 
ing imprisonment  for  debt  was  necessarily  qualified  and  guarded,  giving 
no  immunity  to  fraud,  and  containing  the  requisite  checks  to  shield  its 
benefits  from  abuse.  The  bill  for  a  revision  of  the  tariff  occupied  the 
House  of  Representatives  for  ten  weeks,  and  was  at  length  passed  only 
by  a  majority  of  five.  On  the  occasion  of  its  final  decision,  only  two 
members,  out  of  two  hundred  and  thirteen,  were  absent. 

In  the  course  of  the  summer  an  event  occurred,  which  caused  the 
highest  sensations  of  joy  throughout  the  Union ;  this  was  the  arrival  of 
the  Marquis  de  La  Fayette,  the  friend  and  ally  of  the  Americans  during 
the  former  war  with  Great  Britain,  and  who  eminently  contributed,  by 


'232  MONROE. 

his  fortune,  influence,  skill,  and  bravery,  to  achieve  the  glorious  objects 
of  their  revolutionary  struggle. 

The  second  session  of  the  eighteenth  Congress  began  on  thejith  of 
December,  1824;  on  which  occasion,  the  President  represent^  the 
country  to  be  highly  prosperous  and  happy,  both  in  respect  to  its  internal 
condition  and  foreign  relations. 

"  Our  relations,"  said  he,  "  with  foreign  powers  are  of  a  friendly 
character,  although  certain  interesting  differences  remain  unsettled 
Our  revenue,  under  the  mild  system  of  impost  and  tonnage,  continues 
to  be  adequate  to  all  the  purposes  of  government.  Our  agriculture, 
commerce,  manufactures,  and  navigation  flourish.  Our  fortifications  are 
advancing,  in  a  degree  authorized  by  existing  appropriations,  to  maturity, 
and  due  progress  is  made  in  the  augmentation  of  the  navy  to  the  limit 
prescribed  by  law." 

This  session  of  Congress  closed  on  the  3d  of  March,  1825,  being  limited 
by  the  Constitution  to  that  period.  Among  the  most  interesting  subjects 
which  occupied  its  attention  during  the  session,  were  the  occupation  of 
the  Oregon  on  the  north-west  coast,  and  the  suppression  of  piracy.  The 
bill  respecting  the  former,  however,  was  lost  in  the  Senate,  being 
indefinitely  laid  on  the  table ;  while  that  respecting  piracy  passed ; 
which,  however,  does  little  more  than  to  authorize  the  building  of  ten 
additional  ships  of  war. 

The  bill  authorizing  the  occupation  of  the  Oregon  was  passed  by  the 
House  of  Representatives,  but  had  previously  been  so  amended  as  to 
provide  only  for  a  military  occupation  of  the  mouth  of  the  river.  This 
amendment  was  adopted,  for  the  purpose  of  avoiding  a  violation  of  the 
treaty  with  Great  Britain,  which  provides  that  the  boundary  line  on  that 
frontier  shall  remain  unsettled  ten  years. 

On  the  subject  of  piracy,  the  President,  in  a  message  to  the  Senate, 
suggested  three  expedients ;  one,  by  the  pursuit  of  the  offenders  to  the 
settled  as  well  as  unsettled  parts  of  the  island  from  whence  they 
issue  ;  another,  by  reprisal  on  the  inhabitants ;  and  a  third,  by  a 
blockade  of  the  ports  of  those  islands.  These  suggestions  gave  rise  to  a 
bill  in  the  Senate,  which  embraced  the  several  expedients  proposed  in 
the  message,  and  which,  for  some  weeks,  was  a  prominent  topic  of 
debate.  The  opposers  of  the  bill  contended  that  it  introduces  a  new 
principle  into  the  rights  of  nations,  and  that  a  resort  to  the  measure  pro- 
posed by  it  would  be  in  effect  a  declaration  of  war  with  Spain.  This 
objection  was  anticipated  by  the  President,  and  obviated  by  him,  on  the 
ground  that  the  Spanish  authorities  are  utterly  incapable  of  suppressing 
the  practice  in  question.  The  discussion  of  the  subject  led  to  a  dis- 
closure of  facts,  which,  in  respect  to  its  atrocities  and  the  numbers  con- 
cerned in  it,  exceeded  even  conjecture,  and  which  forced  conviction 
upon  all,  that  something,  and  something  efficient,  must  speedily  be  done. 

The  administration  of  Mr.  Monroe  closed  on  the  3d  of  March. 
During  his  presidency  the  country  enjoyed  a  uniform  state  of  peace  and 
prosperity.  By  his  prudent  management  of  the  national  affairs,  both 
foreign  and  domestic,  he  eminently  contributed  to  the  honor  and  bap- 


MONROE.  233 

piness  of  millions,  and  f etired '  from  office,  enjoying  the  respect,  and 
affection,  and  gratitude  of  all. 

On  the  3d  of  March,  1825,  Mr.  Monroe  retired  to  his  residence  in 
Loudon  county,  Virginia.  Subsequent  to  that  period,  he  discharged  the 
ordinary  judicial  functions  of  a  magistrate  of  the  county,  and  of  curator 
of  the  University  of  Virginia.  In  the  winter  of  1829  and  '30,  he  served 
as  a  member  of  the  Convention  called  to  revise  the  Constitution  of  that 
Commonwealth ;  and  took  an  active  part  in  their  deliberations,  over 
which  he  was  unanimously  chosen  to  preside.  From  this  station  he  was, 
however,  compelled,  before  the  close  of  the  labors  of  the  Convention,  by 
severe  illness,  to  retire.  The  succeeding  summer,  he  was,  in  the  short 
compass  of  a  week,  visited  by  the  bereavement  of  the  beloved  partner  of 
his  life,  and  of  another  near,  affectionate,  and  respected  relative.  Soon 
after  these  deep  and  trying  afflictions,  he  removed  his  residence  to  the 
city  of  New  York ;  where,  surrounded  by  filial  solicitude  and  tenderness, 
the  flickering  lamp  of  life  held  its  lingering  flame,  as  if  to  await  the  day 
of  the  nation's  birth  and  glory;  when  the  soldier  of  the  revolution,  the 
statesman  of  the  confederacy,  the  chosen  chieftain  of  the  constituted 
nation,  sunk  into  the  arms  of  slumber,  to  awake  no  more  upon  earth,  and 
yielded  his  pure  and  gallant  spirit  to  receive  the  sentence  of  his  Maker. 

"  In  the  multitude  of  a  great  nation's  public  affairs,"  says  Mr.  J.  Q. 
Adams,  in  his  eulogy  on  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  "  there  is  no 
official  act  of  their  Chief  Magistrate,  however  momentous,  or  however 
minute,  but  should  be  traceable  to  a  dictate  of  duty,  pointing  to  the  wel- 
fare of  the  people.  Such  was  the  cardinal  principle  of  Mr.  Monroe. 
In  his  first  address,  upon  his  election  to  the  Presidency,  he  had  exposed 
the  general  principles  by  which  his  conduct,  in  the  discharge  of  his  great 
trust,  would  be  regulated.  In  his  second  Inaugural  Address,  he  suc- 
cinctly reviewed  that  portion  of  the  career  through  which  he  had 'passed, 
fortunately  sanctioned  by  public  approbation ;  and  promised  perseverance 
in  it,  to  the  close  of  his  public  service.  And,  in  his  last  annual  message 
to  Congress,  on  the  7th  of  December,  1824,  announcing  his  retirement 
from  public  life,  after  the  close  of  that  session  of  the  Legislature,  he 
reviewed  the  whole  course  of  his  administration,  comparing  it  with  the 
pledges  which  he  had  given  at  its  commencement,  and  at  its  middle  term, 
appealing  to  the  judgment  and  consciousness  of  those  whom  he  addressed, 
for  its  unity  of  principle  as  one  consistent  whole  ;  not  exempt  indeed,  from 
the  errors  and  infirmities  incident  to  all  human  action,  but  characteristic 
of  purposes  always  honest  and  sincere,  of  intentions  always  pure,  of 
labors  outlasting  the  daily  circuit  of  the  sun,  and  outwatching  the  vigils 
of  the  night — and  what  he  said  not,  but  a  faithful  witness  is  bound  to 
record ;  of  a  mind  anxious  and  unwearied  in  the  pursuit  of  truth  and 
right ;  patient  of  inquiry ;  patient  of  contradiction ;  courteous,  even  in 
the  collision  of  sentiment ;  sound  in  its  ultimate  judgments ;  and  firm  in 
its  final  conclusions. 

"  Such,  my  fellow  citizens,  was  James  Monroe.  Such  was  the  man, 
who  presents  the  only  example  of  one  whose  public  life  commenced  with 
the  War  of  Independence,  and  is  identified  with  all  the  important  events 
of  your  history  from  that  day  forth  for  a  full  half  century.  And  now, 


234  MONROE. 

what  is  the  purpose  for  which  we  have  here  assembled  to  do  honor  to 
his  memory?  Is  it  to  scatter  perishable  flowers  upon  the  yet  unsodded 
grave  of  a  public  benefactor  ?  Is  it  to  mingle  tears  of  sympathy  and  of 
consolation,  with  those  of  mourning  and  bereaved  children  ?  Is  it  to  do 
honor  to  ourselves,  by  manifesting  a  becoming  sensibility,  at  the  departure 
of  one,  who,  by  a  long  career  of  honor  and  of  usefulness,  has  been  to  us  all 
as  a  friend  and  brother  ?  Or  is  it  not  rather  to  mark  the  memorable  inci- 
dents of  a  life  signalized  by  all  the  properties  which  embody  the  precepts 
of  virtue  and  the  principles  of  wisdom  ?  Is  it  not  to  pause  for  a  moment 
from  the  passions  of  our  own  bosoms,  and  the  agitations  of  our  own 
interests,  to  survey  in  its  whole  extent  the  long  and  little  beaten  path  of 
the  great  and  the  good :  to  fix  with  intense  inspection  our  own  vision,  and 
to  point  the  ardent  but  unsettled  gaze  of  our  children  upon  that  resplen- 
dent row  of  cresset  lamps,  fed  with  the  purest  vital  air,  which  illuminate 
the  path  of  the  hero,  the  statesman  and  the  sage.  Have  you  a  son  of 
ardent  feelings  and  ingenuous  mind,  docile  to  instruction,  and  panting 
for  honorable  distinction  ?  point  him  to  the  pallid  cheek  and  agonizing 
form  of  James  Monroe,  at  the  opening  blossom  of  life,  weltering  in  his 
blood  on  the  field  of  Trenton,  for  the  cause  of  his  country.  Then  turn 
his  eye  to  the  same  form,  seven  years  later,  in  health  and  vigor,  still  in 
the  bloom  of  youth,  but  seated  among  the  Conscript  Fathers  of  the  land, 
to  receive  entwined  with  all  its  laurels  the  sheathed  and  triumphant  sword 
of  Washington.  Guide  his  eye  along  to  the  same  object,  investigating, 
by  the  luidnight  lamp,  the  laws  of  nature  and  nations,  and  unfolding 
them  at  once,  with  all  the  convictions  of  reason  and  all  the  persuasions 
of  eloquence,  to  demonstrate  the  rights  of  his  countrymen  to  the  contested 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  in  the  hall  of  Congress.  Follow  him  with 
this  trace  in  his  hand,  through  a  long  series  of  years,  by  laborious  travels 
and  intricate  negociations,  at  imperial  courts,  and  in  the  palaces  of  kings, 
winding  his  way  amidst  the  ferocious  and  party-colored  revolutions  of 
France,  and  the  lifeguard  favorites  and  Camarillas  of  Spain.  Then  look 
at  the  map  of  United  North  America,  as  it  was  at  the  definitive  peace  of 
1783.  Compare  it  with  the  map  of  that  same  empire  as  it  is  now  ;  limit- 
ed by  the  Sabine  and  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  say,  the  change,  more  than 
of  any  other  man,  living  or  dead,  was  the  work  of  James  Monroe.  See 
him  pass  successively  from  the  hall  of  the  Confederation  Congress  to  the 
Legislative  Assembly  of  his  native  commonwealth ;  to  their  Convention 
which  ratified  the  Constitution  of  the  North  American  people ;  to  the 
Senate  of  the  Union ;  to  the  chair  of  diplomatic  intercourse  with  ultra 
revolutionary  France ;  back  to  the  executive  honors  of  his  native  State  ; 
again  to  embassies  of  transcendent  magnitude,  to  France,  to  Spain,  to 
Britain ;  restored  once  more  to  retirement  and  his  country ;  elevated 
again  to  the  highest  trust  of  his  State ;  transferred  successively  to  the 
two  pre-eminent  Departments  of  Peace  and  War,  in  the  National  Gov- 
ernment ;  and  at  the  most  momentous  crisis  burthened  with  the  duties  of 
both — and  finally  raised,  first  by  the  suffrages  of  a  majority,  and  at  last 
by  the  unanimous  call  of  his  countrymen  to  the  Chief  Magistracy  of  the 
Union.  There  behold  him,  for  a  term  of  eight  years,  strengthening  his 
country  for  defence  by  a  system  of  combined  fortifications,  military  and 


MONROE  235 

naval,  sustaining  her  rights,  her  dignity  and  honor  abroad ;  soothing 
her  dissensions,  and  conciliating  her  acerbities  at  home ;  controlling,  by  a 
firm  though  peaceful  policy,  the  hostile  spirit  of  the  European  Alliance 
against  Republican  Southern  America ;  extorting,  by  the  mild  compulsion 
of  reason,  the  shores  of  the  Pacific  from  the  stipulated  acknowledgment  of 
Spain ;  and  leading  back  the  Imperial  Autocrat  of  the  North,  to  his  law- 
ful boundaries,  from  his  hastily  asserted  dominion  over  the  Southern 
Ocean.  Thus  strengthening  and  consolidating  the  federative  edifice  of 
his  country's  union,  till  he  was  entitled  to  say,  like  Augustus  Caesar,  of 
his  imperial  city,  that  he  had  found  her  built  of  brick  and  left  her  con- 
structed of  marble." 


JOHN  QUINCY   ADAMS. 

*  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  is  descended  from  a  race  of  farmers,  tradesmen, 
and  mechanics.     In   1630,  his  remote  ancestor,  Henry  Adams,  came  to 
America,   with  seven   sons,   and   established   himself  in  this  country. 
Thus  early  rooted  in  the  soil,  a  warm  attachment  to  the  cause  and  the 
rights  of  America  has  been,  from  generation  to  generation,  the  birth- 
right of  this  family.       , 

The  first  of  this  name,  who  emerged  from  private  life,  and  rose  to 
conspicuous  public  stations,  were  Samuel  Adams,  the  proscribed  patriot 
of  the  Revolution,  and  John  Adams,  who  was  pronounced  by  his  vene- 
rable copatriot,  Thomas  Jefferson,  "  The  Colossus  of  Independence." 
These  two  distinguished  benefactors  of  their  country,  were  descen- 
dants of  the  same  remote  ancestor.  Samuel  Adams  deceased  without 
male  issue ;  John  Quincy  Adams  is  the  son  of  his  illustrious  fellow 
laborer  and  relative.  He  was  born  in  the  year  1767,  and  was  named 
for  John  Quincy,  his  great-grandfather,  who  bore  a  distinguished  part  in 
the  councils  of  the  province,  at  the  commencement  of  the  last  century. 

The  principles  of  American  Independence  and  freedom  were  instilled 
into  the  mind  of  Mr.  John  Q.  Adams,  in  the  very  dawn  of  his  existence. 
Both  of  his  revered  parents  had  entered,  with  every  power  and  faculty, 
into  the  cause  of  the  country.  When  the  father  of  Mr.  Adams  repaired 
to  France  as  joint  commissioner  with  Franklin  and  Lee,  he  was 
accompanied  by  his  son  John  Quincy,  then  in  his  eleventh  year.  In  this 
country  he  passed  a  year  and  a  half  with  his  father,  and  enjoyed  the 
enviable  privilege  of  the  daily  intercourse  and  parental  attentions  of 
Benjamin  Franklin ;  whose  kind  notice  of  the  young  was  a  peculiar 
trait  in  his  character,  and  whose  primitive  simplicity  of  manners  and 
methodical  habits  left  a  lasting  impression  on  the  mind  of  his  youthful 
countryman. 

After  a  residence  of  about  eighteen  months  in  France,  John  Quincy 
Adams  returned  to  America  with  his  father,  who  came  home  to  take  part 
in  the  formation  of  the  Constitution  of  his  native  State.  After  a 
sojourn  of  a  few  months  at  home,  the  voice  of  the  country  called  on  Mr. 
Adams'  father  again  to  repair  to  Europe  as  a  commissioner  for  negociat- 
ing  a  treaty  of  peace  and  commerce  with  Great  Britain,  whenever  she 
might  be  disposed  to  put  an  end  to  the  war. 

He  took  his  son  with  him.  They  sailed  in  a  French  frigate  bound  to 
Brest ;  but  the  vessel- having  sprung  a  dangerous  leak,  was  obliged  to 
put  in  the  nearest  port,  which  proved  to  be  Ferrol,  in  Spain.  From  that 

*  For  the  early  part  of  this  memoir  we  have  been  indebted  to  a  biographical  sketch, 
published  at  the  time  of  the  presidential  canvass,  which  terminated  in  the  election 
of  General  Jackson. 


238  JOHN  QTJINCY  ADAMS. 

place  Mr.  Adams  travelled  by  land  to  Paris,  where  he  arrived  in  January, 
1780,  and  when  his  son,  J.  Q.  Adams,  was  put  to  school.  In  the  month 
of  July,  of  the  same  year,  Mr.  Adams  repaired  to  Holland  to  negociate 
a  loan  in  that  country.  His  son  accompanied  him,  and  was  placed  first 
in  the  public  school  of  the  city  of  Amsterdam,  and  afterwards  in  the 
University  of  Leyden.  In  July,  1781,  Mr.  Francis  Dana,  (afterwards 
Chief  Justice  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts,)  who  had  gone  out  with 
Mr.  Adams,  as  Secretary  of  Legation,  received,  from  the  continental 
Congress,  the  commission  of  Minister  to  the  Empress  of  Russia,  and 
John  Q.  Adams  was  selected  by  Mr.  Dana,  as  a  private  secretary  of  this 
mission.  After  spending  fourteen  months  with  Mr.  Dana,  he  left  him  to 
return  through  Sweden,  Denmark,  Hamburgh,  and  Bremen,  to  Holland, 
where  his  father  had  been  publicly  received  as  Minister  from  the  United 
States,  and  had  concluded  a  commercial  treaty  with  the  republic  of  the 
Netherlands.  He  performed  this  journey  during  the  winter  of  1782 — 3, 
being  sixteen  years  of  age,  without  a  companion.  He  reached  the  Hague 
in  April,  1783,  his  father  being  at  that  time  engaged  at  Paris  in  the  nego- 
ciation  of  peace.  From  April  to  July  his  son  remained  at  the  Hague 
under  the  care  of  Mr.  Dumas,  a  native  of  Switzerland,  a  zealous  friend 
of  America,  who  then  filled  the  office  of  an  agent  of  the  United  States. 
The  negociations  for  peace  being  suspended  in  July,  Mr.  Adams'  father 
repaired  on  business  to  Amsterdam,  and  on  his  return  to  Paris  he  took  his 
son  with  him.  The  definitive  treaty  of  peace  was  signed  in  September, 
1783,  from  which  time  till  May,  1785,  he  was  chiefly  with  his  father  in 
England,  Holland,  and  France. 

It  was  at  that  period,  that  he  formed  an  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son, then  residing  in  France  as  American  Minister.  The  intercourse  of 
Mr.  Jefferson  with  his  former  colleague,  the  father  of  Mr.  Adams,  was 
of  an  intimate  and  confidential  kind,  and  led  to  a  friendship  for  his  son, 
which,  formed  in  early  life,  scarcely  suffered  an  interruption  from  subse- 
quent political  dissensions,  and  revived  with  original  strength  during  the 
last  years  of  the  life  of  this  venerable  statesman. 

Mr.  Adams  was,  at  the  period  last  mentioned,  about  eighteen  years  of 
age.  Born  in  the  crisis  of  his  country's  fortunes,  he  had  led  a  life  of 
wandering  and  vicissitude,  unusual  at  any  age.  His  education,  in  every 
thing  but  the  school  of  liberty,  had  been  interrupted  and  irregular.  He 
had  seen  much  of  the  world — much  of  men — and  had  enjoyed  but  little 
leisure  for  books.  Anxious  to  complete  his  education,  and  still  more 
anxious  to  return  to  his  native  America,  when  his  father  was,  in  1785, 
appointed  Minister  to  the  Court  of  St.  James,  his  son,  at  that  period  of  life 
when  the  pleasures  and  splendor  of  a  city  like  London  are  most  calcu- 
lated to  fascinate  and  mislead,  asked  permission  of  his  father  to  go  back 
to  his  native  shores.  This  he  accordingly  did.  On  his  return  to  Ame- 
rica, he  became  a  member  of  the  ancient  seat  of  learning  at  Cambridge, 
where,  as  early  as  1743,  Samuel  Adams,  in  taking  his  degrees,  had  the 
proposition,  "  that  the  people  have  a  just  right  of  resistance,  when 
oppressed  by  their  rulers." 

In  July,  1787,  Mr.  Adams  left  college  and  entered  the  office  of  The- 
ophilus  Parsons,  afterward  Chief  Justice  of  the  State,  as  a  student  of 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS.  239 

law  at  Newburyport.  On  a  visit  of  General  Washington  to  that  town, 
in  1789,  Mr.  Parsons,  being  chosen  by  his  fellow  citizens  to  be  the 
medium  of  expressing  their  sentiments  to  the  General,  called  upon  his 
pupils  each  to  prepare  an  address.  This  call  was  obeyed  by  Mr.  Adams, 
and  his  address  was  delivered  by  Mr.  Parsons. 

After  completing  his  law  studies  at  Newburyport,  Mr.  Adams  removed 
to  the  capital  of  Massachusetts,  with  a  view  of  employing  himself  in  the 
practice  of  the  profession.  The  business  of  a  young  lawyer  is  generally 
of  inconsiderable  amount ;  and  Mr.  Adams  employed  the  leisure  afforded 
him  by  this  circumstance,  and  by  his  industrious  habits,  in  speculations 
upon  the  great  political  questions  of  the  day. 

In  April,  1793,  on  the  first  information  that  war  between  Great  Britain 
and  France  had  been  declared,  Mr.  Adams  published  a  short  series  of 
papers,  the  object  of  which  was,  to  prove  that  the  duty  and  interest  of 
the  United  States  required  them  to  remain  neutral  in  the  contest.  These 
papers  were  published  before  General  Washington's  proclamation  of 
neutrality,  and  without  any  knowledge  that  such  a  proclamation  would 
issue.  The  opinions  they  expressed  were  in  opposition  to  the  ideas  gene- 
rally prevailing,  that  the  treaty  of  alliance  of  1778  obliged  us  to  take 
part  in  the  wars  of  France.  But  the  proclamation  of  neutrality  by 
General  Washington,  sanctioned  by  all  his  cabinet,  with  Mr.  Jefferson  at 
its  head,  was  shortly  made  public,  and  confirmed  the  justice  of  the  views 
which  Mr.  Adams  had  been,  (it  is  believed,)  the  first  to  express  before  the 
public,  on  this  new  and  difficult  topic  of  national  law. 

In  the  winter  of  1793  and  1794,  the  public  mind  of  America  was 
extensively  agitated  by  the  inflammatory  appeals  of  the  French  Minister, 
Genet.  It  is  known  to  all  with  what  power  and  skill  this  foreign  emis- 
sary was  resisted  in  the  official  correspondence  of  the  then  Secretary  of 
State,  Thomas  Jefferson,  Among  those  who  co-operated  in  the  public 
prints,  in  the  same  patriotic  cause,  none  was  more  conspicuous  than  Mr. 
Adams,  whose  essays,  in  support  of  the  administration,  were  read  and 
admired  throughout  the  country, 

His  reputation  was  now  established  as  an  American  statesman,  patriot, 
and  political  writer,  of  the  first  order.  Before  his  retirement  from  the 
Department  of  State,  Mr.  Jefferson  recommended  him  to  General  Wash- 
ington as  a  proper  person  to  be  introduced  into  the  public  service  of  the 
ceuntry.  The  acquaintance  between  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Adams, 
which  had  been  formed  in  France,  had  lately  been  renewed,  on  occasion 
of  a  visit  of  Mr.  Adams  to  Philadelphia  in  1792 ;  and  the  promptitude 
and  ability  with  which  he  had  just  seconded  the  efforts  of  the  Secretary 
of  State,  in  enforcing  the  principles  of  public  law  on  the  turbulent  French 
Envoy,  no  doubt  led  Mr.  Jefferson  thus  to  recommend  him  to  Generaj 
Washington. 

General  Washington's  own  notice  had  been  drawn  to  the  publication* 
of  Mr.  Adams  above  alluded  to.  He  had  in  private  expressed  the  highes* 
opinion  of  them,  and  had  made  particular  inquiries  with  respect  to  then 
author.  Thus  honorably  identified,  at  the  early  age  of  twenty-seven,  with 
the  first  great  and  decisive  step  of  the  foreign  policy  of  the  United  States 
and  thus  early  attracting  the  notice,  and  enjoying  the  confidence  of  Wash 


240  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

Jngton  and  Jefferson,  Mr.  Adams  was,  in  1794,  appointed  Minister  Resident 
lo  the  Netherlands,  an  office  corresponding  in  rank  and  salary  with  that 
of  a  Charge  d'  Affaires  at  the  present  day.  The  father  of  Mr.  Adams 
was,  at  this  time,  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  ;  but  it  is  unneces- 
sary to  say,  to  those  acquainted  with  the  character  of  these  great  men, 
that  the  appointment  of  his  son  was  made  by  General  Washington  unex- 
pectedly to  the  Vice'President,  and  without  any  previous  intimation  that 
it  would  take  place. 

Mr.  Adams  remained  at  his  post  in  Holland  till  near  the  close  of 
General  Washington's  administration.  He  was  an  attentive  observer  of 
the  great  events  then  occurring  in  Europe,  and  his  official  correspondence 
with  the  Government  was  regarded  by  General  Washington  as  of  the 
highest  importance. 

One  of  the  last  acts  of  General  Washington's  administration  was  the 
appointment  of  Mr.  Adams  as  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  Portugal.  On 
his  way  from  the  Hague  to  Lisbon,  he  received  a  new  commission, 
changing  his  destination  to  Berlin.  This  latter  appointment  was  made 
by  Mr.  Adams'  "father,  then  President  of  the  United  States,  and  in  a 
manner  highly  honorable  to  the  restraint  of  his  parental  feelings,  in  the 
discharge  of  an  act  of  public  duty.  Although  Mr.  Adams'  appointment 
to  Portugal  was  made  by  General  Washington,  and  Mr.  Adams'  father 
did  no  more  than  propose  his  transfer  to  Berlin,  yet  feelings  of  delicacy 
led  him  to  hesitate,  before  he  took  even  this  step.  He  consulted  the 
beloved  father  of  his  country,  then  retired  from  office,  and  placed  in  a 
situation  beyond  the  reach  of  any  of  the  motives  which  can  possibly 
prejudice  the  minds  of  men  in  power.  The  following  letter  from  Gene- 
ral Washington  is  the  reply  to  President  Adams'  inquiry,  and  will  ever 
remain  an  honorable  testimony  to  the  character  of  Mr.  Adams. 

"  MONDAY,  FEBRUARY  20,  1797. 
"  DEAR  SIR, 

"  I  thank  you  for  giving  me  a  perusal  of  the  inclosed.  The  sentiments 
do  honor  to  the  head  and  heart  of  the  writer ;  and  if  my  wishes  would 
be  of  any  avail,  they  should  go  to  you  in  a  strong  hope,  that  you  will  not 
withhold  merited  promotion  from  John  Q.  Adams,  because  he  is  your 
son.  For  without  intending  to  compliment  the  father  or  the  mother,  or 
to  censure  any  others,  I  give  it  as  my  decided  opinion,  that  Mr.  Adams 
is  the  most  valuable  public  character  we  have  abroad  ;  and  that  there 
remains  no  doubt  in  my  mind,  that  he  will  prove  himself  to  be  the  ablest 
of  all  our  diplomatic  corps.  If  he  was  now  to  be  brought  into  that  line, 
or  into  any  other  public  walk,  I  could  not,  upon  the  principle  which  has 
regulated  my  own  conduct,  disapprove  of  the  caution  which  is  hinted  at 
in  the  letter.  But  he  is  already  entered  ;  the  public,  more  and  more,  as 
he  is  known,  are  appreciating  his  talents  and  worth ;  and  his  country 
would  sustain  a  loss,  if  these  were  to  be  checked  by  over  delicacy  on 
your  part. 

"  With  sincere  esteem,  and  affectionate  regard, 
"  I  am  ever  yours, 

"  GEO.  WASHINGTON." 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS.  241 

The  principal  object  of  Mr.  Adams'  mission  to  Berlin,  was  effected  by 
the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of  commerce  with  Prussia.  He  remained  in 
that  country  till  the  spring  of  1801,  when  he  was  recalled  by  his  father 
and  returned  to  America.  During  the  last  year  of  his  residence  in  Ger- 
many, Mr.  Adams  made  an  excursion  into  the  province  of  Silesia,  which 
he  has  described  in  a  series  of  letters  ihat  have  been  collected  and  pub- 
lished in  a  volume,  and  have  been  translated  into  French  and  German, 
and  extensively  circulated  in  Europe. 

Mr.  Adams's  residence  on  the  continent  of  Europe,  from  1794  to  1801, 
was  of  great  importance  in  its  influence  upon  his  political  character  and 
feelings.  He  contemplated,  with  every  advantage  for  understanding  their 
secret  springs,  the  great  movements  in  the  political  world,  which  were 
then  taking  place.  His  early  education  in  France,  and  his  connexion 
with  the  continental  courts,  prevented  his  forming  those  attachments  for 
the  English  policy,  which  almost  universally  prevailed  among  such  of 
the  citizens  of  America  as  opposed  the  principles  of  the  French  revolu 
tion.  The  union  of  these  circumstances  enabled  him  to  hold  an  im- 
partial and  truly  American  course  between  the  the  violent  extremes  to 
which  public  opinion  in  America  ran,  on  the  great  question  of  our  foreign 
relations.  It  was  also  fortunate  that  he  was  absent  from  the  country, 
during  the  period  when  domestic  parties  were  organized  and  arrayed 
against  each  other.  We  have  already  seen  that  his  manly  and  patriotic 
course  had  gained  him  the  approbation  of  Mr.  Jefferson  before  he  retired 
from  office.  The  great  schism  in  the  American  family  had  not  yet  taken 
place.  General  Washington  labored  to  prevent  its  occurrence,  and  dis- 
tributed his  appointments  among  all  the  able  and  patriotic,  without  regard 
to  the  party  distinctions  which  were  forming. 

Mr.  Adams  came  into  the  Presidency  in  1797,  with  the  intention,  had 
the  strong  current  of  events  permitted  him,  to  pursue  the  same  course. 
The  first  step  taken  by  him  after  his  inauguration,  was  a  friendly  and 
confidential  interview  with  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  which  he  proposed  to  him, 
if  it  should  be  thought  proper,  on  consideration,  for  the  Vice-President  to 
leave  the  country,  to  go  to  France  as  the  American  Minister,  in  the  hope 
that  he,  if  any  one,  would  be  able  to  adjust  our  difficulties  with  that 
country.  That  Mr.  Jefferson,  on  his  side,  had  not  suffered  the  political 
contests,  into  which  they  had  been  ttrawn,  to  alienate  his  feelings  from 
his  old  revolutionary  copatriot,  is  apparent  from  the  following  letter  of 
Mr.  Jefferson  to  Governor  Langdon,  which  was  written  after  the  election 
of  Mr.  Adams  as  President,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  as  Vice-President,  was 
ascertained. 

"  MONTICELLO,  JANUARY  22,  1797, 
"  DEAR  SIR, 

"  Your  friendly  letter  of  the  2d  instant  never  came  to  hand  till  yesterday, 
and  I  feel  indebted  for  the  solicitude  you  therein  express  for  my  under- 
taking the  office,  to  which  you  inform  me  I  am  now  called.  I  know  not 
from  what  source  an  idea  has  spread  itself,  which  I  have  found  to  be 

fsnerally  spread,  that  I  would  accept  the  office  of  President  of  the  United 
tates,  but  not  that  of  Vice-President.     When  I  retired  from  the  office  J 
31 


242  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

last  held,  no  man  in  the  Union  less  expected  than  I  did,  ever  to  have 
come  forward  again  ;  and  whatever  has  been  insinuated  to  the  contrary, 
to  no  man  in  the  Union  was  the  share  which  my  name  bore  in  the  late 
contest,  more  unexpected  than  it  was  to  me.  If  I  had  contemplated  the 
thing  beforehand,  and  suffered  my  will  to  enter  into  action  at  all  upon  it, 
would  have  been  in  a  direction  exactly  the  reverse  of  what  has  been 
imputed  to  me.  But  I  had  no  right  to  a  will  on  the  subject,  much  less 
to  control  that  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  in  arranging  us  accord- 
ing to  our  capacities.  Least  of  all  could  I  have  any  feelings,  which 
would  revolt  at  taking  a  station  secondary  to  Mr.  Adams.  I  have  been 
secondary  to  him,  in  every  situation  in  which  we  ever  acted  together  in 
public  life,  for  twenty  years  past.  A  contrary  position  would  have  been 
novelty,  and  his  the  right  of  revolting  at  it.  Be  assured,  then,  my  dear 
Sir,  that  if  I  had  had  a  fibre  in  my  composition  still  looking  after  public 
office,  it  would  have  been  gratified  precisely  by  the  very  call  you  are 
pleased  to  give  me,  and  no  other.  But  in  truth,  I  wish  for  neither  honors 
nor  offices.  I  am  happier  at  home  than  I  can  be  elsewhere.  Since, 
however,  I  am  called  out,  an  object  of  great  anxiety  to  me  is,  that  those 
with  whom  I  am  to  act,  shutting  their  minds  to  the  unfounded  abuse  of 
which  I  have  been  the  subject,  will  view  me  with  the  same  candor 
with  which  I  shall  certainly  act.  An  acquaintance  of  many  long  years, 
insures  to  me  your  just  support,  as  it  does  to  you  the  sentiments  of  sin- 
cere respect  and  attachment,  with  which  I  am,  dear  Sir,  your  friend  and 
servant,  THOMAS  JEFFERSOX. 

"  HONORABLE  JOHN  LANGDON." 

The  same  sentiments  of  respect  towards  Mr.  Adams,  were  more  publicly 
expressed  by  Mr.  Jefferson  on  taking  the  chair  of  the  Senate,  as  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States,  in  the  following  terms  :  "  I  might  here 
proceed,  and  with  the  greatest  truth,  to  declare  my  zealous  attachment  to 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States ;  that  I  consider  the  union  of  these 
States  as  the  first  of  blessings  ;  and  as  the  first  of  duties,  the  preservation 
of  that  Constitution,  which  secures  it ;  but  I  suppose  these  declarations 
not  pertinent  to  the  occasion  of  entering  into  an  office,  whose  primary 
business  is  merely  to  preside  over  the  forms  of  this  House  ;  and  no  one 
more  sincerely  prays  that  no  accident  may  call  me  to  the  higher  and 
more  important  functions  which  the  Constitution  eventually  devolves  on 
this  office.  These  have  been  justly  confided  to  the  eminent  character 
which  has  preceded  me  here,  whose  talents  and  integrity  have  been  known 
and  revered  by  me,  through  a  long  course  of  years  ;  have  been  the  foun- 
dation of  a  cordial  and  uninterrupted  friendship  between  us  ;  and  I 
devoutly  pray  he  may  be  long  preserved  for  the  government,  the  happi- 
ness, and  the  prosperity  of  our  common  country." 

Such  were  the  feelings  entertained  towards  each  other  by  these  vene- 
rable fellow  laborers  in  the  cause  of  American  Independence,  who  have 
happily  closed,  in  a  singular  coincidence  of  death,  the  lives  which  they  had 
passed  in  an  unison  scarcely  interrupted,  in  the  service  of  their  country. 
But  the  extraordinary  nature  of  our  foreign  relations,  in  their  influence 
on  domestic  politics,  proved  too  strong  for  the  control  of  the  wise,  the 


JOHN    QUINCY   ADAMS.  243 

candid,  and  the  patriotic.  The  country  was  rent  into  contending  parties. 
The  President  of  the  United  States  regarded  as  the  head  of  the  federal 
party,  was  compelled,  besides  the  natural  resistance  of  the  party  opposed 
to  his  administration,  to  encounter  the  odium  of  the  strong  and  violent 
measures,  brought  forward  by  the  friends  of  General  Hamilton,  among 
them  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws,  neither  of  which  was  recommended 
nor  desired  by  Mr.  Adams,  nor  proposed  by  his  advice.  In  consequence 
of  his  refusal  to  plunge  the  country  into  a  war  with  France,  Mr.  Adams 
lost  the  support  of  General  Hamilton  and  his  friends,  whose  opposition 
defeated  his  re-election  ;  and  thus  prostrated  the  devout  prayer  of  Mr. 
Jefferson,  that  he  might  be  long  preserved  "  for  the  Government  of  the 
country." 

During  this  critical  period  of  our  foreign  and  domestic  politics,  Mr.  John 
Q.  Adams  was  abroad.  He  was  aloof  from  the  scene  of  warfare.  His  situa- 
tion secured  him  from  the  necessity  of  taking  part  in  those  political  conten- 
tions in  which  he  must  either  have  been  placed  in  the  painful  position  of 
acting  with  the  party  opposed  to  his  father,  or  he  would  have  been 
obliged  to  encounter  the  natural  imputation  of  being  biassed  in  support 
of  him  by  filial  attachment.  From  this  painful  alternative  Mr.  Adams 
was  spared,  by  his  residence  abroad,  during  the  whole  period  in  which 
our  domestic  parties  were  acquiring  their  organization  ;  and  he  returned 
to  his  native  land,  as  every  American  of  ingenuous  mind  unfailingly 
returns  after  a  long  absence,  a  stranger  to  local  parties,  and  a  friend  to  his 
country.  There  was  not  an  individual  in  the  country,  to  whom,  with 
greater  justice  than  Mr.  Adams,  might  have  been  applied  the  magnani- 
mous remark  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  his  inaugural  address,  "  We  are  all 
Republicans,  we  are  all  Federalists." 

In  1802,  Mr.  Adams  was  elected  to  the  Senate  of  Massachusetts,  from 
the  district  of  Boston  ;  and  signalized  that  fearless  independence,  which 
has  ever  characterized  his  political  course,  by  his  strong,  though  ineffec- 
tual opposition  to  a  powerful  combination  of  banking  interests,  of  which 
the  centre  was  placed  among  his  immediate  constituents. 

In  1803,  he  was  elected  a  Senator  of  the  United  States  for  six  years, 
from  the  4th  of  March,  1803.  No  person  could  come  into  that  body,  in 
a  situation  better  to  enable  him  to  act  the  honorable  part  of  an  indepen- 
dent, upright,  and  patriotic  Senator.  He  had  successively  received  testi- 
monials of  the  respect  and  confidence  of  those,  who  had  administered  the 
government,  including  Mr.  Jefferson,  then  President.  In  the  political 
controversies  of  the  day  he  had  not  shared.  He  was  pledged  neither  in 
opposition  nor  support  to  any  men  or  measures,  other  than  those  which 
his  sense  of  duty  should  dictate  to  him  to  be  supported  or  opposed. 

His  conduct  in  the  Senate  was  such  as  to  have  been  justly  expected 
from  his  position.  He  had  neither  principles  to  permit,  nor  passions  to 
drive  him  into  indiscriminate  opposition  or  blind  support.  He  supported 
the  administration  in  every  measure  which  his  judgment  approved. 
Especially  in  the  new  aspect  which  the  political  world  was  assuming  in 
consequence  of  the  infraction  of  our  neutral  rights  and  violation  of  the 
sovereignty  of  our  flag  by  Great  Britain,  Mr.  Adams  was  the  prompt 
and  undeviating  supporter  of  the  honor  of  his  country,  and  of  the 


244  JOHN   QUINCY   ADAMS. 

measures  adopted  by  the  administration  for  its  defence.  In  pursuing  this 
independent  course,  Mr.  Adams  incurred  the  disapprobation  of  the  legis- 
lature of  Massachusetts,  which,  in  May,  1808,  by  a  small  majority  of 
federal  votes,  elected  another  person,  as  Senator,  from  the  period  of  the 
expiration  of  Mr.  Adams's  term,  and  passed  resolutions  of  the  nature  of 
instruction  to  their  Senators,  containing  principles  which  Mr.  Adams 
disapproved.  Choosing  neither  to  act  in  conformity  with  these  resolu- 
tions, nor  to  represent  constituents  who  had  lost  their  confidence  in  him, 
Mr.  Adams  resigned  his  place  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 

It  needs  not  be  said  that  the  decided  support  of  a  man  like  Mr.  Adams 
was  peculiarly  acceptable  to  the  administration  at  this  moment.  It  was 
a  support  given  in  the  dark  days  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration,  when 
England  was  now  acting  against  the  country  the  part  which  France  had 
acted  ten  years  before,  and  when  the  operation  of  the  restricting  system 
(the  only  measure  of  resistance,  Avhich,  in  the  opinion  of  the  adminis- 
tration, the  country  could  then  in  prudence  adopt ;)  had  paralyzed  the 
energies  of  the  country,  and  excited  wide  spread  discontent.  It  was  a 
support  given  by  an  independent  statesman,  who  had  borne  the  name  of 
the  opposite  party,  at  a  moment  when,  in  addition  to  all  the  strength  of 
the  federalists,  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Madison  were  called  to  encounter, 
within  the  bosom  of  their  own  party  and  their  own  State,  the  unexpect- 
ed and  perilous  defection  of  men,  who  had  once  led  the  ranks  of  the 
republican  party,  in  the  House  of  Representatives  ;  but  who  now  quar- 
relled with  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Madison,  and  threw  themselves 
into  a  course  of  unsparing  and  unrelaxing  oppo;-iua.:.  At  thi.s  moment 
of  trial,  when,  besides  the  honest  conflict  of  opposite  parties,  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son was  thus  pressed  by  the  whole  incumbent  weight  of  the  British 
empire,  and  by  a  tremendous  assault  from  the  ranks  of  his  friends, 
aiming  to  embarrass  him  and  supplant  Mr.  Madison,  Mr.  Adams  came 
out  boldly  and  manfully  in  his  support. 

The  retirement  of  Mr.  Adams  from  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
although  varying  the  direction,  did  not  abate  the  activity  of  his  uncom- 
mon powers  for  serving  his  fellow  men.  A  life  of  unremitted  public 
occupation  had,  by  virtue  of  strict  method,  untiring  diligence,  and 
temperate  habits,  left  him  leisure  to  acquire,  as  a  relaxation,  a  mass  of 
useful  learning,  which  would,  in  most  cases,  have  been  deemed  the  fruit 
of  a  life  of  literary  seclusion.  Distinguished  as  a  writer  among  the 
best  which  the  country  has  produced,  and  as  a  public  speaker,  for  force, 
and  impressiveness,  and  senatorial  eloquence,  not  less  rare,  Mr.  Adams 
was,  in  1806,  called  to  the  chair  of  rhetoric  and  oratory,  in  the  semi- 
nary where  he  received  his  education,  and  delivered  a  course  of  lectures 
on  the  Art  of  Speaking  Well ;  the  most  important  art  to  the  youth  of  a 
free  country. 

But  his  country  had  higher  claims  upon  his  services.  In  June,  1809, 
he  was  appointed  by  Mr.^Madison  as  Minister  to  Russia.  He  had  the 
good  fortune,  here,  to  acquire  the  confidence  of  the  Emperor  Alexander, 
who  was  delighted  with  the  contrast  of  the  republican  simplicity  of  the 
American  Minister  with  the  splendor  of  the  foreign  Envoys.  He  admit- 
ted Mr.  Adams  to  a  degree  of  intimacy  rarely  enjoyed  with  despotic 


JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS.  245 

monarchs  even  by  their  own  ministers.  This  circumstance  laid  the 
foundation  of  that  good-will  toward  America,  on  the  part  of  the  Empe- 
ror Alexander,  of  which  the  country  has  enjoyed,  on  many  occasions, 
the  important  fruits.  But  its  first  fruit  was  the  most  important  of 
all;  for  it  was  unquestionably  owing  to  the  confidential  relation 
between  Mr.  Adams  and  the  Emperor,  that  the  mediation  of  Russia 
was  tendered  between  England  and  the  United  States  ;  a  mediation 
which,  though  it  was  declined  by  England,  produced  an  offer  from  that 
country  to  treat  directly,  and  thus  led  to  peace. 

It  was  for  this  reason  that  he  was  placed  by  Mr.  Madison  at  the  head 
of  the  commission  of  five,  by  which  the  treaty  of  peace  was  negociated, 
and  which  consisted  of  some  of  the  ablest  men  in  the  country.  It  is 
unnecessary  to  speak  of  the  skill,  with  which  that  negociation  was 
conducted.  Mr.  Adams  bore  a  full  part  in  its  counsels  and  labors  ; 
and  a  proportionate  share  of  the  credit  is  due  to  him,  for  that  cogency 
and  skill  which  drew  from  the  Marquis  of  Wellesley,  in  the  British 
House  of  Lords,  the  declaration  that,  "  in  his  opinion,  the  American 
Commissioners  had  shown  the  most  astonishing  superiority  over  the 
British,  during  the  whole  of  the  correspondence." 

This  tribute  is  the  more  honorable  to  Mr.  Adams  and  his  colleagues, 
Mr.  Gallatin,  Mr.  Clay,  and  their  departed  associate  Mr.  Bayard,  from 
the  circumstance,  that,  on  every  important  point,  the  British  Commission- 
ers received  special  instructions  from  the  Ministry  at  London,  directing 
the  terms  in  which  the  American  Envoys  were  to  be  answered. 

Having  borne  this  important  part,  in  bringing  the  war  to  a  close  by  an 
honorable  peace,  Mr.  Adams  was  employed,  in  conjunction  with  Messrs. 
Clay  and  Gallatin,  in  negociating  a  convention  of  commerce  with  Great 
Britain,  on  the  basis  of  which  our  commercial  intercourse  with  that 
country  has  been  since  advantageously  conducted.  Having  been 
appointed  our  Minister  at  London  by  Mr.  Madison,  Mr.  Adams  remain- 
ed in  that  place,  till  the  accession  of  Mr.  Monroe  to  the  chair  of  State. 
On  this  occasion,  Mr.  Monroe,  in  the  formation  of  his  Cabinet,  took 
deliberate  counsel  with  the  most  prudent  and  patriotic  citizens  of  the 
country.  Among  others  the  opinion  of  General  Jackson  was  freely 
imparted  to  him.  The  counsel  of  this  distinguished  citizen  was  express- 
ed, in  the  following  terms  :  "  Every  thing  depends  on  the  selection  of 
your  ministry.  In  every  selection,  party  and  party  feelings  should  be 
avoided.  Now  is  the  time  to  exterminate  that  monster,  called  party 
spirit.  By  selecting  characters  most  conspicuous  for  their  probity, 
virtue,  capacity,  and  firmness,  without  any  regard  to  party,  you  will  go 
far,  if  not  entirely,  to  eradicate  those  feelings,  which  on  former  occasions 
threw  so  many  obstacles  in  the  way  of  government,  and  perhaps  have 
the  pleasure  and  honor  of  uniting  a  people  heretofore  politically  divided. 
The  Chief  Magistrate  of  a  great  and  powerful  nation  should  never 
indulge  in  party  feelings." 

To  this  counsel  Mr.  Monroe  felt  himself  unable  to  accede.  He 
thought  that  "  the  association  of  any  of  the  federal  party  in  the  adminis- 
tration would  wound  the  feelings  of  its  friends  to  the  injury  of  the 
republican  cause."  He  made  known,  however,  to  General  Jackson  his 


246  JOHN   QUINCY   ADAMS. 

design  of  distributing,  as  far  as  possible,  the  places  in  the  cabinet.; 
throughout  the  country.  "  I  shall,"  said  he  in  his  letter  to  Genera! 
Jackson,  of  March  1st,  1817,  "  take  a  person  for  the  Department  of 
State  from  the  eastward ;  and  Mr.  Adams,  by  long  service  in  our  diplo- 
matic concerns  appearing  to  entitle  him  to  the  preference,  supported  by 
his  acknowledged  abilities  and  integrity,  his  nomination  will  go  to  the 
Senate."  In  reply  to  this  intimation,  General  Jackson,  in  his  letter  of 
March  18th,  observes :  "  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying,  you  have  made 
the  best  selection  to  fill  the  Department  of  State,  that  could  be  made. 
Mr.  Adams  in  the  hour  of  difficulty  will  be  an  able  helpmate,  and  I 
am  convinced  his  appointment  will  afford  general  satisfaction."  It  was 
with  something  of  prophetic  feeling  that  General  Jackson  declared  in 
1817,  "  that  Mr.  Adams,  in  the  hour  of  difficulty,  would  be  an  able 
helpmate."  It  was  not  a  long  time  before  the  conduct  of  Genera! 
Jackson  himself  was  the  subject  of  solemn  investigation  before  the  grand 
inquest  of  the  nation.  The  letters  of  Mr.  Adams  to  the  Spanish  Minis- 
ter, justifying  the  conduct  of  General  Jackson,  against  the  complaints 
of  Spain,  came  seasonably  to  the  support  of  this  distinguished  citizen, 
and  effected  the  vindication  of  him  against  every  charge  of  a  violation 
of  the  rights  of  Spain. 

In  the  pursuance  of  the  intimation  of  Mr.  Monroe,  as  above  described, 
Mr.  Adams  was  called  home  from  England  and  became  Secretary  of  State. 
On  this  arduous  office  he  entered,  as  General  Jackson  had  foretold  that  he 
would,  "  to  the  general  approbation  of  the  country."  He  retained  the 
confidence  of  Mr.  Monroe  and  acquired  that  of  his  new  colleagues.  In 
reference  to  all  questions  of  the  foreign  relations  of  the  country,  Mr. 
Adams  was  the  influential  member  of  the  cabinet ;  and  is,  consequently, 
more  than  any  other  individual  composing  it,  entitled  to  the  credit  of  the 
measures  which,  during  Mr.  Monroe's  administration,  were  adopted  in 
reference  to  the  foreign  policy  of  the  government.  It  is  not  necessary 
that  these  should  here  be  specified.  One  only  is  too  important  to  be 
forgotten — the  recognition  of  the  independence  of  the  New  Republics 
of  the  South.  The  credit  of  first  effectually  proposing  that  measure,  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  is  due  to  Mr.  Clay ;  that  of  choosing  the 
propitious  moment  when  it  could  be  proposed  with  the  unanimous 
consent  of  Congress,  and  the  nation,  belongs,  in  the  first  degree,  to  Mr. 
Adams.  Nor  is  he  entitled  to  less  credit,  for  the  successful  termination 
of  our  differences  with  Spain.  A  controversy,  of  thirty  years'  standing, 
which  had  resisted  the  skill  of  every  preceding  administration  of  the 
government,  was  thus  brought  to  an  honorable  close.  Indemnity  was 
procured  for  our  merchants,  and  East  and  West  Florida  added  to  our 
republic.  Next  to  the  purchase  of  Louisiana,  the  history  of  our  country 
presents  no  measure  of  equal  brilliancy  with  that  of  the  acquisition  of 
this  territory. 

On  every  important  occasion  and  question  that  arose  during  Mr.  Mon- 
roe's administration,  the  voice  of  Mr.  Adams  was  for  his  country,  for 
mild  councils,  and  for  union.  In  the  agitations  of  the  Missouri  question, 
his  influence  was  exerted  for  conciliation.  He  believed  that  by  the  Con- 
stitution and  the  treaty  of  cession  of  1803,  Congress  waa  barred  from 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS.  247 

adopting  the  proposed  restrictions  on  the  admission  of  Missouri.  Of 
internal  improvement  by  roads  and  canals,  he  was  ever  the  friend,  and 
moved  in  the  Seriate  of  the  United  States  the  first  project  of  their 
systematic  construction.  To  the  protection  of  American  manufactures, 
by  a  judicious  revision  of  the  tariff,  he  was,  in  like  manner,  friendly. 
To  the  cause  of  religion  and  learning  he  afforded  all  the  aid  in  the  power 
of  an  individual,  not  merely  by  the  uniform  countenance  of  every  effort 
for  their  advancement,  but  by  the  most  liberal  pecuniary  assistance  to  the 
college,  founded  by  the  communion  of  Baptists,  in  the  Dictrict  of  Co- 
lumbia. 

Such  were  his  claims  to  the  last  and  highest  gift  which  the  people  can 
bestow  on  a  long  tried,  faithful  servant.  Various  circumstances  con- 
spired to  strengthen  them,  in  the  Presidential  canvass  for  the  term 
beginning  in  1825.  Of  nine  Presidential  elections,  one  only  had  given 
a  President  to  a  non-slave  holding  State.  Of  the  several  candidates 
presented  to  the  people  at  this  election,  Mr.  Adams  was  the  only  one 
who  represented  the  non-slave  holding  interest.  The  people  of  our 
slave  holding  States  are  sacredly  entitled  to  protection,  in  their  rights 
and  feelings  on  this  subject ;  but  they  ought,  neither  in  prudence  nor 
justice,  to  demand  a  monopoly  in  the  government  of  the  country.  Of 
nine  elections,  one  only  had  resulted  in  the  choice  of  a  representative  of 
the  commercial,  navigating,  and  manufacturing  interests.  Had  the  choice 
been  presented  to  the  people  between  Mr.  Adams  and  any  other  candidate 
singly,  Mr.  Adams  would  perhaps  have  been  chosen ;  he  having  been,  it 
is  believed,  in  almost  every  State,  either  the  first  or  second  choice  of  the 
people. 

In  consequence  of  the  number  of  candidates,  no  choice  by  the  people 
was  effected,  and  no  cand'date  approached  to  nearer  than  within  thirty 
votes  of  a  majority.  The  three  persons  who  received  the  highest  number 
of  votes  for  the  Presidency,  were  Andrew  Jackson,  John  Quincy  Adams, 
and  William  H.  Crawford.  For  the  Vice-Presidency,  John  C.  Calhoun, 
of  South  Carolina,  received  one  hundred  aud  eighty-two  votes,  and  was 
consequently  elected.  The  choice  of  the  President,  according  to  consti- 
tutional provisions,  fell  upon  the  House  of  Representatives,  and,  contrary 
to  all  previous  expectations,  an  election  was  effected  at  the  first  balloting; 
Mr.  Adams  having  received  the  votes  of  thirteen  States,  General  Jack- 
son the  votes  of  seven  States,  and  Mr.  Crawford  the  votes  of  four  States. 
The  result  of  the  election  created  great  surprise,  and  in  many  quarters 
great  indignation.  The  cry  of  corruption  and  intrigue  was  raised  on  all 
sides,  and  it  was  among  the  assertions  of  the  time  that  Mr.  Clay  had 
sold  the  vote  of  Kentucky  for  the  promise  of  place. 

A  committee  of  the  House  was  appointed  to  wait  on  Mr.  Adams,  and 
notify  him  of  his  election  to  the  Presidency ;  to  this  notification  Mr. 
Adams  returned  the  following  reply  : 

"  GENTLEMEN — In  receiving  this  testimonial  from  the  Kepresentativea 
of  the  people,  and  States  of  this  Union,  I  am  deeply  sensible  to  the  cir- 
cumstances under  which  it  has  been  given.  All  my  predecessors  in  the  high 
station  to  which  the  favor  of  the  House  now  calls  me,  have  been  honored 
with  majorities  of  the  electoral  voices  in  their  primary  colleges.  It  has 


248  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

been  my  fortune  to  be  placed,  by  the  divisions  of  sentiment  prevailing 
among  our  countrymen  on  this  occasion,  in  competition,  friendly  and 
honorable,  with  three  of  my  fellow  citizens,  all  justly  enjoying,  in  eminent 
degrees,  the  public  favor ;  and  of  whose  worth,  talents,  and  services,  no 
one  entertains  a  higher  and  more  respectful  sense  than  myself.  The 
names  of  two  of  them  were,  in  the  fulfillment  of  the  provisions  of  the 
Constitution,  presented  to  the  selection  of  the  House,  in  concurrence  with 
my  own  :  names,  closely  associated  with  the  glory  of  the  nation,  and  one 
of  them  further  recommended  by  a  larger  majority  of  the  primary  elec- 
toral suffrages  than  mine. 

"  In  this  state  of  things,  could  my  refusal  to  accept  the  trust  thus  dele- 
gated to  me,  give  an  immediate  opportunity  to  the  people  to  form  and  to 
express  with  a  nearer  approach  to  unanimity,  the  object  of  their  preference, 
I  should  not  hesitate  to  decline  the  acceptance  of  this  eminent  charge, 
and  to  submit  the  decision  of  this  momentous  question  again  to  their 
determination.  But  the  Constitution  itself  has  not  so  disposed  of  the 
contingency  which  would  arise  in  the  event  of  my  refusal;  I  shall, 
therefore,  repair  to  the  post  assigned  me  by  the  call  of  my  country  signi- 
fied through  her  constitutional  organs  ;  oppressed  with  the  magnitude  of 
the  task  before  me,  but  cheered  with  the  hope  of  that  generous  support  from 
my  fellow  citizens,  which,  in  the  vicissitudes  of  a  life  devoted  to  their 
service,  has  never  failed  to  sustain  me — confident  in  the  trust,  that  the 
wisdom  of  the  legislative  councils  will  guide  and  direct  me  in  the  path  of 
my  official  duty,  and  relying,  above  all,  upon  the  superintending  providence 
of  that  Being  '  in  whose  hand  our  breath  is,  and  whose  are  all  our  ways.' 

"  Gentlemen,  I  pray  you  to  make  acceptable  to  the  House  the  assurance 
of  my  profound  gratitude  for  their  confidence,  and  to  accept  yourselves 
my  thanks  for  the  friendly  terms  in  which  you  have  communicated  to 
me  their  decision." 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1825,  Mr.  Adams  was  inaugurated  as  President 
of  the  United  States.  At  about  half  past  twelve  on  that  day  he  was  intro- 
duced into  the  capitol,  followed  by  the  venerable  Ex-President  and  his  fa- 
mily, by  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  their  robes  of  office,  and  the 
members  of  the  Senate,  preceded  by  the  Vice-President,  with  a  number 
of  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  Mr.  Adams,  in  a  plain 
suit  of  black,  ascended  the  steps  to  the  Speaker's  chair,  and  took  his  seat. 
Silence  having  been  proclaimed  and  the  doors  of  the  hall  closed,  Mr. 
Adams  rose  and  read  an  address,  which  occupied  about  forty  minutes  in 
the  delivery.  Great  interest  was  felt  on  this  subject,  as  those  productions 
had  usually  contained  the  general  principles  upon  which  the  Executive 
intended  to  administer  the  government.  The  discourse,  from  its  impor- 
tance, is  worthy  of  a  place  in  this  volume,  and  is  as  follows : 

"  In  compliance  with  an  usage,  coeval  with  the  existence  of  our  Federal 
Constitution,  and  sanctioned  by  the  example  of  my  predecessors  in  the 
career  upon  which  I  am  about  to  enter,  I  appear,  my  fellow  citizens,  in 
your  presence,  and  in  that  of  heaven,  to  bind  myself  by  the  solemnities 
of  a  religious  obligation,  to  the  faithful  performance  of  the  duties  allotted 
to  me,  in  the  station  to  which  I  have  been  called. 

"  In  unfolding  to  my  countrymen  the  principles  by  which  I  shall  be 


JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS.  249 

governed,  in  the  fulfilment  of  those  duties,  my  first  resort  will  be  to  that 
Constitution,  which  I  shall  swear,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  to  preserve, 
protect,  and  defend.  That  revered  instrument  enumerates  the  powers, 
and  prescribes  the  duties  of  the  executive  magistrate  ;  and,  in  its  first 
words,  declares  the  purposes  to  which  these,  and  the  whole  action  of  the 
government,  instituted  by  it,  should  be  invariably  and  sacredly  devoted — 
to  form  a  more  perfect  union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity, 
provide  for  the  common  defence,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure 
the  blessings  of  liberty  to  the  people  of  this  Union,  in  their  successive 
generations.  Since  the  adoption  of  this  social  compact,  one  of  these 
generations  has  passed  away.  It  is  the  work  of  our  forefathers.  Ad- 
ministered by  some  of  the  most  eminent  men,  who  contributed  to  its 
formation,  through  a  most  eventful  period  in  the  annals  of  the  world,  and 
through  all  the  vicissitudes  of  peace  and  war,  incidental  to  the  condition 
of  associated  man,  it  has  not  disappointed  the  hopes  and  aspirations  of 
those  illustrious  benefactors  of  their  age  and  nation.  It  has  promoted  the 
lasting  welfare  of  that  country,  so  dear  to  us  all ;  it  has,  to  an  extent,  far 
beyond  the  ordinary  lot  of  humanity,  secured  the  freedom  and  happiness 
of  this  people.  We  now  receive  it  as  a  precious  inheritance  from  those 
to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  its  establishment,  doubly  bound  by  the 
examples  which  they  have  left  to  us,  and  by  the  blessings  which  we  have 
enjoyed,  as  the  fruits  of  their  labors,  to  transmit  the  same,  unimpaired, 
to  the  succeeding  generation. 

"  In  the  compass  of  thirty-six  years,  since  this  great  national  covenant 
was  instituted,  a  body  of  laws  enacted  under  its  authority,  and  in  confor- 
mity with  its  provisions,  has  unfolded  its  powers,  and  carried  into  practical 
operation  its  effective  energies.  Subordinate  departments  have  distri- 
buted the  executive  functions  in  their  various  relations  to  foreign  affairs, 
to  the  revenue  and  expenditures,  and  to  the  military  force  of  the  Union 
by  land  and  sea.  A  co-ordinate  department  of  the  judiciary  has  expound- 
ed the  Constitution  and  the  laws ;  settling,  in  harmonious  coincidence 
with  the  legislative  will,  numerous  weighty  questions  of  construction 
which  the  imperfection  of  human  language  had  rendered  unavoidable. 
The  year  of  jubilee,  since  the  first  formation  of  our  Union,  has  just 
elapsed  ;  that  of  the  declaration  of  our  independence  is  at  hand.  The 
consummation  of  both  was  effected  by  this  Constitution.  Since  that  period, 
a  population  of  four  millions  has  multiplied  to  twelve.  A  territory 
bounded  by  the  Mississippi,  has  been  extended  from  sea  to  sea.  New 
States  have  been  admitted  to  the  Union,  in  numbers  nearly  equal  to  those 
of  the  first  confederation.  Treaties  of  peace,  amity,  and  commerce,  have 
been  concluded  with  the  principal  dominions  of  the  earth.  The  people 
of  o'ther  nations,  inhabitants  of  regions  acquired,  not  by  conquests,  but 
by  compact,  have  been  united  with  us  in  the  participation  of  our  rights 
and  duties,  of  our  burdens  and  blessings.  The  forest  has  fallen  by 
the  axe  of  our  woodsmen — the  soil  has  been  made  to  teem  by  the  tillage 
of  our  farmers  ;  our  commerce  has  whitened  every  ocean.  The  dominion 
of  man  over  physical  nature,  has  been  extended  by  the  invention  of  our 
artists.  Liberty  and  law  have  marched  hand  in  hand.  All  the  purposes 
of  human  association  have  been  accomplished  as  effectually  as  under  any 
32 


250  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

other  government  on  the  glohe  ;  and  at  a  cost,  little  exceeding,  in  a  whole 
generation,  the  expenditures  of  other  nations  in  a  single  year. 

"  Such  is  the  unexaggerated  picture  of  our  condition,  under  a  Consti- 
tution founded  upon  the  republican  principle  of  equal  rights.  To  admit 
that  this  picture  has  its  shades,  is  but  to  say,  that  it  is  still  the  condition 
of  men  upon  earth.  From  evil,  physical,  moral,  and  political,  it  is  not 
our  claim  to  be  exempt.  We  have  suffered,  sometimes  by  the  visitation 
of  Heaven,  through  disease  ;  often  by  the  wrongs  and  injustice  of  other 
nations,  even  to  the  extremities  of  war ;  and,  lastly,  by  dissensions  among 
ourselves — dissensions,  perhaps,  inseparable  from  the  enjoyment  of  free- 
dom, but  which  have  more  than  once  appeared  to  threaten  the  dissolution 
of  the  Union,  and,  with  it,  the  overthrow  of  all  the  enjoyments  of  our 
present  lot,  and  all  our  earthly  hopes  of  the  future.  The  causes  of  these 
dissensions  have  been  various,  founded  upon  differences  of  speculation  in 
the  theory  of  republican  government ;  upon  conflicting  views  of  policy, 
in  our  relations  with  foreign  nations  ;  upon  jealousies  of  partial  and  sec- 
tional interests,  aggravated  by  prejudices  and  prepossessions,  which 
strangers  to  each  other  are  ever  apt  to  entertain. 

"  It  is  a  source  of  gratification  and  of  encouragement  to  me,  to  observe 
that  the  great  result  of  this  experiment  upon  the  theory  of  human  rights, 
has,  at  the  close  of  that  generation  by  which  it  was  formed,  been  crown- 
ed with  success  equal  to  the  most  sanguine  expectations  of  its  founders. 
Union,  justice,  tranquillity,  the  common  defence,  the  general  welfare,  and 
the  blessings  of  liberty — all  have  been  promoted  bv  the  government  vmrler 
which  we  have  lived.  Standing  at  this  point  of  time,  looking  buck  to 
that  generation  which  has  gone  by,  and  forward  to  that  which  is  advanc- 
ing, we  may,  at  once,  indulge  in  grateful  exultation,  and  in  cheering 
hope.  From  the  experience  of  the  past,  we  derive  instructive  lessons  for 
the  future.  Of  the  two  great  political  parties  which  have  divided  the 
opinions  and  feelings  of  our  country,  the  candid  and  the  just  will  now 
admit,  that  both  have  contributed  splendid  talents,  spotless  integrity, 
ardent  patriotism,  and  disinterested  sacrifices,  to  the  formation  and 
administration  of  this  government ;  and  that  both  have  required  a  liberal 
indulgence  for  a  portion  of  human  infirmity  and  error.  The  revolution- 
ary wars  of  Europe,  commencing  precisely  at  the  moment  when  the 
government  of  the  United  States  first  went  into  operation  under  this 
Constitution,  excited  a  collision  of  sentiments  and  of  sympathies,  which 
kindled  all  the  passions,  and  embittered  the  conflict  of  parties,  till  the 
nation  was  involved  in  war,  and  the  Union  was  shaken  to  its 
centre.  This  time  of  trial  embraced  a  period  of  five  and  twenty 
years,  during  which,  the  policy  of  the  Union,  in  its  relations  with  Eu- 
rope, constituted  the  principal  basis  of  our  political  divisions,  and  the 
most  arduous  part  of  the  action  of  our  federal  government.  With  the 
catastrophe  in  which  the  wars  of  the  French  revolution  terminated,  and 
our  own  subsequent  peace  with  Great  Britain,  this  baneful  weed  of  party 
strife  was  uprooted.  From  that  time,  no  difference  of  principle  connected 
either  with  the  theory  of  government,  or  with  our  intercourse  with  foreign 
nations,  has  existed,  or  been  called  forth,  in  force  sufficient  to  sustain  a 
continued  combination  of  parties,  or  give  more  than  wholesome  anima- 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS.  251 

lion  to  public  sentiment,  or  legislative  debate.  Our  political  creed  is, 
without  a  dissenting  voice  that  can  be  heard,  that  the  will  of  the  people 
is  the  source,  and  the  happiness  of  the  people  the  end,  of  all  legitimate 
government  upon  earth — That  the  best  security  for  the  beneficence,  and 
the  best  guaranty  against  the  abuse  of  power,  consists  in  the  freedom,  the 
purity,  and  the  frequency  of  popular  elections — That  the  general  govern- 
ment of  the  Union,  and  the  separate  governments  of  the  States,  are  all 
sovereignties  of  limited  powers ;  fellow  servants  of  the  same  masters, 
uncontrolled  within  their  respective  spheres,  uncontrollable  by  encroach- 
ments upon  each  other — That  the  firmest  security  of  peace  is  the  prepa- 
ration, during  peace,  of  the  defences  of  war — That  a  rigorous  economy, 
and  accountability  of  public  expenditures,  should  guard  against  the 
aggravation,  and  alleviate,  when  possible,  the  burden  of  taxation — That 
the  military  should  be  kept  in  strict  subordination  to  the  civil  power — 
That  the  freedom  of  the  press,  and  of  religious  opinion,  should  be  invio- 
late— That  the  policy  of  our  country  is  peace,  and  the  ark  of  our  salvation 
union,  are  articles  of  faith  upon  which  we  are  all  agreed.  If  there  have 
been  those  who  doubted  whether  a  confederated  representative  democracy 
were  a  government  competent  to  the  wise  and  orderly  management  of 
the  common  concerns  of  a  mighty  nation,  those  doubts  have  been  dispelled. 
If  there  have  been  projects  of  partial  confederacies,  to  be  erected  upon 
the  ruins  of  the  Union,  they  have  been  scattered  to  the  winds.  If  there 
have  been  dangerous  attachments  to  one  foreign  nation,  and  antipathies 
against  another,  they  have  been  extinguished.  Ten  years  of  peace,  at 
home  and  abroad,  have  assuaged  the  animosities  of  political  contention,  and 
blended  into  harmony  the  most  discordant  elements  of  public  opinion. 
There  still  remains  one  effort  of  magnanimity,  one  sacrifice  of  prejudice 
and  passion,  to  be  made  by  the  individuals  throughout  the  nation,  who  have 
heretofore  followed  the  standards  of  political  party.  It  is  that  of  discard- 
ing every  remnant  of  rancor  against  each  other ;  of  embracing,  as  coun- 
trymen and  friends ;  and  of  yielding  to  talents  and  virtue  alone,  that 
confidence  which,  in  times  of  contention  for  principle,  was  bestowed  only 
upon  those  who  bore  the  badge  of  party  communion. 

"  The  collisions  of  party  spirit,  which  originate  in  speculative  opinions, 
or  in  different  views  of  administrative  policy,  are,  in  their  nature,  transi- 
tory. Those  which  are  founded  on  geographical  divisions,  adverse 
interests  of  soil,  climate,  and  modes  of  domestic  life,  are  more  permanent, 
and,  therefore,  perhaps,  more  dangerous.  It  is  this  which  gives  inestima- 
ble value  to  the  character  of  our  government,  at  once  federal  and  national. 
It  holds  out  to  us  a  perpetual  admonition  to  preserve  alike,  and  with 
equal  anxiety,  the  rights  of  each  individual  State  in  its  own  government, 
and  the  rights  of  the  whole  nation,  in  that  of  the  Union.  Whatever  is 
of  domestic  concernment,  unconnected  with  the  other  members  of  the 
Union,  or  with  foreign  lands,  belongs  exclusively  to  the  administration 
of  the  State  Governments.  Whatsoever  directly  involves  the  rights  and 
interests  of  the  federative  fraternity,  or  of  foreign  powers,  is  of  the  resort 
of  this  general  government.  The  duties  of  both  are  obvious  in  the 
general  principle,  though  sometimes  perplexed  with  difficulties  in  the 
detail.  To  respect  the  rights  of  the  State  Governments  is  the  inviolable 


252  JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS. 

duty  of  that  of  the  Union :  the  government  of  every  State  will  feel  its 
own  obligation  to  respect  and  preserve  the  rights  of  the  whole.  The 
prejudices  every  where  too  commonly  entertained  against  distant  strangers, 
are  worn  away,  and  the  jealousies  of  jarring  interests  are  allayed  by  the 
composition  and  functions  of  the  great  national  councils,  annually  assem- 
bled from  all  quarters  of  the  Union,  at  this  place.  Here  the  distinguished 
men  from  every  section  of  our  country,  while  meeting  to  deliberate  upon 
the  great  interests  of  those  by  whom  they  are  deputed,  learn  to  estimate 
the  talents,  and  do  justice  to  the  virtues  of  each  other.  The  harmony 
of  the  nation  is  promoted,  and  the  whole  Union  is  knit  together  by  the 
sentiments  of  mutual  respect,  the  habits  of  social  intercourse,  and  the 
ties  of  personal  friendship,  formed  between  the  representatives  of  its 
several  parts,  in  the  performance  of  their  service  at  this  metropolis. 

"  Passing  from  this  general  review  of  the  purposes  and  injunctions  of 
the  Federal  Constitution,  and  their  results,  as  indicating  the  first  traces  of 
the  path  of  duty,  in  the  discharge  of  my  public  trust,  I  turn  to  the  admi- 
nistration of  my  immediate  predecessor,  as  the  second.  It  has  passed 
away  in  a  period  of  profound  peace ;  how  much  to  the  satisfaction  of 
our  country,  and  to  the  honor  of  our  country's  name,  is  knoAvn  to 
you  all.  The  great  features  of  its  policy,  in  general  concurrence  with 
the  will  of  the  Legislature,  have  been- — To  cherish  peace  while  preparing 
for  defensive  war— To  yield  exact  justice  to  other  nations,  and  maintain 
the  rights  of  our  own — To  cherish  the  principles  of  freedom  and  of  equal 
rights,  wherever  they  were  proclaimed— To  discharge,  with  all  possible 
promptitude,  the  national  debt — To  reduce,  within  the  narrowest  limits 
of  efficiency,  the  military  force — To  improve  the  organization  and  disci- 
pline of  the  army — To  provide  and  sustain  a  school  of  military  science — • 
To  extend  equal  protection  to  all  the  great  interests  of  the  nation — To 
promote  the  civilization  of  the  Indian  tribes  ;  and— To  proceed  in  the  great 
system  of  internal  improvements,  within  the  limits  of  the  constitutional 
power  of  the  Union.  Under  the  pledge  of  these  promises,  made  by  that 
eminent  citizen,  at  the  time  of  his  first  induction  to  this  office,  in  his 
career  of  eight  years,  the  internal  taxes  have  been  repealed  ;  sixty  mil- 
lions of  the  public  debt  have  been  discharged  ;  provision  has  been  made 
for  the  comfort  and  relief  of  the  aged  and  indigent  among  the  surviving 
warriors  of  the  revolution ;  the  regular  armed  force  has  been  reduced, 
and  its  constitution  revised  and  perfected;  the  accountability  for  the 
expenditures  of  public  moneys  has  been  made  more  effective  ;  the  Flori- 
das  have  been  peaceably  acquired,  and  our  boundary  has  been  extended 
to  the  Pacific  ocean ;  the  independence  of  the  southern  nations  of  this 
hemisphere  has  been  recognised,  and  recommended,  by  example  and  by 
council,  to  the  potentates  of  Europe  ;  progress  has  been  made  in  the 
defence  of  the  country,  by  fortifications  and  the  increase  of  the  navy—- 
towards the  effectual  suppression  of  the  African  traffic  in  slaves — in  allur- 
ing the  aboriginal  hunters  of  our  land  to  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  and 
of  the  mind — in  exploring  the  interior  regions  of  the  Union,  and  in 
preparing,  by  scientific  researches  and  surveys,  for  the  further  application 
of  our  national  resources  to  the  internal  improvement  of  our  country. 

"  In  this  brief  outline  of  the  promise  and  performance  of  my  immediate 


JOHN   QU1NCY  ADAMS.  253 

predecessor,  the  line  of  duty,  for  his  successor,  is  clearly  delineated.  To 
pursue  to  their  consummation  those  purposes  of  improvement  in  our 
common  condition,  instituted  or  recommended  by  him,  will  embrace  the 
whole  sphere  of  my  obligations.  To  the  topic  of  internal  improvement, 
emphatically  urged  by  him  at  his  inauguration,  I  recur  with  peculiar 
satisfaction.  It  is  that  from  which  I  am  convinced  that  the  unborn 
millions  of  our  posterity,  who  are  in  future  ages  to  people  this  continent, 
will  derive  their  most  fervent  gratitude  to  the  founders  of  the  Union ; 
that  in  which  the  beneficent  action  of  its  government  will  be  most  deeply 
felt  and  acknowledged.  The  magnificence  and  splendor  of  their  public 
works  are  among  the  imperishable  glories  of  the  ancient  republics.  The 
roads  and  aqueducts  of  Rome  have  been  the  admiration  of  all  after  ages, 
and  have  survived,  thousands  of  years,  after  all  her  conquests  have  been 
swallowed  up  in  despotism,  or  become  the  spoil  of  barbarians.  Some 
diversity  of  opinion  has  prevailed  Avith  regard  to  the  powers  of  Congress 
for  legislation  upon  objects  of  this  nature.  The  most  respectful  deference 
is  due  to  doubts,  originating  in  pure  patriotism,  and  sustained  by  vene- 
rated authority.  But  nearly  twenty  years  have  passed  since  the  construc- 
tion of  the  first  national  road  was  commenced.  The  authority  for  its 
construction  was  then  unquestioned.  To  how  many  thousands  of  our 
countrymen  has  it  proved  a  benefit  ?  To  what  single  individual  has  it 
ever  proved  an  injury  ?  Repeated  liberal  and  candid  discussions  in  the 
Legislature  have  conciliated  the  sentiments,  and  approximated  the  opinions 
of  enlightened  minds,  upon  the  question  of  constitutional  power.  I  can- 
not but  hope,  that,  by  the  same  process  of  friendly,  patient,  and  persevering 
deliberation,  all  constitutional  objections  will  ultimately  be  removed. 
The  extent  and  limitation  of  the  powers  of  the  general  government,  in 
relation  to  this  transcendantly  important  interest,  will  be  settled  and 
acknowledged,  to  the  common  satisfaction  of  all ;  and  every  speculative 
scruple  will  be  solved  by  a  practical  public  blessing. 

"  Fellow  citizens,  you  are  acquainted  with  the  peculiar  circumstances 
of  the  recent  election,  which  have  resulted  in  affording  me  the  opportu- 
nity of  addressing  you  at  this  time.  You  have  heard  the  exposition  of 
this  principles  which  will  direct  me  in  the  fulfilment  of  the  high  and 
so.emn  trust  imposed  upon  me  in  this  station.  Less  possessed  of  your 
confidence,  in  advance,  than  any  of  my  predecessors,  I  am  deeply  con- 
scious of  the  prospect  that  I  shall  stand  more  and  oftener  in  need  of  your 
indulgence.  Intentions  upright  and  pure,  a  heart  devoted  to  the  welfare 
of  our  country,  and  the  unceasing  application  of  the  faculties  allotted  to 
me,  to  her  service,  are  all  the  pledges  that  I  can  give  for  the  faithful 
performance  of  the  arduous  duties  I  am  to  undertake.  To  the  guidance  of 
the  legislative  councils  ;  to  the  assistance  of  the  executive  and  subordinate 
departments ;  to  the  friendly  co-operation  of  the  respective  State  Govern- 
ments ;  to  the  candid  and  liberal  support  of  the  people,  so  far  as  it  may 
be  deserved  by  honest  industry  and  zeal ;  I  shall  look  for  whatever  success 
may  attend  my  public  service  :  and  knowing  that,  '  except  the  Lord  keep 
the  city,  the  watchman  waketh  but  in  vain,'  with  fervent  supplications  for 
His  favor,  to  His  overruling  providence,  I  commit,  with  humble  but  fear- 
less confidence,  my  own  fate,  and  the  future  destinies  of  my  country." 


254  JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS. 

After  delivering  this  address,  the  President  elect  descended  from  the 
chair,  and  placing  himself  on  the  right  hand  of  the  Judges'  table,  received 
from  the  Chief  Justice  a  volume  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  from 
which  he  read  the  oath  of  office :  at  the  close  of  which,  the  House  rang 
with  the  cheers  and  plaudits  of  the  assembled  multitude.* 

The  vacancies  which  were  made  in  the  cabinet  by  the  election  of  the 
Secretary  of  State  and  War  to  the  Presidency  and  Vice-Presidency,  and 
by  the  retirement  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  rendered  it  expedient 
to  convene  the  Senate,  immediately  after  the  dissolution  of  the  eighteenth 
Congress.  On  the  4th  of  March,  the  same  day  when  the  President  was 
inaugurated,  the  members  assembled,  and  after  the  necessary  formalities 
were  gone  through,  the  Vice-President  took  the  chair,  and  addressed  the 
Senate  upon  the  importance  of  its  duties,  and  the  immediate  dependence 
of  all  the  other  departments  of  the  government  upon  that  body.  After 
glancing  at  the  construction  of  the  Senate,  and  commending  the  character 
it  had  sustained,  he  proceeded  to  say,  that  while  presiding,  "  he  should 
only  regard  the  Senate  and  its  duties,  and  should  strive  with  a  feeling  of 
pride  to  preserve  the  high  character  already  attained  by  the  Senate  for 
dignity  and  wisdom,  and  to  elevate  it,  if  possible,  still  higher  in  public 
esteem."  The  new  members  then  appeared  and  took  their  seats. 
Upon  the  presentation  of  the  credentials  of  Mr.  Lanman,  of  Connecticut, 
a  question  was  raised  as  to  his  right  to  a  seat,  under  the  following  circum- 
stances. Previous  to  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  service,  the  Legislature 
of  Connecticut  had  endeavored  without  success  to  choose  a  person  to  fill 
the  vacancy  whenever  it  should  occur,  and  finally  adjourned  without 
making  a  choice.  After  the  adjournment  of  the  Legislature,  the  Go- 
vernor transmitted  to  Mr.  Lanman  a  temporary  appointment  as  Senator, 
in  contemplation  of  the  vacancy,  under  that  part  of  the  Constitution 
authorizing  appointments  by  the  State  Executives,  "  when  vacancies 
happen  by  resignation  or  otherwise,  during  the  recess  of  the  Legislature." 

A  committee  was  appointed  to  search  for  precedents,  and  reported  the 
following  cases  bearing  on  the  question  before  the  Senate. 

On  the  27th  of  April,  1797,  William  Cocke  was  appointed  a  Senator 
by  the  Governor  of  Tennessee,  to  fill  the  vacancy  caused  by  the  expiration 
of  his  term  of  service  on  the  3d  of  March  preceding,  and  took  his  seat 
on  the  15th  of  May,  and  was  qualified. 

This  case  differed  from  Mr.  Lanman 's  only  in  the  fact  that  Mr.  Cocke 
was  appointed  after  the  vacancy  had  occurred,  and  Mr.  Lanman  was 
appointed  in  anticipation  of  a  vacancy.  The  case  of  Uriah  Tracy,  from 
Connecticut,  in  1801,  resembled  the  one  before  the  Senate  in  every  par- 
ticular, and  the  question  was  there  raised  as  to  his  right  to  take  his  seat. 


*  The  congratulations  which  poured  in  from  every  side  occupied  the  hands,  and 
could  not  but  reach  the  heart  of  the  President.  The  meeting  between  him  and  his 
venerated  predecessor,  had  in  it  something  peculiarly  affecting.  General  Jackson, 
we  were  pleased  to  observe,  was  among  the  earliest  of  those  who  took  the  hand  of 
the  President ;  and  their  looks  and  deportment  towards  each  other  were  a  rebuke  to 
that  littleness  of  party  spirit,  which  can  see  no  merit  in  a  rival,  and  feel  no  joy  in  the 
honor  of  a  competitor. — National  Intelligencer. 


JOHN   QUINCY   ADAMS.  255 

The  Senate  then  determined  in  favor  of  Mr.  Tracy  by  a  vote  of  thirteen 
to  ten. 

Two  cases  subsequently  occurred  similar  to  this  precedent,  viz.  Joseph 
Anderson,  a  Senator  from  Tennessee,  in  1809,  and  John  Williams,  from 
Tennessee,  in  1817.  To  the  admission  and  qualification  of  these  Sena- 
tors no  objection  was  made.  The  question  was  considered  as  settled  by 
the  decision  in  1801,  and  they  took  their  seats.  The  Senate  now,  how- 
ever, came  to  an  opposite  conclusion,  and  by  a  vote  of  twenty-three  to 
eighteen,  decided  that  Mr.  Lanman  was  not  entitled  to  his  seat. 

The  Senate  then  went  into  the  consideration  of  executive  business,  and 
confirmed  the  nominations  made  by  the  President  for  the  several  depart- 
ments. Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  was  appointed  Secretary  of  State ; 
Eichard  Rush,  of  Pennsylvania,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury ;  James  Bar- 
bour,  of  Virginia,  Secretary  of  War. 

To  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Clay,  a  warm  opposition  was  made  on  the 
part  of  a  few  Senators,  and  the  injunction  of  secrecy  being  removed,  the 
vote  appeared  to  have  been  twenty-seven  in  favor,  and  fourteen  against  it. 

After  disposing  of  the  nominations  made  by  the  executive,  the  Senate 
took  into  consideration  the  treaty  made  with  Colombia  for  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  slave  trade.  This  treaty  was  made  in  conformity  with  a 
resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  recommending  to  the  execu- 
tive to  make  treaties,  giving  the  mutual  right  of  search  of  vessels  in 
suspected  parts  of  the  world,  in  order  more  effectually  to  prevent  the 
traffic  in  human  flesh.  The  amendments  proposed  by  the  Senate,  at  the 
last  session,  to  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  for  the  same  purpose,  were 
introduced  into  this  treaty ;  but  the  fate  of  the  treaty  with  England  had 
probably  caused  a  change  in  the  minds  of  some  of  the  Senators,  and  other 
views  had  been  taken  of  the  subject  by  others,  and  the  treaty  vwas  rejected 
by  a  vote  of  twenty-eight  to  twelve. 

The  divisions  which  had  been  taken  on  the  foregoing  questions,  left 
little  doubt  that  the  new  administration  was  destined  to  meet  with  a  sys- 
tematic and  organized  opposition ;  and,  previous  to  the  next  meeting  of 
Congress,  the  ostensible  grounds  of  opposition  were  set  forth  at  public 
dinners  and  meetings,  so  as  to  prepare  the  community  for  a  warm  politi- 
cal contest,  until  the  next  election.  Those  who  placed  themselves  in 
opposition  to  the  administration,  without  reference  to  its  measures,  urged 
as  reasons  for  their  hostility,  that  Mr.  Adams'  election  was  the  result  of 
a  bargain  between  Mr.  Clay  and  himself;  and  his  election  of  Mr.  Clay, 
as  Secretary  of  State,  was  relied  upon  as  a  conclusive  proof  of  the  bar- 
gain ;  that  he  was  elected  against  the  expressed  will  of  the  people  ;  and 
that  Congress,  by  not  taking  General  Jackson,  the  candidate  having  the 
highest  number  of  votes,  had  violated  the  Constitution,  and  disobeyed 
their  constituents.  Personal  objections  were  also  urged ;  but  as  these 
formed  no  part  of  the  justification  of  the  opposition  which  was  to  be 
arrayed  in  anticipation  of  measures,  it  is  unnecessary  to  give  them  a 
place.  Those  who  were  friendly  to  the  new  administration,  or  disposed 
to  judge  of  it  by  its  acts,  replied  to  these  objections,  that  Mr.  Clay,  as  a 
representative,  was  obliged  to  decide  between  three  candidates  for  the 
Presidency,  and  that  his  vote  was  in  accordance  with  all  his  previous 


256  JOHN    QUINCY   ADAMS. 

declarations  :  that  his  own  situation  as  a  candidate  who  might  possibl  f 
succeed,  rendered  it  unsuitable  for  him  to  express  any  preference  for  eithu 
of  the  other  candidates,  until  the  decision  of  the  Legislature  of  Louisiana 
(first  heard  at  Washington  27th  December)  had  left  him  free  to  decide 
between  his  former  competitors  :  that  Mr.  Crawford,  though  constitution- 
ally a  candidate,  was  virtually  withdrawn  by  the  situation  of  his  health, 
and  that  as  between  Mr.  Adams  and  General  Jackson,  the  previous 
deliberate  expression  of  his  sentiments  as  to  the  latter's  character  and 
qualifications  for  a  civil  office,  rendered  it  impossible  for  him  to  vote  for 
him  without  the  most  gross  inconsistency:  that  Mr.  Adams'  experience, 
learning,  and  talents  were  guarantees  for  his  proper  performance  of  the 
duties  of  the  chief  magistracy,  which  were  not  in  the  power  of  his 
competitor  to  offer,  and  that  having  been  compelled  to  discharge  this  dut\ 
as  a  representative  of  the  people,  it  would  have  argued  an  improper  dii- 
trust  of  his  own  character  and  of  public  opinion,  to  have  refused  to  take 
'he  appointment  of  Secretary  of  State  from  Mr.  Adams,  because  he  had 
contributed  by  his  vote  to  elect  him  to  the  Presidency.  As  to  the  fact  of 
his  selection  as  Secretary  of  State,  they  vindicated  it  on  the  ground,  that 
his  situation  as  Speaker  of  the  House,  and  his  long  and  intimate  acquaint- 
ance with  our  national  affairs,  made  him  the  most  prominent  candidate  for 
that  station,  and  the  strong  support  he  received  in  the  west  for  the  Presi- 
dency, showed  that  his  appointment  would  gratify  a  part  of  the  Union, 
which,  until  then,  had  never  been  complimented  with  a  representative  in 
the  cabinet.* 

One  of  the  most  prominent  topics  of  public  intoro-t  during  this  year, 
was  the  controversy  between  the  national  government  arid  the  executive 
of  Georgia.  This  controversy  grew  out  of  a  compact  made  between 
these  parties  in  1802,  by  which  the  United  States  agreed  to  extinguish 
the  Indian  title  to  the  lands  occupied  by  them  in  Georgia,  "whenever  it 
could  be  peaceably  done,  upon  reasonable  terms."  The  consideration  of 
this  compact  was  the  relinquishment,  by  Georgia,  of  her  claim  to  the 
Mississippi  Territory.  The  Indian  claim  to  fifteen  million  acres  had 
already  been  extinguished,  and  the  land  conveyed  to  Georgia.  There 
still  remained  in  that  State  five  millions  two  hundred  and  ninety-two 
thousand  acres  in  the  possession  of  the  Cherokees,  and  four  millions  two 
hundred  and  forty-five  thousand  in  the  hands  of  the  Creek  nation.  Just 
before  trie  close  of  Mr.  Monroe's  administration,  great  efforts  were  made 
oy  Georgia  to  complete  the  entire  removal  of  the  Indians  from  her  borders, 
and  the  President  had  been  induced  to  appoint  two  commissioners  to  treat 
with  the  Creeks  for  the  purchase  of  their  claim.  But  the  Creek  nation 
had  been  enjoying  the  comforts  and  security  of  civilization,  and  were 
unwilling  to  leave  them  for  the  toilsome  life  of  the  hunter.  A  law  was 
passed  by  them,  forbidding  the  sale  of  land,  on  the  pain  of  death.  No 
persuasion  of  the  commissioners  could  induce  them  to  waver  in  their 
purpose ;  but  the  treachery  of  a  small  part  of  the  nation  had  nearly  led 
to  the  most  unfortunate  consequences.  A  few  of  the  chiefs  were  induced 
to  remain,  after  the  breaking  up  of  the  general  council  of  the  nation ; 

*  Annual  Register. 


JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS.  257 

and  by  this  small  fraction  of  the  Indian  power,  all  the  lands  of  the  Creek 
tribes  in  Georgia  and  Alabama  were  ceded  to  the  United  States.  The 
treaty  thus  dishonorably  formed  was  transmitted  to  the  Senate,  and 
ratified  by  them  on  the  3d  of  March,  1825,  the  last  day  of  the  session. 
Intelligence  of  this  national  sanction  of  injustice  produced  among  the 
Creeks  a  general  excitement,  and  M'Intosh,  the  leader  of  the  small  party 
which  assented  to  the  treaty,  was  put  to  death.  A  council  of  the  Creek 
nation  determined  that  the  illegal  compact  should  not  be  executed.  A 
special  agent  was  appointed  by  the  President  to  ascertain  the  circumstan- 
ces under  which  the  treaty  was  made,  and  his  report  fully  justified  the 
charges  of  corruption  and  ill  faith.  On  this  representation,  the  President 
very  properly  resolved  that  no  interference  should  be  made  with  their 
possession  till  the  meeting  of  Congress.  At  this  decision  the  Governor 
of  Georgia  was  much  offended,  and  threatened  to  take  the  execution  o( 
the  treaty  into  his  own  hands,  but  the  firm  measures  of  the  nations 
executive  induced  him  to  leave  the  affair  to  the  constitutional  authorities 

A  negociation  was  now  opened  between  the  Indian  tribes  and  the  na 
tional  government,  which  resulted  in  annulling  the  old  treaty,  and  the 
formation  of  a  neAV  one,  by  which  the  Creeks  Avere  allowed  to  retain  ali 
their  land  in  Alabama,  and  ceded  all  their  lands  in  Georgia  for  a  more 
liberal  compensation  than  had  been  before  stipulated.  The  chief  diffe- 
rence between  this  and  the  previous  treaty  was  in  the  amount  ceded,  and 
the  consideration  paid  ;  but  the  Georgia  delegation  and  the  enemies  of 
the  administration,  made  a  fruitless  opposition  to  its  ratification. 

The  condition  of  the  Indians  in  the  north-western  States  and  Territo 
ries,  was  another  important  subject  of  executive  consideration.  Wars  had 
for  many  years  existed  among  these  unfortunate  tribes,  on  account  of  their 
unsettled  boundaries  and  hunting  grounds.  A  deputation,  consisting  of 
Governors  Cass  and  Clarke,  was  appointed  to  treat  with  these  nations,  and 
to  attempt  the  settlement  of  their  differences.  Representatives  from  the 
most  powerful  of  these  tribes,  to  the  number  of  two  thousand  and  upwards, 
met  the  commissioners  of  the  United  States  at  Prairie  des  Chiens,  and 
entered  upon  a  peaceful  examination  of  their  respective  rights.  In  about 
a  fortnight  their  claims  were  satisfactorily  adjusted,  and  hostilities,  that 
had  raged  for  nearly  a  century  almost  without  cessation,  were  thus  happily 
terminated.  The  singular  success  of  the  commissioners  of  the  United 
States,  in  producing  this  felicitous  result,  reflects  on  these  distinguished 
individuals  the  highest  honor.  Seldom  has  so  desirable  and  important 
an  issue  been  effected  with  so  much  dispatch,  judiciousness,  and  economy. 

It  was  another  braffich  of  the  national  policy,  to  concentrate  the  tribes 
scattered  through  the  several  States  into  a  nation,  and  remove  them  to 
the  west  of  the  Mississippi.  This  plan  was  first  fully  developed  in  a 
message  of  President  Monroe,  bearing  date  January  27th,  1825.  The 
Indians,  however,  refused  to  co-operate  with  our  government  in  the 
measures  necessary  to  effect  this  object,  and  the  intentions  of  the  President 
were  consequently  frustrated.  A  modification  of  this  system  was  after- 
wards proposed  to  Congress  by  Mr.  Barbour,  Secretary  of  War,  and  a 
bill  was  introduced  to  carry  his  plan  into  effect.  It  was  the  object  of  this 
proposal,  to  set  apart  the  territory  west  of  the  Mississippi,  beyond  the 
33 


258  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

States  and  Territories,  and  that  east  of  the  Mississippi  and  west  of  the 
lakes  Huron  and  Michigan,  for  the  exclusive  abode  of  the  Indians,  under 
a  territorial  government  to  be  maintained  by  the  United  States ;  to  induce 
them  to  remove  as  individuals,  not  as  tribes ;  and  in  the  course  of  time 
to  amalgamate  them  into  a  common  nation,  and  distribute  their  property 
among  the  individual  Indians.  The  establishment  of  common  schools 
was  also  contemplated,  and  assistance  ih  learning  and  pursuing  the  arts 
of  agriculture.  This  subject  was  taken  up  with  great  zeal  .and  energy, 
and  large  appropriations  were  made  for  effecting  the  benevolent  and  wise 
purposes  of  improvement  in  the  condition  of  the  tribes.  A  large  grant 
was  also  made  for  the  relief  of  the  Florida  Indians,  who  were  in  a  state 
of  great  distress. 

A  subject  which  greatly  excited  public  interest  during  the  recess  of  Con- 
gress, was  the  inquiry  instituted  into  the  conduct  of  Captains  Porter  and 
Stewart.  Captain  Porter  had  been  recalled  from  his  command  in  the 
West  Indies,  shortly  before  the  close  of  Mr.  Monroe's  administration,  in 
consequence  of  his  landing  at  Foxardo  to  compel  an  apology  from  the 
authorities  of  the  place,  for  their  misconduct  toward  one  of  the  officers 
of  his  squadum.  A  court  of  inquiry  was  appointed  to  examine  into  this 
affair,  which  seemed  an  unauthorized  infringement  on  the  laws  of  nations, 
and  it  assembled  at  Washington  in  the  month  of  May,  1825.  A  diffe- 
rence occurred  between  the  accused  and  his  tribunal,  which  resulted  in 
the  withdrawal  of  Captain  Porter  from  the  court,  and  a  publication  of 
his  reasons,  with  an  account  of  the  proceedings  of  the  court.  This  step 
was  made  the  foundation  of  a  substantial  charge,  when  the  final  opinion 
of  the  court  of  inouiry  was  reported  to  the  President,  and  a  court  martial 
was  ordered  to  consider  his  conduct.  This  court  found  Captain  Porter 
guilty  of  violating  his  instructions  by  a  hostile  landing  at  Foxardo,  and 
of  insubordination  and  unbecoming  conduct,  growing  out  of  his  contro- 
versy .with  the  court  of  inquiry.  He  was  accordingly  sentenced  to  a 
suspension  of  six  months.  The  lightness  of  the  punishment  was  owin.^ 
to  a  full  conviction  on  the  part  of  the  court,  that  Captain  Porter's  condue 
was  merely  an  error  of  judgment,  and  that  he  was  only  actuated  by  the 
desire  of  promoting  the  honor  of  his  country,  while  on  the  West  India 
station.  The  charges  against  Captain  Stewart  were  of  a  different  nature, 
calculated  to  affect  his  character  as  an  officer  and  man  of  honor,  but  he  was 
fully  acquitted,  after  a  patient  and  minute  investigation,  of  every  charge. 

In  the  September  of  1825,  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette  took  leave  of  the 
people,  who  had  received  him  as  an  adopted  son  whom  they  delighted  to 
visit  with  honors.  His  course  through  the  United  States  had  been  a 
continued  series  of  festivals  and  celebrations,  and  for  several  months 
his  life  had  been  a  perpetual  pageant.  It  was  thought  proper  that  hia 
final  departure  from  the  country  should  take  place  from  the  capitol ;  and 
a  frigate  was  accordingly  provided,  and  named  in  his  honor  the  Brandy- 
wine,  to  transport  him  to  his  native  country.  On  the  invitation  of  the 
President,  he  passed  a  few  weeks  at  the  national  palace,  receiving  all 
appropriate  honors  from  the  people,  and  taking  leave  of  the  distinguished 
men  who  had  been  associated  with  him  in  the  struggles  of  the  revolution. 
"  He  had  previously  visited  the  venerable  Adams,  who,  from  his  earliest 


JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS.  259 

youth,  aimed  at  independence,  as  the  right  of  the  colonies,  and  whese 
resolute  and  single-hearted  devotion  to  that  cause,  made  him  emphatically 
the  master-spirit  of  the  revolution.  He  now,  in  succession,  took  leave 
of  the  other  Ex-Presidents — the  illustrious  author  of  the  declaration  of 
independence — the  able  supporter  and  advocate  of  the  Federal  Constitution 
— and  the  soldier  of  the  revolution,  who  had  shed  his  blood  in  the  same 
cause  with  La  Fayette." 

These  preliminary  visits  having  been  paid,  the  guest  of  the  nation 
prepared  for  his  departure.  The  day  appointed  for  the  purpose  was  the 
7th  of  September.  On  this  occasion,  the  civil  authorities  of  the  District 
of  Columbia  assembled  at  the  President's  house,  to  join  in  the  affecting 
ceremonies  of  taking  leave  of  one  so  honored  and  loved.  About  noon, 
La  Fayette  entered  the  great  hall,  accompanied  by  the  marshal  of  the  Dis- 
trict and  one  of  the  President's  sons.  The  scene  was  in  the  highest 
degree  sublime.  In  his  age  and  glories,  the  former  chivalrous  soldier  of 
the  revolution,  now  the  acknowledged  and  consistent  champion  of  free 
principles  in  two  hemispheres,  was  bidding  farewell  to  a  grateful  nation, 
from  whom  he  had  received  the  most  cordial  and  touching  hospitalities. 
The  parting  address  of  Mr.  Adams  was  worthy  of  the  occasion,  and  was 
worthy  of  his  station ;  it  was  delivered  with  great  dignity,  though  evident 
emotion,  and  produced  a  very  deep  impression.  We  insert  it  as  one  of 
the  most  favorable  specimens  of  Mr.  Adams's  eloquence : 

"  GENERAL  LA  FAYETTE  :  It  has  been  the  good  fortune  of  many  Oi" 
my  fellow  citizens,  during  the  course  of  the  year  now  elapsed,  upon  your 
arrival  at  their  respective  places  of  abode,  to  greet  you  with  the  welcome 
of  the  nation.  The  less  pleasing  task  now  devolves  upon  me,  of  bidding 
you,  in  the  name  of  the  nation,  adieu. 

"  It  were  no  longer  seasonable,  and  would  be  superfluous  to  recapitulate 
the  remarkable  incidents  of  your  early  life — incidents  which  associated 
your  name,  fortunes,  and  reputation,  in  imperishable  connexion  with  the 
independence  and  history  of  the  North  American  Union. 

"  The  part  which  you  performed  at  that  important  juncture,  was  marked 
with  characters  so  peculiar,  that,  realizing  the  fairest  fable  of  antiquity 
its  parallel  could  scarcely  be  found  in  the  authentic  records  of  human 
history. 

"  You  deliberately  and  perseveringly  preferred  toil,  danger,  the  endu- 
rance of  every  hardship,  and  privation  of  every  comfort,  in  defenct  of  a 
holy  cause,  to  inglorious  ease,  and  the  allurements  of  rank,  affluence, 
and  unrestrained  youth,  at  the  most  splendid  and  fascinating  court  of 
Europe. 

"  That  this  choice  was  not  less  wise  than  magnanimous,  the  sanction 
of  half  a  century,  and  the  gratulations  of  unnumbered  voices,  all  unable 
to  express  the  gratitude  of  the  heart  with  which  your  visit  to  this  hemis- 
phere has  been  welcomed,  afford  ample  demonstration. 

"  When  the  contest  of  freedom,  to  which  you  had  repaired  as  a  volun- 
tary champion,  had  closed,  by  the  complete  triumph  of  her  cause  in  this 
country  of  your  adoption,  you  returned  to  fulfil  the  duties  of  the  philan- 
thropist and  patriot  in  the  land  of  your  nativity.  There,  in  a  consistent 
and  undeviating  career  of  forty  years,  you  have  maintained  through  every 


260      .  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS" 

vicissitude  of  alternate  success  and  disappointment,  the  same  glorious 
cause  to  which  the  first  years  of  your  active  life  had  been  devoted,  the 
improvement  of  the  moral  and  political  condition  of  man. 

"  Throughout  that  long  succession  of  time,  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  for  whom  and  with  whom  you  have  fought  the  battles  of  liberty, 
have  been  living  in  the  full  possession  of  its  fruits ;  one  of  the  happiest 
among  the  family  of  nations.  Spreading  in  population ;  enlarging  in 
territory ;  acting  and  suffering  according  to  the  condition  of  their  nature  ; 
and  laying  the  foundations  of  the  greatest,  and,  we  humbly  hope,  the 
most  beneficent  power  that  ever  regulated  the  concerns  of  man  upon 
earth. 

"  In  that  lapse  of  forty  years,  the  generation  of  men  with  whom  you 
co-operated  in  the  conflict  of  arms,  has  nearly  passed  away.  Of  the 
general  officers  of  the  American  army  in  that  war,  you  alone  survive. 
Of  the  sages  who  guided  our  councils ;  of  the  warriors  who  met  the  foe 
in  the  field  or  upon  the  wave,  with  the  exception  of  a  few,  to  whom  unu- 
sual length  of  days  has  been  allotted  by  Heaven,  all  now  sleep  with  their 
fathers.  A  succeeding,  and  eve*  a  third  generation,  have  arisen  to  take 
their  places ;  and  their  children's  children,  while  rising  up  to  call  them 
blessed,  have  been  taught  by  them,  as  well  as  admonished  by  their  own 
constant  enjoyment  of  freedom,  to  include  in  every  benison  upon  their 
fathers,  the  name  of  him,  who  came  from  afar,  with  them  and  in  their 
cause,  to  conquer  or  to  fall. 

"  The  universal  prevalence  of  these  sentiments  was  signally  manifested 
by  a  resolution  of  Congress,  representing  the  whole  people,  and  all  the 
States  of  this  Union,  requesting  the  President  of  the  United  States  to 
communicate  to  you  the  assurances  of  grateful  and  affectionate  attach- 
ment of  this  government  and  people,  and  desiring  that  a  national  ship 
might  be  employed,  at  your  convenience,  for  your  passage  to  the  borders 
of  our  country. 

"  The  invitation  was  transmitted  to  you  by  my  venerable  predecessor : 
himself  bound  to  you  by  the  strongest  ties  of  personal  friendship,  himself 
one  of  those  whom  the  highest  honors  of  his  country  had  rewarded  for 
blood  early  shed  in  her  cause,  and  for  a  long  life  of  devotion  to  her  wel- 
fare. By  him  the  services  of  a  national  ship  were  placed  at  your  disposal. 
Your  delicacy  preferred  a  more  private  conveyance,  and  a  full  year  has 
elapsed  since  you  landed  upon  our  shores.  It  were  scarcely  an  exaggera- 
tion to  say,  that  it  has  been,  to  the  people  of  the  Union,  a  year  of  unin- 
terrupted festivity  and  enjoyment,  inspired  by  your  presence.  You  have 
traversed  the  twenty-four  States  of  this  great  confederacy — you  have 
been  received  with  rapture  by  the  survivors  of  your  earliest  companion 
in  arms — you  have  been  hailed  as  a  long  absent  parent  by  their  children, 
the  men  and  women  of  the  present  age :  and  a  rising  generation,  the 
hope  of  future  time,  in  numbers  surpassing  the  whole  population  of  that 
day  when  you  fought  at  the  head  and  by  the  side  of  their  forefathers, 
have  vied  with  the  scanty  remnants  of  that  hour  of  trial,  in  acclamations 
of  joy,  at  beholding  the  face  of  him  whom  they  feel  to  be  the  common 
benefactor  of  all.  You  have  heard  the  mingled  voices  of  the  past,  the 
present,  and  the  future  age,  joining  in  one  universal  chorus  of  delight  at 


JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS.  261 

yov  r  approach ;  and  the  shouts  of  unbidden  thousands,  which  greeted 
your  landing  on  the  soil  of  freedom,  have  followed  every  step  of  your 
way,  and  still  resound,  like  the  rushing  of  many  waters,  from  every 
corner  of  our  land. 

"  You  are  now  about  to  return  to  the  country  of  your  birth — of  your 
ancestors — of  your  posterity.  The  executive  government  of  the  Union, 
stimulated  by  the  same  feeling  which  had  prompted  the  Congress  to  the 
designation  of  a  national  ship  for  your  accommodation  in  coming  hither, 
has  destined  the  first  service  of  a  frigate,  recently  launched  at  this  me- 
tropolis, to  the  less  welcome,  but  equally  distinguished  trust,  of  conveying 
you  home.  The  name  of  the  ship  has  added  one  more  memorial  to 
distant  regions  and  to  future  ages,  of  a  stream  already  memorable,  at 
once  in  the  story  of  your  sufferings  and  of  our  independence. 

"  The  ship  is  now  prepared  for  your  reception,  and  equipped  for  sea. 
From  the  moment  of  her  departure,  the  prayers  of  millions  will  ascend 
to  Heaven  that  her  passage  may  be  prosperous,  and  your  return  to  the 
bosom  of  your  family  as  propitious  to  your  happiness,  as  your  visit  to 
this  scene  of  your  youthful  glory  has  been  to  that  of  the  American 
people. 

"  Go,  then,  our  beloved  friend — return  to  the  land  of  brilliant  genius, 
of  generous  sentiment,  of  heroic  valor ;  to  that  beautiful  France,  the 
nursing  mother  of  the  twelfth  Louis,  and  the  fourth  Henry ;  to  the  native 
soil  of  Bayard  and  Coligni,  of  Turenne  and  Catinat,  of  Fenelon  and 
D'Aguesseau.  In  that  illustrious  catalogue  of  names  which  she  claims 
as  of  her  children,  and  with  honest  pride  holds  up  to  the  admiration  of 
other  nations,  the  name  of  La  Fayette  has  already  for  centuries  been 
enrolled.  And  it  shall  henceforth  burnish  into  brighter  fame  :  for  if,  in 
after  days,  a  Frenchman  shall  be  called  to  indicate  the  character  of  his 
nation  by  that  of  one  individual,  during  the  age  in  which  we  live,  the 
blood  of  lofty  patriotism  shall  mantle  in  his  cheek,  the  fire  of  conscious 
virtue  shall  sparkle  in  his  eye,  and  he  shall  pronounce  the  name  of  La 
Fayette.  Yet  we,  too,  and  our  children,  in  life  and  after  death,  shall 
claim  you  for  our  own.  You  are  ours,  by  that  more  than  patriotic  self- 
devotion  with  which  you  flew  to  the  aid  of  our  fathers  at  the  crisis  of 
their  fate.  Ours,  by  that  long  series  of  years  in  which  you  have  cherished 
us  in  your  regard.  Ours  by  that  unshaken  sentiment  of  gratitude  for 
your  services,  which  is  a  precious  portion  of  our  inheritance.  Ours,  by 
that  tie  of  love,  stronger  than  death,  which  has  linked  your  name,  for  the 
endless  ages  of  time,  with  the  name  of  Washington. 

"  At  the  painful  moment  of  parting  from  you,  we  take  comfort  in  the 
thought,  that  wherever  you  may  be,  to  the  last  pulsation  of  your  heart, 
our  country  will  be  ever  present  to  your  affections ;  and  a  cheering  con- 
solation assures  us,  that  we  are  not  called  to  sorrow  most  of  all,  that  we 
shall  see  your  face  no  more.  We  shall  indulge  the  pleasing  anticipation 
of  beholding  our  friend  again.  In  the  meantime,  speaking  in  the  name 
of  the  whole  people  of  the  United  States,  and  at  a  loss  only  for  language 
to  give  utterance  to  that  feeling  of  attachment  with  which  the  heart  of 
the  nation  beats,  as  the  heart  of  one  man — I  bid  you  a  reluctant  and 
affectionate  farewell." 


262  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

The  first  session  of  the  nineteeth  Congress  opened  on  the  5th  of  De- 
cember, 1825,  and  John  W.  Taylor  was  chosen  Speaker  of  the  House. 
On  the  next  day  the  President  transmitted  his  message  to  Congress  by 
his  private  secretary.  This  document  presented  a  brief  and  simple 
examination  of  our  domestic  and  foreign  affairs.  It  stated  that  our 
foreign  relations  had  undergone  no  material  change,  since  the  adjourn- 
ment of  the  preceding  Congress ;  but  alluded  to  the  recent  alteration  in 
the  British  commercial  system,  and  to  its  partially  developed  results.  It 
called  the  attention  of  Congress  to  the  claims  of  our  merchants  upon 
various  European  powers ;  and  still  more  earnestly  to  the  claims  of  the 
few  survivors  of  our  revolutionary  army,  upon  their  country  for  relief 
and  support.  A  short  review  was  given  of  the  progress  of  the  United 
States  since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  and  a  new  organization  of 
some  of  the  departments  was  suggested,  to  make  them  better  adapted  to 
the  advancing  wants  of  the  country.  The  judiciary  was  particularly 
mentioned  as  inadequate  to  the  discharge  of  its  multiplied  duties. 

The  President  then  proceeded  to  urge  upon  Congress  the  employment 
of  the  resources  of  the  country,  in  improving  the  means  of  internal  com- 
munication. A  national  university  and  observatory  were  recommended, 
and  the  exploration  of  the  north-west  coast,  by  one  of  the  public  ships, 
for  the  purpose  of  advancing  astronomical  and  geographical  science. 
The  efforts  of  our  navy,  in  repressing  the  West  India  piracies,  were 
mentioned  with  approbation,  and  an  increase  of  our  naval  establishment 
was  recommended,  corresponding  with  the  augmented  power  and  com- 
merce of  the  country.  The  executive  acceptance  of  the  invitation  extended 
by  the  South  American  republics  to  the  United  States,  to  send  ministers 
to  the  Panama  Congress,  was  communicated  to  Congress,  with  the  alleged 
understanding  between  the  several  governments  that  it  was  neither 
expected  nor  desired  that  any  part  should  be  taken  by  this  country  which 
should  compromise  her  neutrality.  The  state  of  the  finances  was  repre- 
sented as  favorable,  the  receipts  having  exceeded  the  expectations  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  the  reduction  of  the  public  debt  having 
amounted  to  nearly  eight  millions  of  dollars.  Though  one  thousand  and 
one  hundred  new  postofficee  had  been  established  during  the  two  pre- 
ceding years,  the  receipts  of  the  postoffice  department  had  exceeded  its 
expenditures  by  the  sum  of  forty-five  thousand  dollars. 

Of  the  topics  suggested  by  the  message,  many  were  not  acted  upon  by 
Congress,  other  topics  having  been  agitated  to  divert  their  attention. 
One  of  the  most  important  of  these  subjects  was  a  proposed  amendment 
of  the  Constitution,  in  that  part  of  it  which  provides  for  the  election  of 
the  executive.  This  was  introduced  in  the  House  during  the  first  week 
of  the  session,  by  Mr.  M'Duffie,  of  South  Carolina,  in  the  shape  of  a 
resolution  to  amend  the  Constitution  by  establishing  an  uniform  mode  of 
electing  the  President  and  Vice-President  by  districts,  and  declaring  the 
sense  of  the  House  in  favor  of  preventing  the  election  from  devolving 
upon  Congress.  A  resolution,  providing  for  the  same  object,  by  a  direct 
vote  of  the  people  in  districts,  was  brought  forward  at  about  the  same 
time  in  the  Senate  by  Mr.  Benton,  of  Missouri.  This  amendment  was 
not  afterwards  called  up  for  discussion,  and,  according  to  the  rule  of  the 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS.  263 

Senate,  expired  with  the  other  unfinished  business  at  the  close  of  the 
session. 

The  resolution  of  Mr.  M'Duffie  met  with  a  different  fate,  and  gave  rise 
to  long,  animated,  and  sometimes  angry  discussions.  It  was  debated 
with  much  spirit  and  eloquence,  and  considerably  in  detail,  by  Mr. 
M'Duffie  in  favor  of  the  amendment,  and  by  Mr.  Storrs,  of  New  York, 
in  opposition.  Many  other  distinguished  members  took  part  in  the  dis 
cussion,  which  finally  assumed  the  character  of  a  debate  in  answer  to  an 
executive  message,  or  a  resolution  to  consider  the  state  of  the  nation. 
Most  of  the  advocates  of  the  amendments  declared  themselves  opposed 
to  the  administration,  and  made  many  pointed  allusions  to  the  supposed 
circumstances  of  the  recent  election,  and  to  an  alleged  coalition  between 
the  friends  of  the  President  and  the  friends  of  the  Secretary  of  State. 
The  fate  of  the  proposed  amendments,  considering  the  protracted  discus- 
sion to  which  they  had  given  rise,  was  a  little  singular.  On  the  first, 
which  took  the  election  from  Congress,  one  hundred  and  twenty-three 
voted  in  the  affirmative,  and  sixty-four  in  the  the  negative ;  the  second, 
in  favor  of  the  district  system,  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred 
and  one  to  ninety-one.  The  subject  was  then  referred  to  a  select  com- 
mittee of  twenty-four,  one  from  each  State,  who  were  unable  to  agree  upon 
any  plan  to  prevent  the  election  from  devolving  upon  Congress,  and  at 
the  end  of  the  session  were  discharged  from  any  farther  consideration  of 
the  matter.  Thus  abortively  ended  the  attempt  at  amending  the  Consti- 
tution, producing  no  other  effect  than  that  of  highly  exciting  the  feelings 
of  Congress,  and  of  marshalling  parties  against  and  in  favor  of  the 
administration  in  the  most  marked  and  decided  manner. 

At  the  close  of  the  session,  a  resolution  was  introduced  in  the  Senate, 
to  inquire  into  the  expediency  of  reducing  the  executive  patronage.  This 
resolution  was  referred  to  a  committee,  and  six  bills  were  reported  by  the 
chairman,  Mr.  Benton,  with  a  view  of  carrying  into  detail  the  principles 
professed  in  the  resolution.  The  effect  of  these  bills  would  have  been 
to  vest  in  Congress  a  great  portion  of  executive  power,  and  thus  divert 
the  attention  of  the  Legislature  from  its  peculiar  duties.  Of  the  report 
and  bills  six  thousand  were  ordered  to  be  printed,  but  the  whole  matter 
remained  subsequently  undisturbed,  and  was  buried  with  the  unfinished 
business  at  the  close  of  the  session. 

Another  subject,  which  occupied  much  of  the  attention  of  Congress,  was 
the  acceptance  by  the  President  of  the  invitation  to  send  commissioners  to 
the  Congress  of  Panama,  and  the  nomination  of  Richard  C.  Anderson 
and  John  Sargeant  as  Ministers  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  and 
William  B.  Rochester,  of  New  York,  as  Secretary.  These  nominations 
were  at  length  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  and  the  necessary  appropriations 
made  by  the  House  ;  not,  however,  without  a  long  and  angry  debate,  in 
which  many  reflections  were  cast  upon  the  executive  on  account,  as  it 
was  deemed,  of  its  hasty  acceptance  of  the  above  invitation. 

The  .Congress  at  Panama  had  for  its  object  the  cementing  of  the 
friendly  relations  of  all  the  Independent  States  of  America,  and  was 
designed,  also,  to  serve  as  a  common  council  in  the  conflicting  state  of 
things  in  South  America,  and  as  an  umpire  in  their  differences.  The 


264  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

plan  of  such  a  Congress  was  first  introduced  into  a  treaty  between  Peru 
and  Colombia  in  1822.  In  the  three  succeeding  years  the  same  subject 
was  had  in  view  in  treaties  concluded  between  Colombia,  Chili,  Guati- 
mala,  and  Mexico  ;  and  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  was  designated  as  the 
place  of  meeting  of  this  great  American  Congress.  To  this  Congress 
an  invitation  was  given,  by  several  of  the  above  States,  to  the  United 
States  to  send  commissioners.  Before  the  meeting  of  the  Federal  Con- 
gress, the  invitation  had  been  accepted  by  the  President,  and,  on  the 
meeting  of  that  body,  the  above  nomination  of  ministers  was  made.  The 
message  of  the  President  to  the  Senate,  with  the  documents  touching 
this  subject,  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  foreign  relations ;  where  it 
remained  till  January  16th,  when  a  report  was  made  condemning  the 
mission,  and  ending  with  a  resolution  declaring  it  to  be  inexpedient  to 
send  ministers  to  Panama.  This  resolution  was  negatived  after  several 
attempts  to  amend  it,  and  the  nominations  made  by  the  President  of  the 
above  ministers  confirmed.  Here  it  was  expected  the  subject,  at  least  so 
far  as  the  Senate  was  concerned,  would  end.  A  few  days  after,  however, 
a  resolution  was  offered,  the  import  of  which  was,  that  the  President  was 
not  constitutionally  competent  to  accept  the  invitation  from  the  govern- 
ments of  the  new  republics  to  send  ministers  to  the  Panama  Congress. 
The  resolution,  however,  was  laid  upon  the  table  by  a  vote  of  twenty- 
three  to  twenty-one. 

In  this  debate,  Mr.  Randolph  took  occasion  to  stigmatize  the  Secretary 
of  State,  for  his  vote  in  the  Presidential  election,  in  such  terms  as  induced 
that  gentleman  to  demand  an  explanation  of  the  offensive  epithets.  Any 
explanation  Mr.  Randolph  pertinaciously  refused  Avhen  called  upon  by 
Mr.  (  .ay ;  and,  on  the  8th  of  April,  a  meeting  took  place  between  them, 
which,  after  two  ineffectual  fires,  resulted  in  the  reconciliation  of  the 
parties.  Much  regret  prevailed  throughout  the  country  that  Mr.  Clay, 
occupying  so  high  and  responsible  a  station,  should  have  felt  himself 
compelled  to  resort  to  a  mode  of  settling  a  controversy  so  revolting  to 
reason,  and  so  unjustifiable  in  the  view  of  sound  morality. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives,  the  committee  on  foreign  relations 
reported  in  favor  of  the  expediency  of  sending  ministers,  and  offered  a 
resolution  to  make  the  necessary  appropriations.  On  the  3d  of  April 
this  resolution  was  taken  into  consideration,  but  it  was  not  until  the  21st, 
and  after  encountering  great'opposition,  that  it  passed  by  a  vote  of  one 
hundred  and  thirty-three  to  sixty-one. 

The  House  having  thus  assented  to  the  policy  of  the  mission  by  making 
the  appropriation,  measures  were  taken  to  carry  it  into  effect ;  and  orders 
were  transmitted  to  Mr.  Anderson,  who  was  then  in  Colombia,  to  attend 
the  Congress  which  was  to  hold  its  first  meeting  in  the  month  of  June. 
In  his  way  to  Panama,  however,  a  malignant  fever,  by  which  he  was 
attacked,  proved  fatal  to  him.  After  the  decision  of  Congress,  it  was 
found  too  late  for  Mr.  Sargeant  to  reach  Panama  in  season  to  attend  the 
first  meeting  of  the  members  of  the  mission,  and  accordingly  the  United 
States  were  not  represented.  On  the  22d  of  June,  the  representatives 
of  Peru,  Mexico,  Central  America,  and  Colombia,  met,  and  commenced 
their  deliberations.  Upper  Peru  and  Chili  were  not  represented.  Diplo- 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS.  265 

malic  agents  from  England  and  the  Netherlands,  though  these  govern- 
ments had  not  been  invited,  were  present,  but  were  not  permitted  to  attend 
upon  the  deliberations  of  the  Congress.  The  body  continued  in  session 
until  the  15th  of  July,having  concluded  between  themselves  as  belligerents, 
a  treaty  of  friendship  and  perpetual  confederation,  offensive  and  defensive, 
to  which  all  other  American  powers  might  accede  within  the  year.  The 
next  meeting  was  ordered  to  be  held  at  Tacubaya,  a  village  near  Mexico, 
in  the  month  of  February,  1827. 

During  this  session  of  Congress,  a  bill  was  introduced  making  provision 
for  the  surviving  officers  of  the  revolution.  After  an  animated  discussion 
of  the  subject,  the  bill  was  virtually  lost  by  being  recommitted,  by  a  vote 
of  ninety  to  eighty-five,  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  the  number  of 
revolutionary  officers  who  ought  to  be  provided  for  by  law,  and  the  amount 
necessary  to  make  such  provision. 

On  the  22d  of  May,  1826,  Congress  closed  its  session.  It  was  a  long 
one,  but,  excepting  the  sanction  given  to  the  Panama  mission,  nothing  of 
great  public  interest  was  accomplished.  On  the  4th  of  July  occurred  the 
fiftieth  anniversary  of  American  independence,  which  was  celebrated 
throughout  the  Union  with  many  demonstrations  of  joy.  This  day,  ren- 
dered memorable  by  the  event  which  it  celebrated,  was  made  still  more 
memorable,  in  the  annals  of  American  history,  by  the  death  of  the  two 
venerable  Ex-Presidents,  Adams  and  Jefferson. 

The  opposition  to  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams  gained  strength  and 
development  by  daily  increase,  and  numerous  parties  combined  for  its 
support  or  overthrow  in  various  parts  of  the  country.  These  parties  were 
generally  of  a  geographical  character,  and  in  the  nineteenth  Congress  it 
was  usually  found  that  the  representatives  from  the  southern,  took  sides 
directly  opposed  to  those  from  the  northern  and  western  States.  A  reso- 
lution was  expressed  in  some  quarters  to  put  down  the  administration  at 
every  hazard,  no  matter  what  might  be  its  policy,  its  integrity,  or  its 
success.  The  cry  of  corruption  was  re-echoed  by  office  seekers,  and  the 
more  desperate  portion  of  the  oppositionists,  till  it  began  to  gain  currency 
with  the  public,  and  proved  sufficient  to  secure  the  downfall  of  the 
administration  against  which  it  was  raised. 

The  Panama  mission  was  a  fruitful  subject  of  clamor  and  opposition. 
It  was  stigmatized  as  imprudent,  unnecessary,  at  variance  with  our  true 
and  prevailing  policy,  and  pregnant  with  peril.  Charges  of  extravagance 
in  expenditures  were  next  brought  against  the  heads  of  the  government, 
and  resolutions  were  introduced  in  Congress,  intimating  that  the  executive 
patronage  was  too  large,  and  ought  to  be  diminished.  The  assertion  of 
the  President  of  his  constitutional  authority  to  appoint,  during  the  vaca- 
tion of  Congress,  diplomatic  agents  to  transact  the  foreign  business  of 
the  country,  was  represented  as  the  assumption  of  an  undelegated  power. 
Every  opportunity  was  seized  to  represent  the  policy  of  the  federal 
authorities  as  tending  towards  consolidation,  and  as  indicating  a  disposition 
for  an  expensive  and  magnificent  scheme  of  government. 

In  conformity  with  the  views  of  the  opposition,  a  nomination  for  the 
next  Presidency  was  immediately  made,  and  in  October,  1825,  the  Legis- 
lature of  Tennessee  recommended  General  Jackson  to  the  suffrages  of 
34 


266  JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS. 

the  people  of  the  United  States  for  the  highest  office  in  their  gift.  Thin 
nomination  he  formally  accepted,  in  an  address  delivered  before  both 
Houses  of  the  Legislature  of  that  State,  in  which  he  resigned  his  seat 
in  the  Senate.  In  this  address  he  plainly  intimated  his  dissatisfaction  at 
the  result  of  the  late  Presidential  election,  and  a  willingness  to  sanction 
an  opposition  to  the  administration  on  the  ground  of  its  corrupt  origin. 
This  same  ground  had  been  taken  by  the  adherents  of  the  Vice-President, 
in  the  discussion  of  Mr.  M'Duffie's  proposed  amendment  of  the  Consti- 
tution in  the  first  session  of  the  nineteenth  Congress.  The  public  mind 
was  irritated  and  exasperated  by  these  charges,  which  were  diffused  with 
an  industry  and  zeal  to  be  paralleled  only  by  their  baseness.  Accusation 
and  recrimination  became  frequent  and  passionate,  and  the  most  bitter 
and  indignant  feelings  took  place  of  the  tranquillity  that  had  so  long 
reigned  in  the  political  world. 

At  length  the  charge  of  corruption  was  brought  from  a  responsible 
quarter,  and  an  investigation  ensued,  which  resulted  in  the  complete  ac- 
quittal of  the  parties  accused.  Directly  after  the  adjournment  of  the 
eighteenth  Congress,  a  letter  appeared,  bearing  date  the  8th  of  March, 
1825,  purporting  to  relate  a  conversation  with  General  Jackson,  in  which 
he  said  that  a  proposition  had  been  made  to  him  by  Mr.  Clay's  friends 
to  secure  his  election  to  the  Presidency,  on  condition  that  Mr.  Adams 
should  not  continue  as  Secretary  of  State.  This  proposition  was  said  to 
have  been  indignantly  repelled.  A  correspondence  immediately  ensued 
on  this  subject  between  Mr.  Beverly,  the  author  of  the  letter  in  question, 
and  General  Jackson,  in  which  an  account  of  the  negociation  alluded  to 
was  given  at  length,  and  the  General  disclaimed  making  any  charge 
against  Mr.  Clay,  and  denied  having  accused  him  of  being  privy  to  the 
communication.  Testimony  was  now  produced  by  Mr.  Clay  and  his 
friends,  which  completely  refuted  the  charge  of  bargain,  and  hurled  it 
with  scorn  in  the  teeth  of  his  enemies.  It  was  proved  beyond  a  question 
that  in  voting  for  Mr.  Adams  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  Mr.  Clay 
and  his  friends  had  acted  with  entire  consistency,  and  that  any  other 
course  would  have  indeed  laid  them  open  to  the  charge  of  gross  and  pal- 
pable violation  of  the  principles  they  had  always  professed  in  relation  to 
the  election.  But  the  accusation  had  been  made  to  answer  the  purpose 
for  which  it  was  framed,  and  the  opposition  to  the  administration  had 
found  a  permanent  basis  to  build  upon. 

Mr.  Adams  continued  to  act  on  the  principles  which  he  had  professed 
in  his  inaugural  speech,  of  administering  the  government  without  regard 
to  the  distinctions  of  party.  In  the  distribution  of  offices  he  asked  merely 
as  to  the  qualifications  of  the  candidates,  not  of  their  political  opinions. 
No  one  suffered  by  that  ruthless  policy,  which  bears  so  close  a  resem- 
blance to  the  proscription  of  the  Roman  emperors ;  the  one  striking  at 
life  itself,  the  other  at  the  means  of  life.  It  is  difficult  to  say  which  of 
the  two  is  the  more  cruel,  but  they  are  surely  equally  unjust  and  vindic- 
tive. The  system  which  makes  the  presidential  chair  a  mere  scramble 
for  office,  and  the  chief  executive  of  the  nation  a  dispenser  of  loaves  and 
fishes  to  political  adherents,  is  too  mean,  narrow,  and  contemptible,  not 
to  be  subversive  of  all  the  best  purposes  of  government,  and  must  end  in 


JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS.  267 

the  subversion  of  government  itself.  The  political  forum  is  converted 
into  an  arena  of  battle,  and  the  first  moments  of  victory  are  sacred  to 
spoil,  devastation,  and  rapine.  The  lust  of  gold  stifles  the  cry  of  mercy, 
and  all  the  rules  of  honorable  warfare  are  violated  in  the  fierceness  and 
vindictiveness  of  triumph.  Office  holders  should  be  content  with  fulfill- 
ing the  duties  of  their  respective  stations,  and  not  consider  themselves  in 
the  light  of  mere  partisans,  rewarded  for  upholding  a  particular  man  or 
set  of  men.  The  people  pay  them  for  a  different  service.  Mr.  Adams 
regarded  this  subject  in  its  true  bearings,  and  he  acted  in  it  with  the 
stern  and  fearless  integrity  which  has  marked  the  whole  course  of  his 
political  life.  Regardless  of  consequences,  he  was  perhaps  often  injudi- 
cious in  the  diffusion  of  executive  patronage,  and  sometimes  furnished 
the  enemy  with  artillery  to  be  employed  in  the  destruction  of  his  own 
citadel. 

But  however  the  efforts  of  the  opposition  might  embarrass  the  move- 
ments of  the  administration,  they  could  not  retard  the  rapid  progress  of  the 
country  in  wealth  and  prosperity.  The  great  works  of  internal  improve- 
ment, contemplated  by  the  act  of  April,  1824,  were  prosecuted  with  great 
spirit  and  vigor.  Many  routes  for  roads  and  canals  were  surveyed,  and 
a  great  mass  of  topographical  knowledge  was  thus  collected  at  Washington. 
The  attention  of  the  general  government  was  also  directed  to  many  other 
subjects  of  internal  improvement,  such  as  the  navigation  of  several 
important  rivers,  building  lighthouses,  piers,  and  removing  obstructions 
from  bays  and  harbors.  The  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  and  Ohio  was 
much  improved  during  this  year,  by  the  removal  of  snags  and  other  im- 
pediments from  their  channels.  An  impulse  was  thus  given  to  the  efforts 
of  the  State  Governments,  and  canals  and  roads  were  laid  out  in  various 
directions.  Manufacturing  establishments  flourished  with  great  vigor, 
and  gave  proofs  of  becoming  lasting  sources  of  wealth  and  employment 
to  the  national  industry.  In  the  year  ending  September  30,  1826,  the 
value  of  domestic  manufactures  exported  amounted  to  five  millions  eight 
hundred  and  fifty-two  thousand  seven  hundred  and  thirty-three  dollars, 
of  which  one  million  one  hundred  and  thirty-eight  thousand  one  hundred 
and  twenty-five  dollars  consisted  of  cotton  piece  goods.  The  increase  of 
tonnage  in  the  United  States  during  1826,  was  one  hundred  eleven  thousand 
and  seventy-nine  tons,  being  double  the  increase  of  any  one  of  the  prece- 
ding twelve  years.  In  conformity  with  the  plan  proposed  for  the  settlement 
of  the  remaining  tribes  of  the  aborigines  on  the  west  of  the  Mississippi,  pro- 
vision was  made  for  the  removal  thither  of  such  Indians  as  were  disposed 
to  emigrate.  Fourteen  hundred  Shawnees,  and  about  seven  hundred 
Creeks  removed  in  this  manner  to  spots  selected  by  themselves.  The 
Cherokees  refused  to  cede  another  foot  of  land,  notwithstanding  the 
efforts  made  by  the  general  government  to  procure  such  a  cession  of  ter- 
ritory as  would  satisfy  the  claims  of  Georgia.  The  north-western  Indians 
now  gave  hostile  indications,  and  attacked  and  murdered  some  American 
citizens ;  but  by  the  prompt  measures  adopted  by  Governor  Cass,  the 
murderers  were  given  up  and  tranquillity  again  restored. 

Congress  having  adjourned  without  passing  any  law  for  the  purpose 
of  meeting  the  restrictive  measures  of  the  British  government  in  respect 


268  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

to  the  colonial  trade,  the  President  issued  a  proclamation,  dated  March 
17th,  closing  the  ports  of  the  United  States  against  vessels  from  the 
British  colonies,  which  had  been  opened  by  the  act  of  1822.  By  this 
measure  the  British  restrictions  were  completely  reciprocated,  and  the 
President  was  sustained  in  it  by  public  opinion. 

The  second  session  of  the  nineteenth  Congress  commenced  on  the  4th 
of  December,  1826,  when  the  two  Houses  were  organized  in  the  usual 
manner.  The  message  of  the  President  on  this  occasion  gave  a  clear 
account  of  our  foreign  relations,  and  made  particular  reference  to  the 
controversy  with  Great  Britain  on  the  colonial  trade.  The  death  of  the 
Emperor  Alexander  of  Russia,  was  mentioned  in  terms  which  the  friendly 
feelings  displayed  by  that  monarch  towards  this  country  seemed  to  re- 
quire. Our  commercial  connexions  with  France  and  the  Netherlands 
were  represented  to  be  placed  on  a  more  favorable  basis  than  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  preceding  Congress.  In  the  postoffice  there  had  been 
received  during  the  year  a  surplus  of  eighty  thousand  dollars  above  the 
expenditures.  The  revenue  was  sufficiently  large  to  authorize  the  appli- 
cation of  seven  millions  sixty-seven  thousand  and  thirty-nine  dollars 
:o  the  reduction  of  the  public  debt,  and  three  millions  nine  hundred  and 
forty-four  thousand  three  hundred  and  fifty-nine  dollars  to  the  payment 
.f  interest.  A  system  was  recommended  for  the  permanent  increase  of 
he  navy  ;  the  unsettled  land  claims  in  Florida  and  Louisiana  ;  the  works 
)f  internal  improvement,  reported  by  the  board  of  engineers ;  and  the 
Attention  of  Congress  was  particularly  called  to  the  irregularities 
pf  the  Brazilian  and  Buenos-Ayrean  squadrons  to^-tnl.-;  neutral  flags. 
The  estimates  of  appropriations  for  the  different  departments  of  the 

<vernment  were  submitted  with  the  message ;  and  a  system  of  cavalry 
tactics  prepared  during  the  summer  under  the  direction  of  the  War 
Department.  These  were  the  most  important  topics  suggested  by  the 
fiiessage. 

In  this  session  an  ineffectual  effort  was  again  made  to  introduce  an 
umiorm  system  of  bankrupt  laws ;  the  bill  reported  for  this  purpose 
having  been  rejected.  Shortly  after  the  commencement  of  the  session, 
in  article  appeared  in  a  newspaper  published  at  Alexandria,  intimating 
that  one  Mix,  who  had  been  engaged  in  a  certain  contract  with  the  War 
Department,  while  the  Vice-Preside  nt  was  Secretary  of  War,  had  accused 
him  of  participating  in  its  profits.  This  contract  had  been  the  subject  of 
much  animadversion  during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Monroe,  and  the  Vice- 
president  immediately  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Senate, 
vacating  his  seat  until  the  subject  might  be  investigated.  "  Charges  have 
been  made  against  me,"  said  Mr.  Calhoun,  "  of  the  most  serious  nature, 
and  which,  if  true,  ought  to  degrade  me  from  the  high  station  in  which 
I  have  been  placed  by  the  choice  of  my  fellow  citizens,  and  to  consign 
my  name  to  perpetual  infamy.  In  claiming  investigation  of  the  House, 
I  am  sensible  that,  under  our  free  and  happy  institutions,  the  conduct  of 
public  servants  is  a  fair  subject  of  the  closest  scrutiny  and  the  freest 
remark,  and  that  a  irm  and  faithful  discharge  of  duty  affords,  ordinarily, 
ample  protection  against  political  attacks  ;  but  when  such  attacks  assume 
the  character  of  impeachable  offences,  and  become  in  some  degree  official, 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS.  269 

by  being  placed  among  the  public  records,  an  officer  thus  assailed,  how- 
ever base  the  instruments  used,  if  conscious  of  innocence,  can  look  for 
refuge  only  to  the  hall  of  the  immediate  representatives  of  the  people. 
It  is  thus  1  find  myself  unexpectedly  placed." 

This  communication  was  referred  to  a  select  committee,  which  reported, 
after  a  laborious  examination,  that  no  charge  against  the  Vice-President 
had  been  placed  among  the  records  of  the  War  Department,  and  perfectly 
exculpated  him  from  having  any  participation  in  the  profits  of  that  or 
any  other  government  contract. 

The  Creek  controversy,  which  might  have  been  considered  as  happily 
settled  by  the  treaty  of  22d  of  April,  was  still  to  continue  a  subject  of 
excitement.  Instead  of  waiting  till  the  tribes  had  removed  from  their 
ceded  lands,  Governor  Troup  ordered  the  surveyors  employed  by  him  to 
enter  the  Indian  territories  and  commence  the  surveys,  previous  to  the 
time  prescribed  by  the  treaty  for  the  removal.  The  Indians  resisted 
these  encroachments,  and  the  Governor  ordered  out  a  force  of  militia. 
In  this  posture  of  affairs,  the  President  determined  to  support  the  laws 
of  the  Union  by  the  authority  which  the  Constitution  had  placed  in  his 
hands,  previously  submitting  the  affair  to  Congress,  to  have  it  determined 
whether  it  were  necessary  to  resort  to  any  new  measures.  On  the  5th 
of  February  he  transmitted  to  both  Houses  of  Congress  a  message,  in 
which  he  gave  a  plain  statement  of  the  facts,  and  declared  his  determina- 
tion to  enforce  the  laws,  and  fulfil  the  duties  of  the  nation  by  all  the  force 
committed  for  that  purpose  to  his  charge.  "  That  the  arm  of  military 
force  will  be  resorted  to  only  in  the  event  of  the  failure  of  all  other  expe- 
dients provided  by  the  laws,  a  pledge  has  been  given  by  the  forbearance 
to  employ  it  at  this  time.  It  is  submitted  to  the  wisdom  of  Congress  to 
determine,  whether  any  further  acts  of  legislation  may  be  necessary  or 
expedient  to  meet  the  emergency  which  these  transactions  may  produce." 

Great  excitement  was  displayed  in  both  Houses  on  the  receipt  of  this 
message.  The  committee  of  the  Representatives,  to  which  it  was  refer- 
red, reported  that  it  "  is  expedient  to  procure  a  cession  of  the  Indian 
lands  in  the  State  of  Georgia,  and  that  until  such  a  cession  is  procured, 
the  law  of  the  land,  as  set  forth  in  the  treaty  at  Washington,  ought  to  be 
maintained  by  all  necessary,  constitutional,  and  legal  means."  The 
firmness  of  the  President  brought  the  Governor  of  Georgia  to  reason, 
and  he  addressed  a  letter  to  the  delegation  of  that  State  at  Washington, 
submitting  to  the  decision  of  Congress,  and  denying  any  intention  of  a 
resort  to  force,  except  the  sovereignty  of  the  State  came  into  collision 
with  the  United  States.  A  cession  of  the  Creek  land  in  Georgia  was 
finally  procured,  and  the  dispute  in  respect  to  this  portion  of  the  Indian 
territory  was  put  at  rest. 

A  bill  for  an  additional  protection  on  woolens  was  agitated  during  this 
session,  and  finally  laid  on  the  table  by  the  casting  vote  of  the  Vice- 
President.  The  defeat  of  this  measure  occasioned  much  discussion  in 
all  parts  of  the  Union,  and  stimulated  the  friends  of  this  branch  of 
industry  to  renewed  exertions.  In  Pennsylvania  a  State  Convention  was 
proposed,  to  choose  delegates  to  attend  a  general  Convention  at  Harris- 
burg  on  the  30th  of  July,  1827.  Other  States  answered  with  alacrity 


270  JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS. 

to  this  invitation,  and  a  meeting  was  held  at  the  appointed  time,  of  dele 
gates  in  the  highest  degree  respectable  in  point  of  talent,  weight  of 
character,  and  dignity  of  standing.  The  reports  of  their  committees,  on 
Tarious  subjects  connected  with  domestic  industry,  exhibited  the  impor- 
tance and  the  necessity  of  increased  protection,  and  a  memorial  to  Con 
gress,  drawn  up  in  conformity  with  these  views,  was  unanimously  adopted. 
These  proceedings  were  received  in  the  southern  States  with  much  dis- 
satisfaction. They  were  represented  as  at  war  with  their  best  interests, 
and  with  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution.  No  means  were  omitted  to  raise 
a  strong  excitement  in  the  community,  in  opposition  to  all  increase  of  the 
woolen  duty ;  but  at  the  time  of  the  twentieth  Congress,  the  public  mind 
was  more  and  more  impressed  with  the  opinion  that  effectual  measures 
.would  be  resorted  to  for  the  relief  of  this  branch  of  national  industry. 

We  have  not  room  for  a  detailed  account  of  the  various  measures  of 
Mr.  Adams's  administration.  During  the  whole  of  it  the  United  States 
enjoyed  uninterrupted  peace ;  for  the  foreign  policy  of  the  government 
had  nothing  in  view  but  the  maintenance  of  our  national  dignity,  the 
extension  of  our  commercial  relations,  and  the  successful  prosecution  of 
the  claims  of  American  citizens  upon  foreign  governments. 

A  portion  of  these  claims  upon  Sweden  and  Denmark,  was  obtained, 
and  the  claims  which  arose  against  the  Brazilian  government,  during  the 
war  between  that  power  and  Buenos  Ayres,  were  speedily  adjusted  by 
the  liquidation  of  the  claims.  The  exorbitant  pretensions  of  Great  Britain, 
respecting  the  West  India  trade,  were  resisted,  although  at  the  expense 
of  the  direct  trade  between  thq  United  States  and  the  British  islands. 

The  difficulties  which  occurred  in  carrying  into  effect  the  treaty  of 
Ghent,  relative  to  deported  slaves,  and  other  property  taken  away,  having 
been  found  insurmountable,  the  sum  of  one  million  two  hundred  and  four 
thousand  nine  hundred  and  sixty  dollars,  which  was  amply  sufficient, 
was  obtained  from  the  British  government  in  satisfaction  of  these  claims. 
A  convention  was  also  concluded  with  that  government,  and  a  mode  pro- 
vided for  the  peaceable  settlement  of  the  long  pending,  and  finally 
threatening  dispute  concerning  the  north-east  boundary  of  the  United 
States.  The  treaty  of  commerce  between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain,  and  the  convention  effecting  a  temporary  compromise  of  their 
conflicting  claims  to  the  territory  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  both  of 
which  expired  by  their  own  limitation,  October  20th,  1828,  were  renewed 
for  an  indefinite  period,  with  liberty  to  either  party  to  terminate  them,  on 
giving  one  year's  notice.  Some  commercial  difficulties,  which  grew  out 
of  an  adherence  of  the  government  of  the  Netherlands,  to  the  principles 
of  discriminating  duties,  were  adjusted  to  mutual  satisfaction.  New 
treaties  of  amity,  navigation,  and  commerce,  in  which  the  liberal  princi- 
ples maintained  by  the  United  States,  in  her  commercial  and  foreign 
policy,  were  generally  recognized,  were  concluded  with  Colombia,  Austria, 
Sweden,  Denmark,  Guatemala,  and  the  Hanseatic  league. 

It  was,  however,  in  the  domestic  policy  of  the  government,  that  the 
character  of  the  administration  was  most  strongly  displayed.  During  its 
continuance  in  office,  new  and  increased  activity  was  imparted  to  those 
powers  vested  in  the  Federal  Government,  for  the  developement  of 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS.  27i 

the  resources  of  the  country ;  and  the  public  revenue  liberally  expended 
in  prosecuting  those  national  measures,  to  which  the  sanction  of  Congress 
had  been  deliberately  given,  as  the  settled  policy  of  the  government. 

More  than  one  million  of  dollars  had  been  expended  in  enlarging  and 
maintaining  the  lighthouse  establishment ;  half  a  million  in  completing 
the  public  buildings ;  two  millions  in  erecting  arsenals,  barracks,  and 
furnishing  the  national  armories;  nearly  the  same  amount  had  been 
expended  in  permanent  additions  to  the  naval  establishment ;  upwards 
of  three  millions  had  been  devoted  to  fortifying  the  seacoast ;  and  more 
than  four  millions  expended  in  improving  the  internal  communications 
between  different  parts  of  the  country,  and  in  procuring  information,  by 
scientific  surveys,  concerning  its  capacity  for  further  improvement.  In- 
deed, more  had  been  directly  effected  by  the  aid  of  government,  in  this 
respect,  during  Mr.  Adams's  administration,  than  during  the  administra- 
tions of  all  his  predecessors.  Other  sums,  exceeding  a  million,  had  been 
appropriated  for  objects  of  a  lasting  character,  and  not  belonging  to  the 
annual  expense  of  the  government ;  making,  in  the  whole,  nearly  fourteen, 
million  dollars,  expended  for  the  permanent  benefit  of  the  country,  during 
this  administration. 

At  the  same  time,  the  interest  on  the  public  debt  was  punctually  paid, 
and  the  debt  itself  was  in  a  constant  course  of  reduction,  having  been  dimi- 
nished thirty  millions  three  hundred  and  seventy-three  thousand  one 
hundred  and  eighty-eight  dollars  during  this  administration,  and  leaving 
due,  on  the  1st  of  January,  1829,  fifty-eight  millions  three  hundred  and 
sixty-two  thousand  one  hundred  and  thirty-six  dollars.  Whilst  these 
sums  were  devoted  to  increasing  the  resources,  and  improving  the  condi- 
tion of  the  country,  and  in  discharging  its  pecuniary  obligations ;  those 
claims  which  were  derived  from  what  are  termed  the  imperfect  obligations 
of  gratitude  and  humanity,  were  not  forgotten. 

More  than  five  millions  of  dollars  were  appropriated  to  solace  the 
declining  years  of  the  surviving  officers  of  the  revolution  ;  and  a  million 
and  a  half  expended  in  extinguishing  the  Indian  title,  and  defraying  the 
expense  of  the  removal,  beyond  the  Mississippi,  of  such  tribes  as  were 
unqualified  for  a  residence  near  civilized  communities  ;  and  in  promoting 
the  civilization  of  those  who,  relying  on  the  faith  of  the  United  States, 
preferred  to  remain  on  the  lands  which  were  thr  abodes  of  their  fathers. 

Ir  the  condition  which  we  have  described,  in  peace  with  all  the  world, 
with  an  increasing  revenue,  and  with  a  surplus  of  five  millions  one 
hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand  six  hundred  and  thirty-eight  dollars  in 
the  public  treasury,  the  administration  of  the  government  of  the  United 
States  was  surrendered  by  Mr.  Adams,  who  became  a  private  citizen,  to 
General  Jackson,  his  successor. 

Thus  ended  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams,  an  administration 
marked  by  definite  and  consistent  policy,  and  energetic  councils,  governed 
by  upright  motives,  but  from  the  beginning  devoted  to  the  most  violen* 
opposition,  and  a  signal  overthrow.  The  election  which  terminated  ir 
the  defeat  o"  Mr.  Adams  was  marked  with  extreme  hittp.rnp.ss.  asner'tc 


272  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

and  profligacy.  On  both  sides  the  press  was  virulent,  libellous,  and 
mean.  No  privacy  was  safe,  no  confidence  was  sacred;  even  the  tombs 
of  the  illustrious  dead  were  violated,  and  their  ashes  defiled.  The 
arts  of  party  warfare  were  more  insidious  than  the  arts  of  savage 
treachery,  and  its  arms  more  ruthless  than  the  tomahwk  or  the  scalping 
knife.  Calumny  and  falsehood  were  the  usual  resources  of  the  most 
violent  partisans,  and  the  only  weapons  that  they  never  for  a  moment 
laid  aside.  The  brave  soldier  was  described  as  a  malignant  savage,  and 
the  experienced  statesman  as  a  man  who  had  purchased  by  intrigue  a 
position  that  he  was  determined  to  maintain  by  corruption.  It  must  be 
most  sincerely  hoped  that  an  era  may  never  again  arrive  in  our  history  to 
be  stamped  so  indelibly  with  the  brand  of  shame ;  that  public  opinion  will 
ever  require  of  the  public  press  a  more  decent  regard  to  the  charities  of 
life,  and  the  duties  of  truth. 

Since  he  was  succeeded  in  the  Presidency  by  General  Jackson,  Mr. 
Adams  has  still  taken  an  active  part  in  public  affairs,  and  represented 
his  native  district  in  Congress.  In  this  body  he  has  taken  the  stand  to 
which  his  eminent  talents  and  distinguished  services  fully  entitle  him. 
His  reports  on  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  and  on  Manufactures 
are  among  the  ablest  papers  to  be  found  among  the  records  of  our  political 
bodies.  His  speeches  are  marked  with  the  stern  and  singular  indepen- 
dence which  has  characterized  his  whole  life,  and  command  the  respect 
and  attention  which  must  always  be  awarded  to  a  man  of  fearless  and 
uncompromising  integrity.  Long  may  he  be  spared  to  the  councils  of 
the  nation — long  enough  to  witness  the  passing  away  of  party  preju- 
dices, and  to  enjoy  the  fruition  of  that  fame  which  has  been  purchased 
by  the  devotion  of  a  life  to  his  country. 


ANDREW    JACKSON. 

ANDREW  JACKSON  was  born  on  the  15th  day  of  March,  1767.  His 
father  was  an  Irishman,  who  landed  at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  in 
1765,  and  settled  at  Waxaw,  about  forty-five  miles  above  Camden,  where 
the  subject  of  our  narrative  was  born.  Soon  after  his  birth  his  father 
died,  leaving  three  sons  to  be  provided  for  by  their  mother,  She  appears 
to  have  discharged  the  duties  devolved  upon  her,  in  an  exemplary  man- 
ner. She  had  not  the  means  to  give  all  her  children  a  liberal  education  ; 
but  Andrew,  whom  she  intended  for  the  ministry,  was  sent  to  school, 
where  he  continued  until  the  war  of  the  revolution  interrupted  his  studies. 

At  the  age  of  fourteen,  Andrew  Jackson,  in  company  with  his  brother 
Robert,  entered  the  American  camp,  and  commenced  his  career  in  the 
service  of  his  country.  He  was  prompted  to  this  course  partly  by  the 
recommendations  of  his  mother,  and  partly  by  the  example  of  his  elder 
brother,  who  had  previously  joined  the  army,  and  fallen  a  victim  to  the 
fatigues  of  his  first  campaign.  Jackson  met  with  no  opportunity  for  the 
display  of  his  military  talent  during  this  period.  A  circumstance,  how- 
ever, which  strongly  illustrates  the  unyielding  and  independent  obstinacy 
of  his  character,  may  Ife  related.  In  an  attack  of  the  British  on  Waxaw, 
eleven  Americans  had  been  taken  prisoners,  and  among  them  were  the 
two  Jacksons.  The  evening  after  their  capture,  Andrew  was  accosted  by 
a  British  officer,  who  ordered  him,  in  an  imperious  tone,  to  clean  his 
boots.  This  order  he  scornfully  refused  to  obey,  alleging  that  he 
expected  such  treatment  only  as  was  due  to  a  prisoner  of  war.  Incensed 
at  ms  reply,  the  officer  aimed  a  blow  at  his  head  with  a  drawn  sword, 
which  the  boy  parried  by  throwing  up  his  left  hand,  not,  however,  with- 
out receiving  a  wound,  of  which  the  scar  yet  remains.  His  brother,  for 
a  similar  offence,  received  a  deep  and  dangerous  cut  on  his  head. 

The  brothers  were  conveyed  to  jail,  where  their  wounds  were  wholly 
neglected.  That  of  Andrew  was  slight,  but  his  brother's  brought  on  an 
inflammatioa  of  the  brain,  which,  a  few  days  after  his  liberation,  ended 
in  death.  They  were  soon  exchanged,  and  returned  to  their  mother, 
who  died  shortly  after  her  son.  Andrew  Jackson  was  thus  left  alone  in 
the  world,  afflicted  with  disease  brought  on  by  the  hardships  he  had 
undergone,  and  with  the  small-pox,  which  broke  out  on  him  at  the  same 
time.  His  life  was  for  a  while  in  great  danger. 

On  his  recovery,  he  somewhat  injudiciously  began  to  squander  his 
estate,  but  at  length,  foreseeing  the  consequences  of  his  extravagance,  he 
betook  himself  to  a  regular  course  of  study.  He  acquired  some  know- 
ledge of  the  learned  languages,  and  continued  his  literary  pursuits 
until  he  reached  the  age  of  eighteen.  The  pulpit,  for  which  he  had 
been  designed  by  his  mother,  was  now  abandoned  for  the  bar.  He 
35 


274  JACKSON. 

commenced  the  study  of  law  in  1784,  at  Salisbury,  in  North  Carolina, 
under  the  direction  of  Spruce  M'Cay,  Esq.,  and  subsequently  continued 
it  under  Colonel  John  Stokes.  At  the  end  of  two  years,  he  obtained  a 
license  from  the  Judges  to  practise  law,  and  continued  in  the  State  until 
the  spring  of  1788. 

He  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  this  State  presented  few  induce- 
ments to  a  young  attorney.  There  was  no  chance  of  his  rising  by  the  aid 
of  influential  relations.  The  world  was  all  before  him  where  to  choose. 
The  ties  which  bind  man  to  his  birthplace,  were  with  him  obliterated  by 
the  death  of  his  kindred.  The  western  parts  of  Tennessee,  about  this 
time,  offered  alluring  prospects  to  young  adventurers  ;  and  there  we  find 
Jackson  soon  after  his  departure  from  North  Carolina.  The  state  of  society 
in  the  west,  at  this  period,  was  not  of  the  most  refined  or  settled  descrip- 
tion. Tennessee  was  then  a  new,  wild  country,  principally  occupied  by 
hardy  borderers,  among  whom  knowledge  was  scarce,  and  law  a  mystery. 
Jackson  took  up  his  residence  at  Nashville.  There  was  but  one  lawyer  in 
the  country,  and  the  knavish  part  of  the  community  had  so  contrived  as 
to  retain  him  in  their  interest.  Many  merchants  were  entirely  deprived 
of  the  means  of  enforcing  the  payment  of  their  honest  dues. 

In  this  state  of  things,  Jackson  made  his  appearance  at  Nashville. 
Applications  were  immediately  made  to  him  for  his  professional  services, 
and  the  morning  after  his  arrival  he  issued  seventy  writs.  His  presence 
soon  became  a  terror  to  the  debtors  in  the  place,  and  he  was  consequently 
involved  in  a  great  many  broils,  which,  however,  did  not  prevent  his 
enjoying  a  profitable  practice.  Shortly  afterwards,  he  was  appointed 
Attorney  General  for  the  district,  in  which  office  he  remained  for  several 
years.  Indian  depredations  being  then  frequent  on  the  Cumberland, 
Jackson  was  accustomed  to  aid  actively  in  garrisoning  the  forts,  and  in  pur- 
suing and  chastising  the  enemy.  In  1796,  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the 
Convention  for  framing  a  Constitution  for  the  State.  He  was  the  same 
year  elected  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  Congress,  for 
me  State  of  Tennessee.  While  in  this  capacity,  it  is  on  record  that  he  gave 
his  support  to  a  measure,  which  offered  an  unhandsome  slight  to  Wash- 
ington. When  that  great  man  was  about  to  retire  from  his  high  station, 
a  committee,  of  which  James  Madison  was  a  member,  drew  up  an  address 
to  him,  in  which  his  wisdom,  firmness,  and  other  eminent  qualities,  were 
eulogized  in  the  warmest  terms.  Mr.  Giles,  of  Virginia,  moved  to  ex- 
punge all  expressions  of  respect,  as  he  wished  him  to  retire,  and  thought 
that  the  time  for  him  to  do  so  had  arrived.  This  motion  had  the  support 
of  Mr.  Jackson. 

In  Tennessee  his  popularity  continued  to  increase,  and  in  1797  he  was 
elected  a  Senator  of  Congress.  His  vote  for  a  repeal  of  the  alien  law, 
was  his  only  official  act  of  note  while  he  filled  this  station.  About  the 
middle  of  April,  he  asked  leave  to  return  home  on  private  business. 
Permission  was  granted,  and  before  the  next  session  he  resigned  his  seat. 
He  was  but  a  little  more  than  thirty  years  of  age,  and  hence,  scarcely 
eligible  by  the  Constitution  at  the  time  he  was  elected. 

On  his  return  to  Tennessee,  he  was  appointed  Major  General  of  the 
militia  of  that  State.  He  held  this  commission  till  the  year  1814.  Soon 


JACKSON.  275 

after  his  resignation  of  his  seat  in  Congress,  he  was  appointed  a  Judge 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State.  He  subsequently  resigned  this  office 
through  a  distrust  of  his  legal  acquirements.  He  retired  to  a  plantation 
ten  miles  from  Nashville,  and  for  several  years  nothing  occurred  to  inter- 
rupt his  repose. 

The  acts  of  Congress  of  the  6th  of  February  and  July,  1812,  autho- 
rized the  President  to  accept  the  services  of  fifty  thousand  volunteers. 
General  Jackson  addressed  the  militia  subject  to  his  orders,  and  the  appeal 
to  their  patriotism  was  promptly  answered.  "  Twenty-five  hundred  brave 
men  placed  themselves  under  his  command,  armed  and  equipped  for  war, 
and  being  duly  authorized,  he  assembled  them  at  Nashville  in  December. 
The  weather,  for  that  latitude,  was  very  severe,  and  the  earth  was  clad 
in  white ;  but  the  hardy  backwoodsmen  bore  their  hardships  as  patiently 
as  the  trees  of  their  native  forests.  They  descended  the  Mississippi  in 
January,  in  spite  of  cold  and  ice,  to  Natchez.  Much  honor  is  due  to  their 
chief  for  his  exertions  to  preserve  their  ardor  unabated,  and  his  endeavors 
to  establish  discipline  among  them.  But  as  there  was  no  appearance  of 
war  in  the  south-west,  their  services  were  not  needed,  and  General  Jackson 
received  an  order  from  the  Secretary  of  War  to  disband  his  troops,  and 
deliver  the  public  property  in  his  possession  to  General  Wilkinson.  This 
order  General  Jackson  thought  fit  to  disobey.  In  spite  of  all  opposition, 
he  broke  up  his  camp,  and  marched 'his  troops  homeward  through  the 
forests,  sharing  their  hardships,  and  setting  them  an  example  of  untiring 
patience  and  perseverance.  At  the  close  of  the  march,  he  disbanded  his 
men,  who  returned  to  their  respective  homes.  In  a  letter  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  War,  he  stated,  that  had  he  dismissed  his  forces  on  receiving  the 
order,  the  sick  would  have  suffered,  and  many  would  have  been  compelled 
by  want  to  enlist  in  the  regular  service.  In  fine,  his  conduct  was  ap- 
proved, and  the  expenses  incurred  were  paid  by  government." 

The  volunteers,  who  had  descended  the  river,  having  been  discharged 
early  in  May,  there  was  little  expectation  that  they  would  again  be  called 
for.  Tennessee  was  too  remotely  situated  in  the  interior  of  the  country 
to  expect  their  services  would  be  required  for  her  defence,  and  hitherto 
the  British  had  discovered  no  serious  intention  of  waging  operations 
against  any  part  of  Louisiana.  Their  repose,  however,  was  not  of  long 
duration.  The  Creek  Indians,  inhabiting  the  country  lying  between  the 
Chatahochee  and  Tombigbee,  and  extending  from  the  Tennessee  river  to 
the  Florida  line,  had  lately  manifested  strong  symptoms  of  hostility 
towards  the  United  States.  This  disposition  was  greatly  strengthened 
through  means  used  by  the  northern  Indians,  who  were  then  making 
preparations  for  a  war  against  the  United  States,  and  who  wished  to 
engage  the  southern  tribes  in  the  same  enterprise. 

An  artful  impostor  had,  about  this  time,  sprung  up  amongst  the  Shaw- 
nees,  who,  by  passing  for  a  prophet,  acquired  astonishing  influence  among 
his  people.  He  succeeded  in  exciting  a  hatred  against  the  inhabitants  of  the 
United  States,  which  soon  after  broke  forth  in  acts  of  violence.  His  brother 
Tecumseh  was  dispatched  to  the  southern  tribes,  to  kindle  in  them  the  same 
temper.  Hostilities  began  to  spread  along  the  whole  line  of  our  sou  them  and 
south-western  frontier.  A  regular  communication  was  kept  up  between 


276  JACKSON. 

the  Creeks  or  Muscogees  and  the  northern  tribes ;  whilst  frequent  depre» 
dations  were  committed  on  the  border  settlers.  By  one  of  the  incursions, 
in  the  summer  of  1812>  several  families  had  been  murdered  in  a  shock- 
ing manner,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio  ;  and,  shortly  afterwards,  another 
party,  entering  the  limits  of  Tennessee,  had  butchered  two  families  of 
women  and  children.  These  acts  were  not  sanctioned  by  the  Creek 
government,  for  on  application  to  the  chiefs,  the  offenders  Were  punished 
with  death.  No  sooner  was  this  done,  however,  than  the  spirit  of  the 
greater  part  of  the  nation  suddenly  kindled  into  civil  war.  War  clubs, 
painted  red,  were  seen  every  where  among  them,  and  it  was  evident  that 
some  deep  and  settled  purpose  of  revenge  was  Working  in  their  minds. 

The  first  ebullition  of  their  rage  fell  upon  those  of  their  countrymen 
who  were  known  to  be  peaceably  disposed  towards  the  United  States. 
Incited  by  Wetherford,  one  of  the  principal  chiefs,  they  then  proceeded  to 
the  attack  of  Fort  Minims  in  the  territory  of  Mississippi.  This  fort 
contained  at  that  time  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  besides  a  con- 
siderable number  of  women  and  children,  who  had  fled  there  for  protection. 
The  Indians  carried  it  by  assault.  The  slaughter  was  indiscriminate. 
Nearly  three  hundred  persons,  including  women  and  children,  were  put 
to  death  with  the  most  savage  barbarity.  But  seventeen  of  the  whole 
number  in  the  fort  escaped  to  tell  of  the  dreadful  catastrophe. 

The  news  of  this  outrage  produced  a  great  excitement  in  Tennessee. 
A  number  of  respectable  citizens  convened  at  Nashville,  and  after  con- 
ferring with  the  Governor  and  General  Jackson,  urged  the  propriety  of 
immediately  marching  an  army  into  the  heart  of  the  Creek  nation.  This 
measure  was  recommended  to  the  Legislature,  and  that  body  passed  a 
law  authorizing  the  executive  to  call  into  the  field  three  thousand  five 
hundred  of  the  militia.  Three  hundred  thousand  dollars  were  voted  for 
the  support  of  these  men.  By  order  of  the  Governor,  General  Jackson, 
though  yet  suffering  from  a  fractured  arm,  (the  consequence  of  an  affray, 
which  has  been  variously  represented,)  called  out  two  thousand  of 
the  volunteers  and  militia  of  his  division.  To  this  force  were  joined 
five  hundred  horsemen,  under  Colonel  Coffee,  who  was  authorized  to  add 
to  his  corps  as  many  mounted  riflemen  as  he  could  gather.  He  was 
ordered  forthwith  to  proceed  to  the  frontier,  and  take  measures  for  its 
defence,  while  General  Jackson  should  collect  and  organize  as  many  as 
possible  of  his  former  army. 

Every  exertion  was  now  made  to  hasten  the  preparations  for  a  vigorous 
campaign.  The  day  of  rendezvous  being  arrived,  and  the  General  not 
being  sufficiently  recovered  to  attend  in  person,  he  forwarded  by  his  aid- 
de-camp,  M.  jor  Reid,  an  address  to  be  read  to  the  troops,  accompanied 
by  an  order  for  the  establishment  of  the  police  of  the  camp.  His  orders 
may  produce  a  smile  on  the  countenance  of  the  disciplined  soldier,  but 
to  the  rude  and  independent  settlers  under  his  command  they  seemed 
intolerably  rigorous  and  severe. 

For  the  police  of  the  camp,  he  announced  the  following  order  : 

"  The  chain  of  sentinels  will  be  marked,  and  the  sentries  posted,  pre- 
cisely at  ten  o'clock  to  day. 

"  No  sutler  will  be  suffered  to  sell  spirituous  liquors  to  any  soldier, 


JACKSON.  277 

without  permission,  in  writing,  from  a  commissioned  officer,  under  the 
penalties  prescribed  by  the  rules  and  articles  of  war. 

"  No  citizen  will  be  permitted  to  pass  the  chain  of  sentinels,  after  re- 
treat beat  in  the  evening,  until  reveille  in  the  morning*  Drunkenness, 
the  bane  of  all  orderly  encampments,  is  positively  forbidden,  both  in 
officers  and  privates :  officers  under  the  penalty  of  immediate  arrest ;  and 
privates,  of  being  placed  under  guard,  there  to  remain  until  liberated  by 
a  court  martial. 

"  At  reveille  beat,  all  officers  and  soldiers  are  to  appear  on  parade,  with 
their  arms  and  accoutrements  in  proper  order. 

"  On  parade,  silence,  the  duty  of  a  soldier,  is  positively  commanded. 

"  No  officer  or  soldier  is  to  sleep  out  of  camp,  but  by  permission  ob- 
tained." 

On  the  7th  of  October,  General  Jackson  joined  his  division,  and  learned 
that  the  Creeks  had  detached  upwards  of  eight  hundred  of  their  warriors 
to  fall  upon  the  frontier  of  Georgia,  while  the  remainder  of  their  forces 
were  marching  upon  Huntsville.  On  the  9th,  therefore,  he  set  his  army 
in  motion.  They  reached  Huntsville  that  day,  by  a  forced  march,  and 
on  the  morrow  formed  a  junction  with  Colonel  Coffee's  regiment,  on  the 
Tennessee  river.  Here  they  rested  several  days,  during  which  General 
Jackson  sent  scouts  to  reconnoitre  the  Black  Warrior  river,  a  tributary 
of  the  Tombigbee,  on  which  were  several  Creek  villages.  This  delay 
was  occasioned  by  the  failure  of  an  expected  supply  of  provisions. 

While  the  army  was  thus  inactive,  a  messenger  arrived  from  Chinnaby, 
a  chief  of  the  friendly  Creeks.  He  brought  intelligence  that  Chinnaby's 
encampment,  near  Ten  Islands,  on  the  Coosa,  was  threatened  by  the 
enemy,  and  solicited  relief.  This  information  induced  the  General  to 
march  to  Thompson's  creek,  a  small  branch  of  the  Tennessee,  where  he 
had  reason  to  believe  he  might  be  met  by  the  expected  supply.  He  was 
the  more  inclined  to  action,  that  the  scarcity  of  provisions  depressed  the 
spirits  of  his  half  disciplined  troops.  But  he  was  again  disappointed, 
and  his  letters  to  different  quarters,  soliciting  the  desired  aid,  failed  of 
their  effect.  Even  the  planters  of  the  frontier,  who  had  a  vital  interest 
in  the  success  of  his  operations,  neglected  to  assist  the  army  contractors. 
In  this  embarrassing  situation,  another  messenger  from  Chinnaby  arrived, 
to  urge  the  necessity  of  an  immediate  movement,  as  the  enemy  was  ad 
vancing  upon  him  in  great  force.  This  information  caused  the  army  to 
move  again. 

Near  Ten  Islands  General  Jackson  was  met  by  Chinnaby,  who  informed 
him  that  he  was  within  sixteen  miles  of  the  hostile  Creeks,  who  were 
assembled  to  the  number  of  a  thousand,  to  oppose  his  march.  Hence 
Colonel  Dyer  was  sent  with  a  competent  force  to  attack  the  village  of 
Littafutchee,  on  a  branch  of  the  Coosa.  This  done,  the  army  set  forward 
once  more,  and  reached  the  islands  of  the  Coosa  without  opposition,  thus 
proving  the  report  of  Chinnaby  to  have  been  unfounded.  Here  Colonel 
Dyer  rejoined,  having  accomplished  his  object.  He  had  burned  Littafutchee, 
with  little  or  no  loss  on  his  own  side,  and  brought  back  with  him  twenty 
nine  prisoners,  men,  women,  and  children.  The  scouting  parties  now 
began  to  bring  in  prisoners,  and  cattle  and  corn  taken  from  the  enemy. 


278  JACKSON. 

The  first  week  in  November,  information  was  received  that  a  conside- 
rable body  of  the  Muscogee  warriors  had  taken  a  position  at  the  village 
of  Tallushatches,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Coosa.  Colonel  Coffee  was 
sent  to  attack  them  at  the  head  of  nine  hundred  mounted  men.  He 
forded  the  Coosa  under  the  direction  of  an  Indian  guide,  and  advanced 
on  Tallushatches.  The  Muscogees  were  aware  of  his  approach,  and 
prepared  to  meet  it  as  became  men.  They  struck  the  war  drum,  sung 
the  war  song,  and  by  their  savage  war  whoop  gave  notice  that  they  were 
prepared  for  battle.  Within  a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  village  Colonel 
Coffee  halted,  divided  his  force  into  two  bodies,  and  then  advanced  in 
such  a  way  as  to  surround  the  enemy,  who  remained  quiet  in  the 
buildings.  Seeing  this,  the  commander  had  recourse  to  a  feint.  He  sent 
forward  two  companies  to  decoy  the  Indians  from  their  cover.  No  sooner 
had  these  deployed  into  line  in  front  of  the  village,  and  fired  a  few  shots, 
than  the  savages  boldly  charged  and  drove  them  back  on  the  main  body, 
which  opened  a  general  fire  and  charged  in  turn.  The  Muscogees  retir- 
ed, resisting  obstinately  all  the  way,  till  they  reached  their  village,  where 
they  stood  fast,  and  a  desperate  conflict  ensued.  The  Indians  did  not 
ask  quarter,  and  when  shot  down  continued  to  fight  on  the  ground  as 
long  as  their  breath  lasted.  Many  of  their  wives  assisted  in  the  defence, 
and  emulated  the  bravery  of  their  partners.  The  Tennesseans  revenged 
the  slaughter  of  Fort  Mimms,  by  slaying  all  the  men,  and  some  women 
and  children.  Not  one  of  the  savages  escaped :  their  total  loss  in  killed 
was  upwards  of  a  hundred  and  eighty,  and  eighty-four  women  and  chil- 
dren were  taken  alive.  On  the  other  side,  five  of  the  whites  were  killed 
outright,  and  forty-one  were  wounded. 

When  Colonel  Coffee  had  rejoined  the  main  body,  General  Jackson 
resolved  to  build  a  fort  and  establish  a  depot  at  Ten  Islands.  The  forti- 
fication was  named  Fort  Strother. 

On  the  evening  of  the  7th,  a  runner  arrived  from  Talladega,  a  fort  of 
the  friendly  Indians,  thirty  miles  below,  with  information  that  the  enemy- 
had  encamped  before  it  in  great  numbers,  and  would  certainly  destroy  it 
unless  immediate  assistance  should  be  rendered.  Jackson  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  march  to  their  assistance,  with  all  his  disposable  force,  amounting 
to  twelve  hundred  infantry  and  eight  hundred  mounted  men.  The  troops 
crossed  the  river  that  very  night,  each  horseman  carrying  a  foot  soldier 
behind  him,  though  the  Coosa  is  here  six  hundred  yards  wide.  The 
whole  night  was  consumed  in  this  operation,  yet  the  army  continued  its 
march  with  unabated  ardor,  and  by  the  next  evening  arrived  within  six 
miles  of  the  enemy.  At  night  an  express  arrived  from  General  White, 
with  the  news  that  that  officer  had  not  been  able  to  move  to  the  protection 
of  Fort  Strother,  according  to  Jackson's  desire,  having  received  a  counter 
order  from  General  Cocke,  to  march  to  the  mouth  of  Chatouga  Creek. 
This  intelligence,  that  his  rear  was  left  unprotected,  caused  General 
Jackson  to  decide  on  attacking  the  enemy  without  delay,  lest  by  a  change 
of  their  policy,  his  depot  should  be  carried  in  his  absence.  Orders  were 
given  accordingly. 

At  four  in  the  morning,  the  army  moved,  in  order  of  battle.  The 
infantry  advanced  in  three  columns,  and  the  cavalry  followed,  while  the 


JACKSON.  279 

wings  were  protected  by  flankers.  The  advance,  consisting  of  four  com- 
panies, marched  four  hundred  yards  in  front,  under  Colonel  Carroll.  By 
seven,  the  army  was  within  a  mile  of  the  enemy,  and  the  columns  de- 
ployed into  line,  while  the  cavalry  made  a  circuit  round  the  enemy's 
flank,  so  as  to  leave  them  small  chance  of  escape. 

About  eight,  the  advanced  guard,  having  approached  a  small  thicket 
of  underbrush,  received  a  sharp  volley.  They  returned  it,  and  retreated 
upon  the  centre,  according  to  their  orders,  it  being  the  policy  of  the 
General  to  draw  the  Indians  from  their  cover.  The  Indians,  elated  by 
this  apparent  success,  raised  the  war  whoop,  and  fell  furiously  on  the  left 
wing,  tomahawk  in  hand.  This  movement  had  nearly  decided  the  battle, 
for  several  companies  gave  way  before  their  onset,  and  the  officer  ordered 
by  General  Jackson  to  throw  his  troops  into  the  gap,  did  not  execute  the 
command.  The  General  promptly  supplied  their  place  with  the  reserve, 
which,  with  the  assistance  of  the  broken  troops,  who  began  to  rally, 
checked  xhe  advance  of  the  savages.  The  line  now  delivered  an  unbroken 
fire,  and  in  fifteen  minutes  the  Creeks  gave  way  at  all  points  and  fled. 
The  cavalry  of  the  left  wing  made  great  slaughter  of  them,  and  numbers 
fell  in  the  pursuit,  which  continued  three  miles.  The  troops  behaved  as 
might  have  been  expected  from  the  volunteers  of  Tennessee,  and  that  is 
a  sufficient  encomium. 

In  this  battle  a  thousand  and  eighty  of  the  Creeks  were  engaged ;  of 
whom  three  hundred  were  left  dead  on  the  field,  and  about  as  many  more 
were  slain  in  their  flight.  The  loss  of  the  Americans  was  fifteen  killed, 
and  nearly  a  hundred  wounded,  many  mortally.  The  results  of  the 
action  were,  the  relief  of  the  friendly  Indians  at  Talladega,  an  increase 
of  confidence  in  themselves  and  their  General  on  the  part  of  the  Tennes- 
seans,  and  the  discomfiture  of  the  hostile  Creeks. 

(The  condition  of  his  posts  in  the  rear,  and  a  want  of  provisions,  com- 
pelled General  Jackson  and  his  men  to  return.  Accordingly,  having 
buried  his  dead,  and  provided  litters  for  the  wounded,  he  reluctantly 
commenced  his  return  march  on  the  morning  succeeding  the  battle.  He 
confidently  hoped,  from  the  previous  assurances  of  the  contractors,  that, 
by  the  time  of  his  return  to  Fort  Strother,  sufficient  supplies  would  have 
arrived  there :  but  to  his  .surprise,  he  found  that  not  a  particle  had  been 
forwarded  since  his  departure,  and  that  what  had  been  left  was  already 
consumed.  Even  his  private  stores,  brought  on  at  his  own  expense,  and 
upon  which  he  and  his  staff  had  hitherto  wholly  subsisted,  had  been,  in 
his  absence,  distributed  amongst  the  sick  by  the  hospital  surgeon,  who 
had  been  previously  instructed  to  do  so,  in  the  event  their  wants  should 
require  it.  A  few  dozen  biscuit,  which  remained,  on  his  return,  were 
given  to  the  hungry  applicants,  without  being  tasted  by  himself  or  family, 
who  were  probably  not  less  hungry  than  those  who  were  thus  relieved. 
A  scanty  supply  of  indifferent  beef,  taken  from  the  enemy,  or  purchased 
of  the  Cherokees,  was  now  the  only  support  afforded.  Thus  left  destitute, 
Jackson,  (says  his  biographer,  Eaton,)  with  the  utmost  cheerfulness  of 
temper,  repaired  to  the  bullock  pen,  and,  of  the  offal  there  thrown  away, 
provided  for  himself  and  staff,  what  he  was  pleased  to  call,  a  very  com- 
fortable repast.  Tripes,  however,  hastily  provided  in  a  camp,  without 


280  JACKSON. 

bread  or  seasoning,  can  only  be  palatable  to  an  appetite  very  highly 
whetted ;  yet  this  constituted,  for  several  days,  the  only  diet  at  head- 
quarters ;  during  which  time,  the  General  seemed  entirely  satisfied  with 
his  fare. 

In  this  campaign,  a  soldier  one  morning,  with  a  wobegone  counte- 
nance, approached  the  General,  stating  that  he  was  nearly  starved,  that 
he  had  nothing  to  eat,  and  could  not  imagine  what  he  should  do.  He 
was  the  more  encouraged  to  complain,  from  perceiving  that  the  General, 
who  had  seated  himself  at  the  root  of  a  tree,  waiting  the  coming  up  of 
the  rear  of  the  army,  was  busily  engaged  in  eating  something.  The 
poor  fellow  was  impressed  with  the  belief,  from  what  he  saw,  that  want 
only  prevailed  among  the  soldiers,  and  that  the  officers,  particularly  the  Ge- 
neral, were  liberally  supplied.  He  accordingly  approached  him  with  great 
confidence  of  being  relieved.  Jackson  told  him,  that  it  had  always  been 
a  rule  with  him  never  to  turn  away  a  hungry  man  when  it  was  in  his 
power  to  relieve  him.  I  will  most  cheerfully,  said  he,  divide  with  you 
what  I  have ;  and,  putting  his  hand  to  his  pocket,  he  drew  forth  a  few  acorns, 
from  Avhich  he  had  been  feasting,  adding,  it  was  the  best  and  only  fare 
he  had.  The  soldier  seemed  much  surprised,  and  forthwith  circulated 
amongst  his  comrades,  that  their  General  was  actually  subsisting  upon 
tcorns,  and  that  they  ought  no  more  to  complain. 

Discontent  now  began  to  spread  through  the  camp  of  General  Jack- 
son, and  at  length  burst  into  open  revolt.  The  officers  and  soldiers  of 
ihe  militia  determined  to  abandon  their  posts,  and  return  to  their  homes. 
Jackson,  apprised  of  their  resolution,  determined  to  oppose  it  at  all  hazard. 
In  the  morning,  when  they  were  about  to  carry  their  design  into  execution, 
he  drew  up  the  volunteers  in  front  of  them,  with  orders  to  oppose  their 
departure.  The  militia,  fearing  to  persist  in  their  purpose,  quietly  aban- 
doned it  and  returned  to  their  quarters. 

The  next  day  presented  a  singular  scene.  The  volunteers,  who,  the 
day  before,  had  been  the  means  of  detaining  the  militia,  now  began 
likewise  to  mutiny.  Their  opposition  to  the  departure  of  the  militia  was 
merely  a  pretence  to  escape  suspicion,  for  they  silently  wished  them 
success.  They  now  determined  to  move  away  in  a  body,  believing  that 
no  one  would  oppose  them.  As  they  were  about  to  quit  the  camp,  the 
militia  turned  the  tables  on  them,  expressing  a  fixed  determination  to 
obey  the  General's  orders  by  enforcing  their  stay  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet.  So  well  had  Jackson  contrived  to  make  their  mutual  jealousies 
subserve  his  own  ends.  Thus  situated,  the  volunteers  had  an  option  to 
remain,  or  to  turn  their  weapons  against  their  brethren  in  arms.  They 
chose  the  former  alternative.  However,  the  complaints  of  the  cavalry 
were  not  to  be  silenced ;  their  forage  was  entirely  exhausted,  and  they 
had  no  prospect  of  obtaining  more.  General  Jackson  listened  to  their 
petition  to  be  permitted  to  return  home,  and  granted  it,  on  condition  that 
tkey  would  rejoin  him  when  required. 

The  most  urgent  solicitations  of  General  Jackson  could  not  suppress  the 
discontent  which  still  prevailed  among  his  troops.  Even  his  promise  that 
if  the  supplies  should  not  arrive  writhin  two  days,  the  forces  should  all 
march  homeward  together,  had  no  effect.  The  officers  of  the  volunteer 


•  JACKSON  281 

brigade  declared  that  nothing  short  of  marching  the  army  immediately 
back  to  the  settlements,  could  prevent  a  forcible  desertion  of  the  camp,  by 
the  soldiers.  The  officers  of  the  militia  expressed  their  willingness  to 
remain  a  few  days  longer ;  but  the  General  was  compelled  to  suffer  a 
regiment  of  volunteers  to  leave  the  camp,  under  the  condition,  however, 
that,  after  satisfying  their  wants,  they  should  return  and  act  as  an  escort 
to  the  provisions. 

Two  days  had  elapsed  since  the  departure  of  the  volunteers,  and  no 
supplies  had  arrived.  The  militia  earnestly  demanded  the  fulfilment  of 
the  promise  which  had  been  made,  that  they  should  be  marched  back  to 
the  settlements.  This  was  to  Jackson  a  moment  of  deep  dejection.  "  If 
only  two  men  will  remain  with  me,"  he  exclaimed,  "  I  will  never  abandon 
this  post."  Captain  Gordon,  of  the  spies,  replied,  "  You  have  one,  Gene- 
ral ;  let  us  look  if  we  can't  find  another,"  and  he  soon  succeeded  in 
procuring  one  hundred  and  nine  volunteers.  Leaving  this  garrison 
behind,  Jackson,  with  the  rest  of  his  army,  set  out  towards  Deposit. 
They  had  not  proceeded  more  than  ten  or  twelve  miles,  when  they  met 
a  convoy  of  the  long  expected  commissary's  stores.  This  sight  was  as 
unwelcome  to  the  soldiers  as  it  was  grateful  to  their  chief.  So  great 
was  their  aversion  to  returning,  that  mutiny  again  displayed  itself  in 
their  ranks.  One  company  had  revolted,  and  was  already  moving  off  in 
the  direction  of  home.  They  had  proceeded  some  distance  before  infor- 
mation of  their  departure  was  conveyed  to  Jackson.  Irritated  at  their 
conduct,  the  General  pursued  them  until  he  came  near  a  part  of  his 
staff  and  a  few  soldiers,  who,  with  General  Coffee,  had  halted  about  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  ahead.  He  ordered  them  to  form  immediately  across 
the  road,  and  to  fire  on  the  mutineers  if  they  attempted  to  proceed.  The 
execution  of  this  order  caused  the  deserters  to  retreat  precipitately  to  the 
main  body.  Here  it  was  supposed  that  the  affair  would  end,  and  that 
further  opposition  would  cease.  But  a  mutinous  disposition  began  pre- 
sently to  show  itself  throughout  the  whole  brigade.  Jackson,  having 
advanced  towards  them,  while  his  guard  were  at  some  distance,  found  on 
his  arrival  a  much  more  extensive  mutiny  than  that  which  had  been  just 
quelled.  Almost  the  whole  brigade  had  put  itself  in  an  attitude  for  moving 
forcibly  off. 

Jackson  now  made  a  signal  display  of  energy  and  decision.  He  was 
still  without  the  use  of  his  left  arm ;  but,  seizing  a  musket,  and  resting 
it  on  the  neck  of  his  horse,  he  threw  himself  in  front  of  the  column,  and 
threatened  to  shoot  the  first  man  who  should  attempt  to  advance.  In  this 
situation,  he  was  soon  after  joined  by  Major  Reid  and  General  Coffee, 
who  placed  themselves  by  his  side,  and  abided  by  the  result.  For  many 
minutes  the  column  preserved  a  sullen  and  hesitating  attitude.  At  length, 
they  turned  quietly  round,  and  agreed  to  return  to  their  posts. 

About  the  22d  of  November,  a  deputation  arrived  from  the  Creek  tribes 
called  Hillabees,  to  sue  for  peace.  They  had  suffered  severely  at  Talla- 
dega,  and  were  now  ready  to  submit  to  whatever  terms  the  General 
might  impose.  He  replied  that  they  must  restore  the  prisoners  and 
property  they  had  taken,  whether  from  the  whites  or  the  friendly  Creeks 
and  surrender  the  persons  concerned  in  the  massacre  at  Fort  Mimms. 
36 


282  JACKSON. 

With  this  answer,  the  Hillabee  ambassadors  returned  to  their  villages  on 
the  24th  of  the  month. 

That  very  night  the  Hillabees  were  attacked  in  their  huts  by  the  Ten- 
nessee militia,  under  General  White.  Sixty  of  them  were  killed,  upwards 
of  two  hundred  and  fifty  were  made  prisoners,  and  their  villages  were 
utterly  destroyed.  The  officers  of  the  eastern  division,  jealous  of  General 
Jackson's  reputation,  and  unwilling  to  lend  their  aid  to  raise  it,  had 
refused  or  neglected  to  co-operate  with  him  throughout  the  campaign. 
Such  is  often  the  harmony  of  militia  operations.  In  this  instance,  the 
result  is  to  be  deplored.  The  Hillabees  believed  themselves  assailed  by 
Jackson,  to  whom  they  had  offered  his  choice  of  terms,  and  from  whom 
they  had  received  a  promise  of  amnesty.  Under  these  circumstances, 
they  concluded  that  peaceful  conduct  could  not  defend  them  from  open 
force  or  treachery,  and  till  the  final  cessation  of  hostilities  they  waged  a 
war  of  extermination.  In  no  instance  did  they  ask  or  accept  quarter. 

The  clamors  of  the  troops  were  by  no  means  abated  during  their  resi- 
dence at  Fort  Strother.  The  want  of  food  was  indeed  obviated  by  the 
arrival  of  sufficient  stores,  but  they  resolved,  if  possible,  to  obtain  a 
discharge.  They  insisted  that  the  period  for  which  they  had  undertaken 
to  serve  would  terminate  on  the  10th  of  December,  that  making  a  year 
since  the  commencement  of  their  engagement.  Although  they  had  been 
unemployed  during  the  greater  part  of  this  time,  they  very  reasonably 
contended  that  this  circumstance  did  not  authorize  any  deductions  from 
the  regular  period  of  their  engagement.  General  Jackson  thought  other- 
wise :  he  replied,  that  "  the  law  of  Congress,  under  which  they  had  been 
accepted,  requiring  one  year's  service  out  of  two,  could  contemplate 
nothing  less  than  an  actual  service  of  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  days  ; 
and,  until  that  had  been  performed,  he  could  not,  unless  specially  autho- 
rized, undertake  to  discharge  them." 

On  the  evening  of  the  9th,  Jackson  was  informed  that  a  whole  brigade 
of  volunteers  was  again  preparing  forcibly  to  move  off.  He  immediately 
issued  the  following  general  order  : 

"The  commanding  General  being  informed  that  an  actual  mutiny 
exists  in  his  camp,  all  officers  and  soldiers  are  commanded  to  put  it  down. 

"The  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  first  brigade  will,  without  delay, 
parade  on  the  west  side  of  the  fort,  and  await  further  orders."  The 
artillery  company,  with  two  small  fieldpieces,  being  posted  in  the  front 
and  rear,  and  the  militia,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Wynne,  on  the 
eminences  in  advance,  were  ordered  to  prevent  the  departure  of  the 
volunteers.  This  formidable  opposition  compelled  the  deserters  to  return 
once  more  to  their  posts.  But  although  baffled  in  this  manner,  their 
dissatisfaction  at  remaining  could  not  be  quelled,  and  Jackson  was  finally 
induced  to  issue  an  order  to  General  Hall,  to  march  his  brigade  to  Nash- 
ville. 

Meanwhile  the  cavalry  and  mounted  riflemen,  who,  under  an  express 
stipulation  to  return  and  complete  the  campaign,  had  been  permitted  to 
retire  into  the  settlements,  had,  at  the  time  appointed,  reassembled  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Huntsville.  But,  catching  the  infection  of  discontent 
from  the  infantry,  they  began  now  to  clamor  with  equal  zeal  for  a  dis- 


JACKSON.  283 

charge.  No  representations  could  induce  them  to  remain ;  and  they 
finally  abandoned  their  posts  tumultuously,  and  returned  to  their  respective 
homes.  Thus  Jackson  was  deserted  by  almost  his  whole  original 
army,  and  remained  with  only  about  thirteen  hundred  men  of  the  eastern 
division.  The  term  of  service  of  most  of  these  had  nearly  expired,  and 
they  claimed  their  discharge  as  due  on  the  14th  of  December. 

"  The  Governor  of  Tennessee  had  ordered  a  levy  of  twenty-five  hundred 
men  from  the  second  division,  to  assemble  at  Fayetteville  on  the  28th  of 
January,  to  serve  for  a  period  of  three  months.  General  Cocke  was  also 
required  to  furnish  his  quota.  General  Roberts  brought  two  hundred 
men  to  Fort  Strother,  but  these  stipulated  that  they  should  be  discharged 
at  the  end  of  three  months.  Nevertheless,  fearing  the  resolute  disposi- 
tion of  General  Jackson,  they  immediately  broke  up  and  deserted  to  a 
man.  Orders  were  immediately  issued  to  pursue  and  apprehend  them, 
and  finding  themselves  likely  to  be  compelled,  they  returned  without 
further  ado. 

"The  time  had  now  come,  when  those  of  the  militia  who  had  remained 
in  the  service,  claimed  to  be  discharged,  and  they  declared  their  deter- 
mination to  return  home,  whether  their  claim  should  be  allowed  or  not. 
General  Jackson,  therefore,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  Governor  Blount, 
issued  an  order  forbidding  all  persons  under  his  command  to  leave  the 
camp  without  his  written  permission,  on  pain  of  death.  The  order  was 
disregarded.  The  officer  of  the  guard,  Lieutenant  Kearly,  and  all  his 
sentinels,  left  their  posts,  and  the  officer  refused  to  surrender  his  sword 
or  submit  to  arrest.  He  formed  his  company,  and  was  about  to  march 
them  homeward,  when  a  company  arrived  to  stay  his  proceedings. 
Kearly  prepared  to  fight  his  way  through  all  opposition,  and  his  com- 
pany would  have  seconded  him,  had  not  General  Jackson  instantly 
repaired  to  the  spot.  He  presented  a  pistol  to  the  subaltern's  breast, 
compelled  him  to  give  up  his  weapon,  and  placed  him  under  guard. 
But  on  his  submission  and  repentance,  Kearly  was  released  from  arrest 
and  again  received  into  favor.  While  this  was  going  on,  the  rest  of  the 
brigade  left  the  camp  and  proceeded  toward  home,  leaving  behind  them 
but  a  single  regiment  of  militia,  whose  time  had  nearly  expired.  The 
General  sent  a  written  address  after  them,  but  it  did  not  bring  back  one 
individual. 

41  In  the  meanwhile,  the  Muscogees  were  sustaining  reverses  calculated 
to  depress  their  spirits  and  facilitate  future  operations  against  them.  On 
the  4th  of  December  they  were  defeated  by  the  Georgia  militia,  under 
General  Floyd,  at  Autossee,  a  town  on  the  Talapoosa  river.  The  strength 
of  eight  several  towns  had  been  gathered  for  the  defence  of  this  spot. 
Upwards  of  two  hundred  of  the  savage  warriors  were  slain,  and  two 
villages  were  destroyed.  General  Clairborne  also  destroyed  the  town  of 
Eccancacha,  and  routed  its  defenders  with  loss,  on  the  1st  of  January, 
1814. 

"  On  the  13th  of  January,  eight  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  newly  raised 
Tennessee  volunteers  arrived  at  Fort  Strother.  They  had  agreed  to 
serve  for  sixty  days  only,  and  no  persuasion  could  induce  them  to  extend 
the  term.  They  were  organized  in  two  mounted  regiments.  Two  days 


284  JACKSON. 

after,  these  troops  took  up  the  line  of  march  for  Talladega,  followed  by 
General  Jackson  with  his  staff,  an  artillery  company,  three  companies  of 
foot,  and  a  company  of  volunteer  officers,  nine  hundred  and  thirty  in  all. 
At  Talladega  they  were  joined  by  two  or  three  hundred  friendly  Creeks 
and  Cherokees.  With  this  force,  the  chief  directed  his  march  to  Emuck- 
faw  river,  where  he  was  advised  that  a  large  body  of  the  enemy  had 
collected.  On  the  night  of  the  21st  he  encamped  within  three  miles  of 
them. 

"  At  daybreak  the  next  morning,  the  Creek  warriors  drove  in  the 
sentinels,  and  vigorously  charged  the  left  flank.  The  assault  was  bravely 
given,  bravely  received,  and  the  battle  was  maintained  with  great  spirit 
on  both  sides  for  half  an  hour.  When  light  broke,  a  general  charge 
forced  the  Muscogees  at  every  point,  and  as  the  Indian  allies  joined  in 
the  pursuit,  the  slaughter  was  considerable.  General  Coffee  was  then 
dispatched  with  four  hundred  men  to  destroy  the  Creek  encampment,  but 
found  it  too  strong  and  too  well  garrisoned  to  render  the  attempt  prudent. 
He  therefore  returned  to  the  camp. 

"  Half  an  hour  after  his  return,  a  party  of  the  enemy  attacked  the 
picket  guard  on  the  right  flank,  as  a  feint  to  draw  the  attention  of  the 
whites  thither,  and  thus  make  them  expose  the  left  wing.  The  savages 
were  disappointed.  General  Jackson  ordered  General  Coffee  to  defend 
the  right  with  the  assistance  of  two  hundred  of  the  Indian  allies,  and 
repaired  himself  to  the  left  wing.  The  shock  of  the  enemy  here  was 
sudden  and  violent,  but  it  was  sustained  with  a  gallantry  not  to  have  been 
expected  in  raw  recruits.  The  Creeks  maintained  the  battle  after  the 
fashion  of  their  ancestors,  availing  themselves  of  every  cover  afforded  by 
the  broken  ground,  lying  down  to  load  and  rising  to  fire.  After  a  few 
vollies,  the  left  wing  again  charged,  the  Muscogees  again  fled,  and  were 
again  pursued;  but  in  the  mean  time  General  Coffee  was  hard  pressed, 
the  Indians  directed  to  aid  him,  having  mistaken  their  orders.  By  some 
misapprehension  not  explained,  only  fifty  men  followed  him  to  repel  the 
first  attack,  and  he  found  the  enemy  posted  to  great  advantage.  They 
occupied  a  grove  of  pines  intermingled  with  brushwood,  forming  as  good 
a  cover  as  an  Indian  warrior  could  desire.  He  ordered  his  men  to  dis- 
mount and  charge  them,  and  they  Avere  driven  to  the  bank  of  a  stream, 
where  they  concealed  themselves  among  the  reeds,  whence  he  could  not 
dislodge  them.  He  then  retired,  and  the  Indians  rfgain  emerged  from 
their  cover,  and  engaged  him  on  more  equal  terms.  Happily  for  him, 
their  number  was  not  great,  and  he  was  able  to  stand  his  ground  till 
General  Jackson  ordered  Jem  Fife,  the  chief  of  the  friendly  Creeks,  to 
go  to  his  assistance  with  a  hundred  and  fifty  warriors.  It  was  promptly 
done.  General  Coffee  and  the  Creek  chief  charged  in  concert,  and  the 
enemy  broke,  losing  forty-five  men  in  the  charge  and  pursuit. 

"  Having  buried  the  dead  and  attended  to  the  wounded,  the  camp  was 
fortified ;  for  the  Muscogee  operations  had  been  so  well  planned,  and 
they  had  fought  with  so  much  determination,  that  there  was  reason  to 
believe  they  would  not  let  the  matter  rest  thus.  No  attack  occurred 
during  the  night,  and  in  the  morning  the  army  commenced  its  retreat  to 
Fort  Strother.  Through  the  day  they  were  not  molested,  but  the  spies 


JACKSON.  285 

reported  that  the  enemy  hovered  on  the  flanks  and  rear.  This  induced 
the  chief  to  believe  he  should  be  attacked  in  the  night,  or  that  an 
ambush  would  be  prepared  for  him.  Nevertheless,  this  night  also  passed 
without  alarm. 

"  There  was  a  defile  in  front  between  two  hills,  where  a  small  stream 
was  to  be  crossed,  a  place  every  way  fit  for  an  ambuscade,  and  admirably 
adapted  to  the  peculiar  warfare  of  the  Indians.  To  avoid  being  taken  here 
at  a  disadvantage,  the  General  resolved  to  pass  the  stream  at  another  ford, 
where  there  was  nothing  to  obstruct  the  evolutions  or  fire  of  his  troops. 
Before  the  enemy  was  aware  of  this  change  of  route,  the  advanced 
guard,  the  wounded,  and  a  part  of  the  centre  division  had  crossed  the 
stream.  The  single  piece  of  artillery  had  just  entered  the  ford  when 
the  battle  cry  of  the  Muscogees  was  heard  behind,  and  the  rear  guard 
was  charged.  The  General  had  taken  his  measures  to  repel  such  an 
assault  wisely.  The  rear  column  had  received  orders  to  stand  fast,  while 
the  right  and  left  column  should  wheel  on  their  pivot,  recross  the  stream 
above  and  below,  and  fall  upon  the  flanks  and  rear  of  the  enemy.  For 
once,  he  had  overrated  the  firmness  of  his  men,  and  this  had  like  to  have 
been  the  last  of  his  battles.  The  rear  guard  gave  way,  on  receiving  the 
attack,  and  retired  upon  the  rear  division,  the  right  and  left  columns  of 
which  broke  in  confusion,  drawing  with  them  a  part  of  the  centre  column. 
Twenty-five  men  only  maintained  their  ground,  while  an  appalling  con- 
fusion and  consternation  pervaded  the  rest  of  the  army.  In  such  circum- 
stances, it  is  indeed  wonderful  that  the  whole  army  was  not  utterly 
destroyed. 

"  The  enemy's  balls  fell  thick  and  fast  on  the  American  ranks.  Cap- 
tain Hamilton  had  fallen,  Captains  Bradford  and  McGavock  were  down, 
Lieutenant  Armstrong  of  the  artillery  had  but  life  left  to  beg  his  men  to 
save  his  cannon,  and  many  more  of  inferior  degree  gave  up  their  lives 
here.  The  Muscogees  were  swarming  like  bees  to  the  attack,  and  there 
were  none  to  withstand  them  but  the  left  wing,  the  artillery  men,  a  com- 
pany of  spies,  and  a  few  that  remained  of  the  rear  guard.  The  artille- 
rists ascended  the  bank  with  the  most  determined  obstinacy,  loaded  their 
gun  under  a  shower  of  lead,  and  sent  repeated  charges  of  grape  among 
the  savages.  The  company  of  spies  turned  the  left  flank  of  the  enemy, 
and  frustrated  a  charge  they  were  about  to  make  on  the  cannon.  Many 
instances  of  individual  bravery  occurred  in  this  close  and  desperate 
conflict,  in  which  the  spies  and  artillerists  earned  all  praise.  They  kept 
the  enemy  at  bay,  while  the  General,  by  dint  of  strenuous  exertion, 
restored  order  in  his  broken  ranks.  The  Muscogees  at  last  fled,  throwing 
off  all  incumbrances  that  could  retard  their  flight. 

"  In  these  three  several  battles,  the  Muscogees  fought  with  a  courage 
worthy  of  a  better  fate,  and  their  loss  was  accordingly  severe.  One 
hundred  and  ninety  dead  were  found  on  the  fields  they  abandoned  ; 
and  if  we  consider  that  no  thorough  search  was  made,  and  that  it  is  the 
practice  of  Indians  to  carry  off  and  conceal  their  slain,  we  must  believe 
the  number  of  their  killed  was  double  what  it  appeared.  Their  spirits 
were  depressed  by  the  success  of  this  sanguinary  onslaught,  and  they  did 
not  further  harass  the  army  on  its  return  to  Fort  Strother.  Shortly 


286  JACKSON. 

after,  they  attacked  General  Floyd,  but  were  repulsed  with  considerable 
loss."* 

The  army  encamped,  on  the  night  of  the  26th,  within  three  miles  of 
Fort  Strother.  General  Jackson  having  now  terminated  this  triumphant 
campaign,  and  hearing  that  fresh  troops  might  be  expected  from  Tennes- 
see, where  the  news  of  his  success  had  much  effect,  determined  to 
discharge  his  troops.  After  detaining  his  late  volunteers,  therefore,  a 
short  time,  to  complete  boats  for  the  transportation  of  his  camp  equipage 
and  provisions  down  the  Coosa,  he  directed  them  to  be  marched  home, 
and  there  to  be  honorably  dismissed. 

The  thirty-ninth  regiment  of  Tennessee  militia,  about  six  hundred 
strong,  arrived  on  the  6th  of  February.  The  troops  from  the  second 
division,  under  Brigadier  General  Johnson,  arrived  on  the  14th ;  which, 
added  to  the  other  forces,  constituted  about  five  thousand  efficient  men. 
The  execution  of  a  private,  named  John  Woods,  who  had  been  sentenced 
by  a  court  martial,  on  the  charge  of  mutiny,  took  place  about  this  time. 
The  guilt  of  the  man  has  since  been  disputed,  and  the  necessity  of  the 
punishment  is  very  questionable. 

Insubordination  and  discontent  were  again  prevailing  among  the  troops 
in  consequence  of  a  deficiency  of  provisions.  Every  thing  seemed  to 
move  in  opposition  to  the  wishes  of  Jackson.  The  East  Tennessee 
brigade  had  already  manifested  symptoms  of  revolt,  and  it  was  ascer- 
tained that  this  mutinous  spirit  had  been  inflamed  by  General  Cocke, 
who,  it  appears,  was  jealous  of  the  increasing  fame  of  Jackson,  nnd 
wished  nothing  so  much  as  to  arrest  the  intended  campaign.  Genoi'.J 
Jackson,  at  length,  by  constant  and  unremitted  exertions,  obtained  such 
supplies  as  he  believed  would  be  necessary  to  enable  him  to  proceed. 
At  the  mouth  of  Cedar  Creek  he  established  Fort  Williams.  On  the 
24th  of  March,  1814,  leaving  a  sufficient  force  for  the  protection  of  the 
fort,  under  Brigadier  General  Johnson,  he  set  out  for  the  Tallapoosa,  by 
the  way  of  Emuckfaw.  His  whole  effective  force  was  something  less 
than  three  thousand  men.  At  ten  in  the  morning  of  the  27th,  after  a 
march  of  fifty-two  miles,  he  reached  the  village  of  Tohopeka.  The 
enemy  had  collected  here,  in  considerable  numbers,  to  give  him  battle. 
The  warriors  from  Oakfusky,  Hillabee,  Eufalee,  and  New  Youcka, 
amounting  to  nearly  one  thousand  two  hundred,  were  at  this  place  await- 
ing his  approach.  They  had  chosen  an  admirable  spot  for  defence. 
Situated  in  a  bend  of  the  river,  which  almost  surrounded  it,  it  was 
accessible  only  by  a  narrow  neck  of  land.  This  they  had  strove  to  ren- 
der impregnable,  by  placing  large  timbers  and  trunks  of  trees  horizontally 
on  each  other,  leaving  but  a  single  place  for  entrance.  From  a  double 
row  of  port-holes,  they  were  enabled  to  fire  in  perfect  security  behind  it. 
General  Coffee,  Avith  mounted  infantry  and  friendly  Indians,  had  been 
dispatched,  early  in  the  morning,  to  encircle  the  bend,  and  manoeuvre  in 
such  a  way,  as  to  divert  the  savages  from  the  real  point  of  attack.  He 
was  particularly  directed  to  prevent  their  escape  to  the  opposite  shore  in 
their  canoes,  with  which,  it  was  represented,  the  whole  shore  was  lined. 

*  Memoir  of  Jackson,  by  a  Freeman. 


JACKSON.  287 

The  General  posted  the  test  of  his  army  in  front  of  the  breastwork.  He 
began  to  batter  their  breastworks  with  his  cannon.  Muskets  and  rifles 
were  used,  as  the  Indians  occasionally  showed  themselves.  The  signals, 
which  were  to  announce  that  General  Coffee  had  gained  his  destination, 
were  given.  The  soldiers  hailed  it  with  acclamations,  and  advanced 
with  the  intrepidity  of  veterans.  The  thirty-ninth  regiment,  led  on  by 
their  skilful  commander,  Colonel  Williams,  and  the  brave,  but  ill-fated, 
Major  Montgomery,  and  the  militia,  amidst  a  sheet  of  fire  that  poured 
upon  them,  rushed  forward  to  the  rampart.  Here  an  obstinate  and 
destructive  conflict  ensued*  In  firing  through  the  port-holes  on  either 
side,  many  of  the  enemy's  balls  were  welded  between  the  muskets  and 
bayonets  of  our  soldiers.  At  this  moment,  Major  Montgomery  leaping 
on  the  rampart,  called  to  his  men  to  follow  him.  Scarcely  had  he  spoken, 
when  he  was  shot  through  the  head,  and  fell. 

Our  troops  had  now  scaled  the  ramparts,  and  the  savages  fled  before 
them,  concealing  themselves  under  the  brush  and  timber,  which  abounded 
in  the  peninsula,  whence  they  still  continued  a  galling  fire.  Here  they 
were  charged  and  dislodged.  Their  next  alternative  was  their  canoes  ; 
but  they  perceived  that  a  part  of  the  army  lined  the  opposite  shore,  and 
precluded  escape  in  that  quarter.  They,  that  still  survived  the  conflict, 
leaped  down  the  banks,  and  took  shelter  behind  the  trees,  which  had  been 
felled  from  their  margin. '  An  interpreter  with  a  flag  here  approached 
them,  to  propose  a  surrender ;  but  he  was  fired  upon  and  severely  wounded 
in  the  breast.  Orders  were  now  given  to  dislodge  them.  The  brush 
and  trees  about  them  were  set  on  fire  by  lighted  torches,  thrown  down 
among  them,  and  the  blaze  drove  them  from  their  hiding  places,  and 
exposed  them  to  view.  The  slaughter  continued  until  night  concealed 
the  combatants  from  one  another.  A  few  of  the  savages,  who  had  avoided 
the  havoc  of  the  day,  escaped  under  the  shelter  of  night.  The  friendly 
Indians  contributed  much  to  the  completeness  of  the  victory.  Several 
of  the  Cherokees  and  Russell's  spies  swam  across  the  river  in  the  heat 
of  the  action,  and  fired  the  Indian  town  in  the  rear  of  the  foe. 

This  battle  gave  a  death-blow  to  the  hopes  of  the  hostile  Indians,  and 
they  did  not  afterwards  venture  to  make  any  decided  stand.  Their  best 
and  their  bravest  fell.  Few  escaped  the  carnage.  Many  were  thrown 
into  the  river  while  the  battle  raged.  Many  were  destroyed  by  Coffee's 
brigade  in  endeavoring  to  cross  it ;  and  five  hundred  and  fifty-seven  were 
found  dead  on  the  field.  Among  the  slain  were  three  of  the  prophf^". 
These  impostors  inflamed  the  delusive  confidence  of  the  savages  to  the 
last.  Monohoe,  one  of  the  chief  of  them,  fell  with  a  cannon  shot  in  his 
mouth,  at  the  very  moment  when  uttering  his  incantations,  and  urging 
them  to  stand  to  the  fighu  Four  men  only,  and  three  hundred  women 
and  children,  were  taken  prisoners.  The  small  number  of  men  who 
surrendered  proves,  in  an  impressive  manner,  the  desperation  with  which 
they  fought.  The  assault  by  the  troops  from  East  Tennessee  upon  the 
Hillabee  clans,  after  they  had  sued  for  peace  on  our  own  terms,  had 
caused  them  to  relinquish  all  dependence  upon  our  humanity,  and  to  rely 
solely  upon  their  own  bravery  and  despair.  Our  loss,  including  the  friendly 
Indians,  was  fifty-five  killed,  and  one  hundred  and  forty-six  wounded. 


288  JACKSON. 

The  General  sunk  his  dead  in  the  river ;  for  he  had  found  by  experi- 
ence, that  when  they  were  buried,  the  savages  exhumed  the  bodies,  strip- 
ped and  scalped  them,  and  exhibited  the  scalps  to  their  own  people,  as 
trophies  of  victory,  thus  encouraging  them  to  prolong  the  war.  Having 
made  the  necessary  arrangements  for  the  transportation  of  the  wounded, 
he  returned  safely  to  Fort  Williams. 

Learning  that  the  enemy  were  collected  in  considerable  numbers  at 
Hoithlewalee,  a  town  not  far  from  the  Hickory  ground,  Jackson  was 
desirous  to  retommence  operations  as  soon  as  possible.  On  the  7th,  with 
all  his  disposable  force,  he  commenced  his  march,  with  the  double  view 
of  effecting  an  union  with  some  troops  from  North  Carolina  and  Georgia, 
who  were  south  of  Tallapoosa,  and  not  far  distant,  and  of  attacking  the 
enemy  at  Hoithlewalee,  on  his  route.  It  was  some  time  before  he  could 
procure  confidential  messengers,  to  convey  to  the  expected  troops  infor- 
mation of  his  proposed  movements.  He  wrote  by  expresses,  sent  on  two 
different  routes,  that  on  the  7th,  he  should  march  with  eight  days'  pro- 
visions for  Hoithlewalee,  which  he  intended  to  attack  on  the  llth  ;  and  he 
urged  the  necessity  of  proper  concert  on  their  part,  to  meet  this  movement. 
High  waters  prevented  his  reaching  his  destination  until  the  13th,  before 
which  tho  enemy  had  fled.  The  rear,  however,  of  the  retreating  savages 
were  overtaken,  and  twenty-five  of  them  made  prisoners. 

The  next  day,  the  long  desired  junction  with  the  southern  army  was 
effected.  The  Tennessee  troops  were  sorely  pressed  for  food.  Colonel 
Milton,  who  commanded  the  southern  army,  proposed  to  lend  General 
Jackson  a  temporary  supply,  but  felt  himself  under  no  obligation  to 
furnish  any.  To  this  the  General  replied,  by  ordering  him  to  send 
immediately  five  thousand  rations,  and  to  join  him  by  ten  the  next  day  at 
Hoithlewalee.  The  junction  was  accordingly  made.  The  necessary 
steps  were  taken  to  bring  down  provisions  from  Fort  Decatur,  and  no 
further  inconvenience  was  experienced  from  want  of  supplies. 

The  principal  chiefs  of  the  Hickory  ground  tribes,  and  the  Creek  chiefs 
generally,  came  in  with  protestations  of  friendship,  and  sued  for  peace. 
The  answer  was,  that  those  of  the  war  party,  who  wished  to  put  an  end 
to  the  contest,  and  become  friendly,  must  manifest  it  by  retiring  in  the 
rear  of  the  army,  and  settling  themselves  to  the  north  of  Fort  Williams. 
Fourteen  chiefs  were  willing  to  furnish  still  further  evidence  of  their 
desire  for  peace.  They  assured  the  General,  that  their  aged  king,  Tous- 
hatchee,  would  have  come  with  them  in  person,  but  was  on  his  way  with 
his  followers,  to  settle  north  of  Fort  Williams,  according  to  the  informa- 
tion which  he  had  received  from  the  General  by  a  flag. 

It  was  expected  that  the  Indians  would  make  a  desperate  stand  at  the 
Hickjry  grounds,  in  the  forks  near  where  the  Coosa  and  Tallapoosa 
unite.  The  army  were  about  to  proceed  on  its  march  to  this  place,  when 
it  was  announced  to  the  General,  that  Colonel  Milton's  brigade,  which 
had  lately  united  with  him,  was  not  in  a  situation  to  move.  During  the 
previous  night  some  of  his  wagon  horses  having  strayed  off,  persons  had 
been  sent  in  pursuit,  and  were  expected  shortly  to  return  with  them ; 
when,  it  was  reported,  he  would  be  ready  to  take  up  the  line  of  march. 
To  Jackson,  this  was  a  reason  for  delaying  the  operations  of  an  army, 


JACKSON.  289 

which  as  yet  he  had  never  learned,  and  by  which  he  had  never  been 
influenced.  He  had,  indeed,  been  frequently  made  to  halt,  though  from 
very  different  causes  ;  from  murmurs,  discontents,  and  starvation  in  his 
camp.  He  replied  to  the  Colonel's  want  of  preparation,  by  telling  him, 
that,  in  the  progress  of  his  own  difficulties,  he  had  discovered  a  very 
excellent  mode  of  expediting  wagons,  even  without  horses  ;  and  that,  if 
he  would  detail  him  twenty  men  from  his  brigade,  for  every  wagon  deficient 
in  horses,  he  would  guaranty  their  safe  arrival  at  their  place  of  destination. 
Rather  than  subject  his  men  to  such  drudgery,  the  Colonel  preferred  tc 
dismount  some  of  his  dragoons,  and  thus  avoided  the  necessity  of  halting 
the  army  until  his  lost  teams  should  arrive. 

The  army  continued  its  march  without  meeting  any  thing  to  impede 
it.  At  the  old  Toulosse  fort  on  the  Coosa,  a  fort  was  directed  to  be  raised, 
to  be  named  after  the  commanding  General.  Here  the  hostile  chiefs 
arrived  daily,  with  proffers  of  submission.  They  concurred  in  their 
statements,  that  those  of  the  hostile  chiefs,  who  were  still  opposed  to 
peace,  had  fled  to  the  gulf  coast  and  Pensacola.  To  these  applications, 
an  answer  was  returned  similar  to  the  former. 

To  put  their  friendly  professions,  which  he  distrusted,  at  once  to  the  test, 
Jackson  directed  them  to  bring  Weatherford  to  his  camp,  confined,  that  he 
might  be  dealt  with  as  he  deserved.  This  man  was  one  of  the  first  chiefs  of 
the  nation,  and  had  been  a  principal  actor  in  the  butchery  at  Fort  Mimms. 
Learning  from  the  chiefs  what  had  been  required  of  mem  by  Jackson,  he 
determined  to  proceed  to  his  camp,  and  make  a  voluntary  surrender  of  him- 
self. Having  reached  it,  without  being  known,  and  obtained  admission  to 
the  General's  quarters,  he  fearlessly  stood  in  his  presence,  and  told  him  he 
was  Weatherford,  the  chief  who  had  commanded  at  Fort  Mimms,  and  that, 
desiring  peace  for  himself  and  for  his  people,  he  had  come  to  ask  it. 
Somewhat  surprised  that  one  who  so  richly  merited  punishment  should 
so  sternly  demand  the  protection  which  had  been  extended  to  others, 
Jackson  replied  to  him,  that  he  was  astonished  he  should  venture  to 
appear  in  his  presence ;  that  he  was  not  ignorant  of  his  having  been  at 
Fort  Mimms,  nor  of  his  inhuman  conduct  there,  for  which  he  well  de- 
served to  die.  "  I  had  directed,"  continued  he,  "  that  you  should  be 
brought  to  me  confined  ;  and  had  you  appeared  in  that  way,  I  should  have 
known  how  to  have  treated  you." 

Weatherford  replied,  "  I  am  in  your  power — do  with  me  as  you  please. 
I  am  a  soldier  ;  I  have  done  the  white  people  all  the  harm  I  could ;  I 
have  fought  them,  and  fought  them  bravely ;  if  I  had  an  army,  I  would 
yet  fight,  and  contend  to  the  last :  but  I  have  none ;  my  people  are  all 
gone.  I  can  now  do  no  more  than  weep  over  the  misfortunes  of  my 
nation."  Moved  at  the  firm  and  high  toned  manner  of  this  child  of  the 
forest,  Jackson  informed  him,  that  he  did  not  solicit  him  to  lay  down  his 
arms,  or  to  become  peaceable  :  "  The  terms  on  which  your  nation  can  be 
saved,  and  peace  restored,  have  already  been  disclosed  :  in  this  way,  and 
none  other,  can  you  obtain  safety."  If,  however,  he  desired  still  to  con- 
tinue the  war,  and  felt  himself  prepared  to  meet  the  consequences,  although 
he  was  then  completely  in  his  power,  no  advantage  should  be  taken  of 
that  circumstance ;  he  was  at  perfect  liberty  to  retire,  and  unite  himself 
37 


290  JACKSON. 

with  the  war  party,  if  he  pleased  ;  but,  when  taken,  his  life  should  pay 
the  forfeit  of  his  deeds  ;  if  this  were  not  desired,  he  might  remain  where 
he  was,  and  should  be  protected. 

Nothing  dismayed,  Weatherford  answered,  that  he  desired  peace,  that 
his  nation  might,  in  some  measure,  be  relieved  from  their  sufferings ;  that, 
independent  of  other  misfortunes,  growing  out  of  a  state  of  war,  their 
cattle  and  grain  were  all  wasted  and  destroyed,  and  their  women  and 
children  left  destitute  of  provisions.  "  But,"  continued  he,  "  I  may  be 
well  addressed  in  such  language  now.  There  was  a  time  when  I  had  a 
choice,  and  could  have  answered  you  :  I  have  none  now — even  hope  has 
ended.  Once  I  could  animate  my  warriors  to  battle ;  but  I  cannot  animate 
the  dead.  My  warriors  can  no  longer  hear  my  voice  :  their  bones  are  at 
Talladega,  Tallushatchee,  Emuckfaw,  and  Tohopeka.  I  have  not  sur- 
rendered myself  thoughtlessly.  Whilst  there  were  chances  of  success, 
I  never  left  my  post,  nor  supplicated  peace.  But  my  people  are  gone, 
and  I  now  ask  it  for  my  nation,  and  for  myself.  On  the  miseries  and 
misfortunes  brought  upon  my  country,  I  look  back  with  deepest  sorrow, 
and  wish  to  avert  still  greater  calamities.  If  I  had  been  left  to  contend 
with  the  Georgia  army,  I  would  have  raised  my  corn  on  one  bank  of  the 
river,  and  fought  them  on  the  other;  but  your  people  have  destroyed  my 
nation.  You  are  a  brave  man  :  I  rely  upon  your  generosity.  You  will 
exact  no  terms  of  a  conquered  people  but  such  as  they  should  accede  to : 
whatever  they  may  be,  it  would  now  be  madness  and  folly  to  oppose.  If 
they  are  opposed,  you  shall  find  me  amongst  the  sternest  enforcers  of 
obedience.  Those  who  would  still  hold  out  can  be  influenced  only  by  a 
mean  spirit  of  revenge  ;  and  to  this  they  must  not,  and  shall  not,  sacrifice 
the  last  remnant  of  their  country.  You  have  told  our  nation  where  we 
might  go,  and  be  safe.  This  is  a  good  talk,  and  my  nation  ought  to  listen 
to  it.  They  shall  listen  to  it." 

Such  were  the  words  of  Weatherford.  The  independent  and  lofty 
course  which  he  afterwards  pursued,  left  no  doubt  of  the  sincerity  of  his 
intentions.  Parties  were  now  sent  out  to  enforce  submission,  but  they  were 
useless.  The  few  Creeks  who  still  remained  hostile,  had  indeed  retired 
into  Florida.  Such  of  the  Muscogees  as  had  joined  the  Americans 
against  their  brethren  were  now  disposed  to  wreak  their  fury  on  the  van- 
quished party,  especially  those  who  had  been  present  at  the  massacre  of 
Fort  Mimms.  On  one  occasion  they  destroyed  a  small  party  who  were 
on  their  way  to  the  camp,  with  the  intention  of  submitting.  General 
Jackson  took  measures  to  remedy  these  disorders,  and  having  established 
a  line  of  posts  from  Tennessee  to  the  Alabama  river,  he  marched  his 
troops  home  and  discharged  them. 

In  reviewing  the  Creek  war,  humanity  must  often  recoil  from  the  con- 
templation of  the  misery  and  ruin  inflicted  upon  the  deluded  savages. 
That  long  forbearance,  however,  had  been  extended  towards  them  on  our 
side,  cannot  be  disputed.  For  more  than  twenty  years,  the  Creeks  had 
been  perpetrating  cruelties  and  murders  along  our  frontiers.  In  the  war 
between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  they  believed  themselves 
to  be  allied  Avith  an  invincible  power.  Successive  defeats  at  last  dispelled 
this  illusion.  Their  courage  was  broken  down,  along  with  their  power, 


JACKSON.  291 

and  it  may  confidently  be  hoped,  that  they  will  never  again,  as  a  nation, 
raise  the  tomahawk  against  us,  within  the  limits  of  our  country. 

On  the  22d  of  May,  1814,  General  Jackson  received  the  appointment  of 
U.  S.  Major  General.  He  was  also  associated  with  the  commissioners, 
for  forming  a  treaty  of  peace  and  of  limits  with  the  Creek  Indians.  In 
defining  the  extent  of  territory  to  be  conceded  to  the  Creeks,  there  was 
no  inconsiderable  difficulty.  It  was  increased  by  the  intrigues  of  the 
Cherokee  nation,  who  seemed  to  expect,  as  the  price  of  their  friendship 
during  the  war,  a  considerable  portion  of  country,  never  before  attached 
to  their  claim.  The  demands  of  our  government  were  stated  by  General 
Jackson.  They  were  canvassed  by  the  Creeks  in  council,  and  the  nation 
decided  against  them.  The  Big  Warrior,  one  of  their  leading  orators 
during  the  war,  had  been  friendly  to  the  United  States.  He  replied  to 
General  Jackson  in  the  following  manner : 

"  The  President,  our  father,  advises  us  to  honesty  and  fairness,  and 
promises  that  justice  shall  be  done  :  I  hope  and  trust  it  will  be !  I  made 
this  war,  which  has  proved  so  fatal  to  my  country,  that  the  treaty  entered 
into  a  long  time  ago,  with  father  Washington,  might  not  be  broken.  To 
his  friendly  arm  I  hold  fast.  I  will  never  break  that  bright  chain  of 
friendship  we  made  together,  and  which  bound  us  to  stand  to  the  United 
States.  He  was  a  father  to  the  Muscoga  people ;  and  not  only  to  them, 
but  to  all  the  people  beneath  the  sun.  His  talk  I  now  hold  in  my  hand. 
There  sits  the  agent  he  sent  among  us.  Never  has  he  broken  the  treaty. 
He  has  lived  with  us  a  long  time.  He  has  seen  our  children  born,  who 
now  have  children.  By  his  direction  cloth  was  wove,  and  clothes  were 
made,  and  spread  through  our  country ;  but  the  Red  Sticks  came,  and 
destroyed  all, — we  have  none  now.  Hard  is  our  situation,  and  you  ought 
to  consider  it.  I  state  what  all  the  nation  knows :  nothing  will  I  keep 
secret. 

"  There  stands  the  Little  Warrior.  While  we  were  seeking  to  give 
satisfaction  for  the  murders  that  had  been  committed,  he  proved  a  mischief- 
maker  ;  he  went  to  the  British  on  the  Lakes  ;  he  came  back,  and  brought 
a  package  to  the  frontiers,  which  increased  the  murders  here.  This 
conduct  has  already  made  the  war  party  to  suffer  greatly :  but,  although 
almost  destroyed,  they  will  not  yet  open  their  eyes,  but  are  still  led  away 
by  the  British  at  Pensacola.  Not  so  with  us  :  we  were  rational,  and  had 
our  senses — we  yet  are  so.  In  the  war  of  the  revolution,  our  father  be- 
yond the  waters  encouraged  us  to  join  him,  and  we  did  so.  We  had  no 
sense  then.  The  promises  he  made  were  never  kept.  We  were  young 
and  foolish,  and  fought  with  him.  The  British  can  no  more  persuade  us 
to  do  wrong :  they  have  deceived  us  once,  and  can  deceive  us  no  more. 
You  are  two  great  people.  If  you  go  to  war,  we  will  have  no  concern 
in  it ;  for  we  are  not  able  to  fight.  We  wish  to  be  at  peace  with  every 
nation.  If  they  offer  me  arms,  I  will  say  to  them,  You  put  me  in  danger, 
to  war  against  a  people  born  in  our  own  land.  They  shall  never  force 
us  into  danger.  You  shall  never  see  that  our  chiefs  are  boys  in  council, 
who  will  be  forced  to  do  any  thing.  I  talk  thus,  knowing  that  father 
Washington  advised  us  never  to  interfere  in  wars.  He  told  us  that  those 
in  peace  were  the  happiest  people.  He  told  us  that,  if  an  enemy  attacked 


292  JACKSON. 

him,  he  had  warriors  enough,  and  did  not  wish  his  red  children  to  help 
him.  If  the  British  advise  us  to  any  thing,  I  will  tell  you — not  hide  it 
from  you.  If  they  say  we  must  fight,  I  will  tell  them,  No !" 

"  You  know,"  said  Jackson  in  reply,  "  that  the  portion  of  country,  which 
you  desire  to  retain,  is  that  through  which  the  intruders  and  mischief-ma- 
kers from  the  lakes  reached  you,  and  urged  your  nation  to  those  acts  of  vio- 
lence, that  have  involved  your  people  in  wretchedness,  and  your  country  in 
ruin.  Through  it  leads  the  path  Tecumseh  trod,  when  he  came  to  visit  you : 
that  path  must  be  stopped.  Until  this  be  done,  your  nation  cannot  expect 
happiness,  nor  mine  security.  I  have  already  told  you  the  reasons  for 
demanding  it :  they  are  such  as  ought  not — cannot  be  departed  from. 
This  evening  must  determine  whether  or  not  you  are  disposed  to  become 
friendly.  By  rejecting  the  treaty,  you  will  show  that  you  are  the  enemies 
of  the  United  States — enemies  even  to  yourselves."  He  admitted  it  to  be 
true,  that  the  war  was  not  ended,  yet  that  this  was  an  additional  reason 
why  the  cession  should  be  made ;  that  then  a  line  would  be  drawn,  by 
which  his  soldiers  would  be  enabled  to  know  their  friends.  "  When  our 
armies,"  continued  he,  "  came  here,  the  hostile  party  haji  even  stripped 
you  of  your  country :  we  retook  it,  and  now  offer  to  restore  it — theirs  we 
propose  to  retain.  Those  who  are  disposed  to  give  effect  to  the  treaty 
will  sign  it.  They  will  be  within  our  territory  ;  will  be  protected  and 
fed ;  and  no  enemy  of  theirs,  or  ours,  shall  molest  them.  Those  who 
are  opposed  to  it  shall  have  permission  to  retire  to  Pensacola.  Here  is 
the  paper  :  take  it,  and  show  the  President  who  are  his  friends.  Consult, 
and  this  evening  let  me  know  who  will  assent  to  it,  and  who  will  not. 
I  do  not  wish,  nor  will  I  attempt,  to  force  any  of  you — act  ns  you  think 
proper." 

The  Indians  deliberated,  and  at  last  signed  the  treaty.  The  line  of 
cession  began,  where  the  Cherokee  boundary  crossed  the  Coosa,  to  run 
down  that  river  to  the  Big  Falls,  and  thence  eastwardly  to  Georgia. 
The  country  remaining  to  the  Indians,  was  east  and  north  of  this  line, 
and  contained  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  square  miles.  The  country 
ceded  to  the  United  States  was  west  and  north  of  these  limits.  A  large 
and  valuable  body  of  lands  was  included,  known  in  the  west  by  the  name 
of  "  Jackson's  Purchase."  It  immediately  began  to  be  settled  with  great 
rapidity.  But  as  soon  as  the  treaty  was  signed,  the  Chickasaws,  Choc- 
taws,  and  Cherokees  set  up  claims,  each  to  their  particular  share  of  the 
ceded  lands.  The  government  at  length  purchased  the  title  of  these 
people,  at  the  expense  of  about  three  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars. 

General  Jackson  had  now  leisure  to  extend  his  thoughts  to  Florida. 
It  had  always  been  his  aim,  at  the  termination  of  the  Creek  war,  to  push 
through  their  country,  to  the  last  den  of  retreat,  and  Destroy  every  source 
of  contention.  It  was  clearly  understood,  that  the  Spanish  Governor  of 
the  Floridas  had  forfeited  all  claim  to  his  professed  neutral  character,  by 
the  supplies  of  munitions  and  aid,  so  liberally  furnished  to  the  hostile 
Indians. 

During  his  journey  to  Alabama,  General  Jackson  received  information 
that  about  three  hundred  British  troops  had  landed,  and  were  fortifying 
themselves  at  the  mouth  of  the  Apalachicola;  and  were  endeavoring  to 


JACKSON.  293 

excite  the  Indians  to  war.  He  immediately  acquainted  the  government 
of  the  fact,  and  requested  permission  to  make  a  descent  upon  Pensacola, 
and  reduce  it.  He  received  an  answer,  but  not  until  long  after  he  had 
acted,  on  his  own  responsibility,  in  the  case. 

Jackson  next  wrote  to  the  Spanish  Governor.  His  letter  was  stern 
and  decided :  it  demanded  the  giving  up  the  hostile  Indians  in  his  coun- 
try. The  reply  to  this  letter  was  received  after  much  delay.  The 
Governor  denied  some  of  the  charges,  and  endeavored  to  palliate  others, 
by  accusing  our  government  of  having  harbored  traitors  from  the  Mexican 
provinces,  and  of  countenancing  pirates  who  plundered  Spanish  com- 
merce. The  General  answered  this  letter  by  another,  from  which  we 
select  the  following  passages : 

"  Your  excellency  has  been  candid  enough  to  admit  your  having  sup- 
plied the  Indians  with  arms.  In  addition  to  this,  I  have  learned  that  a 
British  flag  has  been  seen  flying  on  one  of  your  forts.  All  this  is  done 
whilst  you  are  pretending  to  be  neutral.  You  cannot  be  surprised,  then 
but  on  the  contrary  will  provide  a  fort  in  your  town  for  my  soldiers  and 
Indians,  should  I  take  it  in  my  head  to  pay  you  a  visit. 

"  In  future  I  beg  you  to  withhold  your  insulting  charges  against  my 
government  for  one  more  inclined  to  listen  to  slander  than  I  am ;  nor 
consider  me  any  more  as  a  diplomatic  character,  unless  so  proclaimed  to 
you  from  the  mouths  of  my  cannon." 

Captain  Gordon,  who  had  been  sent  to  Pensacola,  reported  on  his  return, 
that  he  had  seen  from  one  hundred  and  fifty  to  two  hundred  officers  and 
soldiers,  a  park  of  artillery,  and  »about  five  hundred  Indians,  under  the 
drill  of  British  officers,  armed  with  new  muskets,  and  dressed  in  the 
English  uniform. 

Jackson  directly  laid  before  government  the  information  he  had  receiv- 
ed, and  again  urged  his  favorite  scheme,  the  reduction  ef  Pensacola. 
Many  difficulties  were  presented ;  but  in  order  to  have  every  thing  in 
readiness,  when  the  time  for  action  should  arrive,  he  addressed  the  Gover- 
nors of  Tennessee,  Louisiana,  and  the  Mississippi  Territory,  and  urged 
them  to  lend  all  the  aid  in  their  power.  He  ordered  the  warriors  of  the 
different  tribes  of  Indians  to  be  marshalled,  and  taken  into  the  pay  of  the 
government. 

The  day  after  completing  his  business  at  Fort  Jackson,  he  departed 
for  Mobile,  to  place  the  country  in  a  state  of  defence.  He  dispatched 
Colonel  Butler  to  Tennessee  to  raise  volunteers,  and  ordered  General 
Coffee  to  advance,  with  such  mounted  troops  as  he  could  collect.  Every 
preparation  was  soon  completed,  and  the  troops  set  out  for  their  place  of 
destination. 

General  Jackson  had  not  yet  received  permission  from  government  to 
march  against  Pensacola ;  and  his  design  was  a  secret,  which  was  locked 
up  in  his  own  bosom.  Events  soon  transpired  which  confirmed  him  in  his 
determination.  Colonel  Nicholls,  with  a  small  squadron  of  British  ships, 
arrived  at  Pensacola,  and  took  up  his  quarters  with  Governor  Manrequez. 
He  issued  a  proclamation  for  the  purpose  of  drawing  deserters  from  the 
American  side  to  his  standard;  but  we  are  not  aware  that  he  succeeded 
in  his  attempt.  He  facetiously  stated,  that  the  people  had  been  deprived 


294  JACKSON. 

of  their  rights  and  liberties  "  by  a  contemptible  foe,"  and  that  he  was  at 
the  head  of  a  force,  sufficient  to  reinstate  them  in  their  ancient  posses- 
sions. He  denounced  us  as  in  alliance  with  Napoleon,  of  whom  he  drew 
a  very  melancholy  picture. 

He  waited  two  weeks  to  give  time  for  this  proclamation  to  ferment  in 
the  minds  of  his  readers,  but,  to  his  mortification,  it  finally  went  off  like 
a  cork  from  a  bottle  of  very  flat  beer.  His  first  visit  was  to  Fort  Bowyer, 
commanding  the  entrance  of  Mobile  Bay.  In  an  attack  on  this  fort  the 
Colonel  lost  one  of  his  ships,  and  was  deprived  of  an  eye.  He  found 
that  he  had  been  addressing  a  stubborn  and  stiff-necked  people,  and  re- 
pented, too  late,  of  his  mistake. 

Fort  Bowyer  had  been  put  into  a  state  of  defence  by  General  Jackson, 
who  early  saw  its  importance.  Major  Lawrence  commanded  this  spot. 
His  whole  force  was  but  one  hundred  and  thirty  men.  The  fort  was 
attacked  from  the  sea  by  six  hundred  men,  and  ninety  heavy  guns.  The 
attack  from  the  rear  was  with  a  force  of  four  hundred  Indians  and  other 
troops.  The  enemy  retired  with  the  loss  of  their  best  ship,  and  two 
hundred  and  thirty  men  killed  and  wounded.  The  loss  of  the  Americans 
did  not  exaeed  ten  men. 

The  British  retired  to  Pensacola,  to  refit,  and  prepare  for  a  descent  on 
some  less  guarded  point.  Jackson  now  determined  to  undertake,  on  his 
own  responsibility,  the  capture  of  this  town ;  and  waited  only  for  the 
arrival  of  General  Coffee  with  volunteers,  to  carry  his  determination  into 
effect.  It  was  at  this  time  very  generally  understood  that  a  considerable 
force  was  shortly  to  sail  from  England,  destined  to  act  against  some  part 
of  the  United  States,  most  probably  New  Orleans.  It  was  the  key  to  all 
the  western  country,  and  a  place  of  immense  importance,  in  every  point 
of  view.  It  was  presumptuously  supposed  by  the  English,  that  the 
French  inhabitants  of  Louisiana  would  hail  them  as  restorers  of  the 
legitimate  French  monarchy. 

General  Coffee  arrived  with  the  expected  reinforcements,  and  on  the 
Sdday  of  November,  the  line  of  march  was  taken  up  for  Pensacola.  On  the 
6th,  the  American  army,  consisting  in  all  of  about  three  thousand  men,  ar- 
rived there.  The  British  and  Spaniards  had  been  apprised  of  their  ap- 
proach, and  had  made  preparations  for  resistance.  The  forts  were  garrison- 
ed; batteries  formed  mthe  principal  streets;  and  the  British  vessels, moored 
within  the  bay,  were  so  disposed  as  to  command  the  main  entrances  which 
led  into  Pensacola. 

Previous  to  commencing  the  attack,  Jackson  made  a  further  attempt  at 
negociation.  Major  Piere  was  dispatched  with  a  flag,  to  make  known 
the  required  conditions,  but  he  was  fired  on,  and  compelled  to  return. 
This  outrage  was  committed  under  the  Spanish  flag,  although  the  British 
flag  had  been  associated  with  it  until  the  day  before.  Jackson  did  not 
give  up  his  hopes  of  a  reconciliation.  A  Spanish  officer  had  been  taken 
the  day  before,  and  by  him  he  dispatched  another  letter  to  the  Governor. 
An  answer  was  received,  stating  that  the  above  outrage  was  properly 
chargeable  on  the  English,  and  that  the  Governor  was  ready  to  listen  to 
whatever  overtures  the  American  General  might  make.  On  the  recep- 
tion of  this  answer,  Major  Piere  xwas  dispatched,  at  a  late  hour  of  the 


JACKSON.  295 

night,  to  the  Governor,  with  another  letter,  containing  the  overtures  of 
peace.  In  this  communication,  Jackson  remarks :  "  I  come  not  as  the  ene- 
my of  Spain :  not  to  make  war,  but  to  ask  for  peace ;  to  demand  security 
for  my  country,  and  that  respect  to  which  she  is  entitled,  and  must  receive. 
My  force  is  sufficient,  and  my  determination  taken,  to  prevent  a  future 
repetition  of  the  injuries  she  has  received.  I  demand,  therefore,  the 
possession  of  the  Barrancas,  and  other  fortifications,  with  all  your  muni- 
tions of  war.  If  delivered  peaceably,  the  whole  will  be  receipted  for, 
and  become  the  subject  of  future  arrangement  by  our  respective  govern- 
ments ;  while  the  property,  laws,  and  religion  of  your  citizens  shall  be 
respected.  But  if  taken  by  an  appeal  to  arms,  let  the  blood  of  your 
subjects  be  upon  your  own  head.  I  will  not  hold  myself  responsible  for 
the  conduct  of  my  enraged  soldiers.  One  hour  is  given  you  for  delibe- 
ration, when  your  determination  must  be  had." 

The  propositions  contained  in  this  letter  were  rejected.  Jackson 
immediately  resolved  to  urge  his  army  forward.  Early  on  the  morning 
of  the  7th,  the  troops  were  in  motion.  To  favor  the  idea,  that  he  would 
reach  the  town  by  the  road  along  which  he  had  been  encamped,  the 
General  sent  a  detachment  of  five  hundred  men,  with  orders  to  show 
themselves  in  this  direction,  that  they  might  deceive  the  enemy ;  while 
with  the  strength  of  his  army,  he  rapidly  approached  Pensacola  on  a 
different  quarter.  The  stratagem  succeeded.  The  British  looked  for  his 
appearance  from  the  point  where  the  detachment  was  seen.  They  had 
formed  their  vessels  across  the  bay,  and  were  waiting  his  approach  with 
the  most  praiseworthy  patience.  Suddenly  our  troops  were  descried 
upon  the  beach,  on  the  east  side,  where  it  was  impossible  for  the  flotilla  to 
annoy  them. 

They  pushed  forward,  and  were  soon  in  the  streets,  and  sheltered  by 
the  houses.  One  company  formed  the  advance,  led  by  Captain  Laval, 
who  fell,  severely  wounded,  while  charging  a  Spanish  battery,  formed  in 
the  street.  The  other  divisions  advanced  rapidly  upon  the  town.  Cap- 
tain Laval's  party,  although  deprived  of  their  leader,  forced  the  battery 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  The  Spaniards  had  been  able  to  make  but 
three  fires,  before  they  were  compelled  to  abandon  their  position.  They 
still  discharged,  however,  volleys  of  musketry  from  behind  trie  houses 
and  fences,  until  they  were  dispersed  by  the  arrival  of  the  regulars. 

The  Governor,  bearing  a  flag,  now  hastened  panic-struck  in  search  of 
the  commander.  He  was  met  by  Colonels  Williamson  and  Smith,  at 
the  head  of  dismounted  troops,  and  entreated  that  mercy  might  be  ex- 
tended to  the  city. 

General  Jackson  hastened  to  the  intendant  house,  and  obtained  a  promise 
of  an  immediate  surrender  of  the  town,  the  arsenals,  and  the  muni 
tions  of  war.  No  time  was  lost  in  procuring  a  surrender  of  the  forts. 
Barrancas,  the  most  important,  was  fourteen  miles  west  of  Pensacola. 
Notwithstanding  the  assurances  which  had  been  given,  Fort  St.  Michael 
was  still  withheld ;  nor  was  it  until  a  battery  was  raised  against  it,  that 
the  commandant  ordered  his  flag  to  be  taken  down.  Previously  to  striking 
his  colors,  the  commandant  had  asked  leave  to  discharge  his  guns. 
This  request  was  complied  with ;  but  the  treacherous  Spaniard  coolly 


296  JACKSON. 

fired  his  pieces,  charged  with  grape,  at  a  party  of  dragoons  and  Choctaw 
Indians,  who  were  at  a  short  distance.  By  this  adt  of  perfidy,  three 
horses  were  killed,  and  two  men  wounded.  It  was  a  commendable  piece 
of  forbearance  on  the  part  of  General  Jackson,  and  somewhat  at  variance 
with  his  usual  excitability,  that  he  did  not  punish  the  commandant  with 
a  halter. 

Every  thing  was  in  readiness,  the  next  day,  to  take  possession  of  Bar- 
rancas. Our  troops  were  approaching  the  place,  when  a  tremendous 
explosion  gave  notice  that  all  was  destroyed.  It  was  found  that  the  fort 
had  been  blown  up,  and  that  the  British  shipping  had  retired  from  the 
bay.  On  their  retreat  from  Pensacola,  the  British  carried  off  with  them 
three  or  four  hundred  slaves,  in  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of  the  owners. 
Our  loss  in  the  expedition  was  trifling.  None  were  killed.  About 
twenty  were  wounded,  among  whom  were  Captain  Laval,  and  Lieutenant 
Flournoy. 

The  General  was  now  anxious  to  depart  for  New  Orleans.  His  health 
was  much  impaired,  but  his  fear  that  a  large  fleet  would  soon  appear  on 
the  coast,  impelled  him  to  action.  Colonel  Hayne  was  sent  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Mississippi  on  a  tour  of  examination.  General  Coffee  and  Colonel 
Hinds  were  ordered  to  occupy  a  position  in  the  vicinity  of  New  Orleans. 
Every  thing  being  finally  arranged,  Jackson  left  Mobile  on  the  22d  of 
November,  and  on  the  1st  of  December  established  his  head-quarters  at 
New  Orleans. 

A  correspondence  had  for  some  time  been  carried  on  between  General 
Jackson  and  the  Governor  of  Louisiana,  in  relation  to  the  existing  cir- 
cumstances of  the  State.  It  was  believed  that  little  reliance  could  be 
placed  on  the  great  body  of  the  citizens.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  felt 
not  the  attachment  of  birth  to  the  country ;  while  others  were  indifferent  as 
to  what  power  they  surrendered.  The  requisition  for  troops  had  been 
poorly  answered,  and  many  refused,  after  being  drafted,  to  enter  the  ranks. 
in  one  of  his  letters  to  Governor  Claiborne,  the  General  remarked :  "  I 
regret  to  hear  of  the  discontents  of  your  people :  they  must  not  exist. 
Whoever  is  not  for  us,  is  against  us.  Those  who  are  drafted  must  be 
compelled  to  the  ranks,  or  punished :  it  is  no  time  to  balance :  the  country 
must  be  defended;  and  he  who  refuses  to  aid,  Avhen  called  on,  must  be 
treated  with  severity.  To  repel  the  danger  with  which  \ve  are  assailed, 
requires  all  our  energies,  and  all  our  exertions.  With  union  on  our  side, 
we  shall  be  able  to  drive  our  invaders  back  to  the  ocean.  Summon  all 
your  energy,  and  guard  every  avenue  with  confidential  patroles,  for  spies 
and  traitors  are  swarming  around.  Numbers  will  be  flocking  to  your 
city,  to  gain  information,  and  corrupt  your  citizens.  Every  aid  in  your 
power  must  be  given  to  prevent  vessels  sailing  with  provisions.  By  us 
the  enemy  must  not  be  fed.  Let  none  pass ;  for  on  this  will  depend  our 
safety,  until  we  can  get  a  competent  force  in  the  field,  to  oppose  attack, 
or  become  the  assailants.  We  have  more  to  dread  from  intestine,  than 
open  and  avowed  enemies  :  but  vigilance  on  our  side,  and  all  will  be  safe. 
Remember  our  watchword  is  victory  or  death.  Our  country  must  and 
shall  be  defended.  We  will  enjoy  our  liberty,  or  perish  in  the  last 
ditch." 


JACKSON.  297 

He  forwarded  an  address  to  the  people  of  Louisiana,  in  which  he 
pointed  out  the  course  which  the  present  crisis  required  them  to  adopt, 
and  entreated  them  not  to  be  lured  from  their  fidelity. 

"Your  government,  Louisianians,  is  engaged  in  a  just  and  honorable 
contest,  for  the  security  of  your  individual,  and  her  national  rights.  The 
only  country  on  earth,  where  man  enjoys  freedom,  where  its  blessings 
are  alike  extended  to  the  poor  and  rich,  calls  on  you  to  protect  her  from 
the  grasping  usurpation  of  Britain  : — she  will  not  call  in  vain.  I  know 
that  every  man  whose  bosom  beats  high  at  the  proud  title  of  freeman, 
will  promptly^  obey  her  voice,  and  rally  round  the  eagles  of  his  country, 
resolved  to  rescue  her  from  impending  danger,  or  nobly  to  die  in  her 
defence.  He  who  refuses  to  defend  his  rights,  when  called  on  by  his 
government,  deserves  to  be  a  slave — deserves  to  be  punished  as  an  enemy 
to  his  country — a  friend  to  her  foes." 

In  the  mean  time,  orders  were  issued  by  the  Secretary  of  War  to  the 
Governors  of  the  adjoining  States  to  hasten  forward  their  quotas  of  men 
and  supplies.  Governor  Shelby  of  Kentucky  displayed  his  zeal  by  the 
most  efficient  exertions.  The  troops  from  his  State  were  immediately 
organized,  placed  under  the  command  of  Major-General  Thomas,  and 
dispatched  down  the  Ohio.  Major-General  William  Carroll  commanded 
the  detachment  from  Tennessee.  On  the  19th  of  November,  the  day  ap- 
pointed for  their  rendezvous,  twenty-five  hundred  of  the  yeomanry  of  the 
State  appeared  at  Nashville,  and,  in  eight  days,  embarked  on  board 
their  boats  for  New  Orleans. 

Although  General  Jackson  had  heretofore  been  mainly  dependent  on 
the  militia  for  his  successes,  yet  he  had  but  little  faith  in  their  ability  to 
contend  in  an  open  field,  against  troops  experienced  in  all  the  manoeuvres 
and  stratagems  of  war.  In  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  of  the  20th 
of  November,  1814,  he  observes,  "  Permit  me  to  suggest  a  plan,  which, 
on  a  fair  experiment,  will  do  away  or  lessen  the  expenses,  under  the 
existing  mode  of  calling  militia  forces  into  the  field.  Whenever  there 
happens  to  be  a  deficiency  in  the  regular  force,  in  any  particular  quarter, 
let  the  government  determine  on  the  necessary  number :  this  should  be 
apportioned  among  the  different  States,  agreeably  to  their  respective  re- 
presentations, and  called  into  service  for,  and  during  the  war.  The 
quota  wanted  will,  in  my  opinion,  be  soon  raised  from  premiums  offered 
by  those  who  are  subject  to  militia  duty,  rather  than  be  harassed  by  re- 
peated drafts.  In  the  mean  time,  let  the  present  bounty,  given  by  the 
government,  be  also  continued.  If  this  be  done,  I  will  insure  that  an 
effective  force  shall  soon  appear  in  every  quarter,  amply  sufficient 
for  the  reduction  of  Canada,  and  to  drive  all  our  enemies  from  our 
shores." 

The  Legislature  of  Louisiana  had  been  for  some  weeks  in  session,  but 
had  not  yet  arrived  at  any  definite  decision.  The  arrival  of  Jackson 
infused  new  vigor  into  the  public  measures.  He  reviewed  the  volunteer 
corps  of  the  city,  visited  the  different  forts,  and  inspected  the  avenues  to 
the  city.  The  old  fort  at  the  Balize  was  abandoned,  and  Fort  St.  Philip 
was  put  in  the  best  possible  state  of  defence.  Various  alterations  and 
improvements  were  ordered  to  be  made  in  the  other  forts  along  the 
38 


298  JACKSON. 

river.  Negroes  were  the  only  laborers,  that  in  this  swampy  and  insalu- 
brious clime,  could  be  expected  to  perform  these  labors.  The  planters 
were  appealed  to,  to  furnish  their  slaves. 

The  measures  of  defence  on  Lakes  Borgne  and  Ponchartrain  were 
promptly  carried  into  effect  by  Commodore  Patterson.  Lieutenant  Jones 
with  his  gun-boats  was  sent  to  defend  the  passes,  and  the  communica- 
tion between  the  two  lakes  was  protected  by  a  fort,  under  Captain  Nor- 
man. Guards  and  videttes  were  also  posted  in  different  directions  to 
convey  early  intelligence  of  every  thing  that  passed.  Notwithstanding 
these  precautions,  treachery  at  last  pointed  out  to  the  enemy  a  narrow 
pass,  through  which  they  effected  a  landing,  and  reached  undiscovered 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi. 

As  soon  as  information  was  received,  that  the  English  fleet  were  ap- 
proaching, Lieutenant  Jones,  with  his  gun-boats,  was  ordered  to  recon- 
noitre, and  ascertain  their  disposition  and  force.  On  the  13th  of  De- 
cember, he  discovered  the  enemy  moving  off  in  barges  towards  Pass 
Christian.  He  had  explicit  orders  to  fight  the  enemy  only  at  the  Rigo- 
lets,  which  a  violent  wind  prevented  him  from  reaching.  His  situation 
became  dangerous;  but,  at  a  r.irment  of  extreme  peril,  the  tide,  which  is 
there  very  irregular,  came  suddenly  in,  and  lifting  the  boats  off  the  shoal, 
bore  them  away  from  the  attack.  At  the  bay  of  St.  Louis  was  a  small 
depot  of  public  stores,  which  Lieutenant  Jones  had  been  ordered  to  bring 
away.  Mr.  Johnson,  on  board  the  Seahorse,  proceeded  to  execute  this 
order.  The  enemy,  on  the  retreat  of  Lieutenant  Jones,  dispatched  three 
barges  to  capture  him.  They  were  driven  back.  An  additional  force 
was  sent  against  him,  when  a  smart  action  commenced,  and  the  assail- 
ants were  again  compelled  to  retire  with  loss.  But,  aware  that  it  was 
out  of  his  power  to  defend  himself  against  so  large  a  force  as  the  British 
could  bring  against  him,  he  blew  up  his  vessel,  burned  the  stores,  and 
effected  a  retreat  by  land. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  14th,  the  enemy's  barges,  lying  nine 
miles  to  the  east,  suddenly  weighed  their  anchors,  and  proceeded  west- 
wardly  to  the  pass,  where  our  gun-boats  still  lay.  The  same  difficulty 
experienced  before  was  encountered.  A  perfect  calm  prevailed,  while  a 
strong  current  rendered  every  effort  to  retire  unavailing.  No  alternative 
remained  but  to  meet  and  fight  the  enemy ;  whose  force  consisted  of 
forty-three  boats,  mounting  as  many  cannon,  and  1200  chosen  men. 
The  action  soon  commenced.  A  strong  current  unfortunately  drifted 
two  of  our  boats  a  hundred  yards  in  advance  of  the  line.  The  enemy 
bore  down  on  the  gun-boats  in  advance,  and  attempted  to  board  them. 
They  were  repulsed  with  great  slaughter,  and  two  of  their  boats  were 
sunk.  One  of  them  with  one  hundred  and  eighty  men,  went  down  immedi- 
ately under  the  stern  of  one  of  the  two  gun-boats.  A  second  attempt  to  board 
them  proved  unsuccessful.  Lieutenant  Jones  received  a  severe  wound, 
and  was  obliged  to  yield  the  command  to  George  Parker,  who  soon  after  was 
also  compelled  to  retire  on  the  same  account.  After  a  conflict  of  nearly 
an  hour's  duration,  the  Americans  yielded  to  superiority  of  force.  Mid- 
shipmen Cauly  and  Reynolds,  young  men  of  promise,  fell  victims  to  the 
wounds  received  in  this  contest.  The  American  loss  was  ten  killed,  and 


JACKSON.  299 

thirty-five  wounded.  That  of  the  assailants  could  not  have  been  less 
than  three  hundred.  The  British  returned,  with  their  shipping,  to  Cat 
Island. 

General  Jackson  received  the  news  of  this  disaster  with  concern.  Ac- 
tive and  energetic  measures  were  requisite  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  the 
occasion.  Major  Lacoste,  commanding  a  battalion  of  colored  troops, 
with  two  pieces  of  cannon,  and  a  sufficient  force,  was  ordered  to  defend 
the  Chef  Menteur  road,  that  leads  from  the  head  of  lake  Borgne  to  New 
Orleans.  The  Rigolots  presented  the  most  probable  route  for  the  ad- 
vance of  the  enemy.  This  important  point  was  reinforced,  and  confided 
to  Captain  Newman,  of  the  artillery.  On  the  16th,  the  militia  were  re- 
viewed by  Jackson,  who  addressed  them  in  a  tone  suited  to  the  occa- 
sion. 

The  day  after  the  contest  on  the  lakes,  Mr.  Shields,  purser  in  the 
navy,  was  dispatched  with  a  flag  to  Cat  Island,  accompanied  by  Dr. 
Murrell.  The  object  of  the  mission  was  to  alleviate  the  situation  of  our 
wounded,  and  to  effect  their  liberation  on  parole.  The  British  command- 
er tried  various  methods  of  obtaining  from  these  gentlemen,  information 
of  the  strength  and  disposition  of  our  army ;  but  nothing  could  be  elicit- 
ed from  them.  They  were  placed  at  night  in  a  room,  where  their  con- 
versation might  be  overheard.  Suspecting  something  of  the  kind,  they 
resolved  to  turn  the  circumstance  to  their  advantage.  They  talked  of  the 
circumstance  of  their  detention,  and  of  the  prudent  caution  with  which 
they  had  withheld  all  information  from  the  British  commander.  "  But," 
continued  Shields,  "  how  greatly  these  gentlemen  will  be  disappointed 
in  their  expectations  !  For  Jackson,  with  the  twenty  thousand  troops  he 
now  has,  and  the  reinforcements  from  Kentucky,  which  must  speedily 
reach  him,  will  be  able  to  destroy  any  force  that  can  be  landed  from 
these  ships."  These  words  were  eagerly  listened  to  arid  treasured,  and 
the  belief  was  adopted  that  our  force  was  as  large  33  the  wily  prisoner 
represented. 

Early  on  the  15th,  expresses  were  sent  in  quest  of  General  Coffee, 
who,  it  was  hoped,  was  not  far  distant  with  the  troops  from  Tennessee 
and  Kentucky.  The  express  met  Coffee  a  little  above  Baton  Rouge, 
where  he  had  halted,  with  three  hundred  men  on  his  sick  list.  He  imme- 
diately hastened  forward  with  his  force  reduced  to  eight  hundred  men,  and 
early  on  the  morning  of  the  20th  arrived  within  four  miles  of  New  Orleans. 
The  advance  of  Colonel  Hinds,  with  the  Mississippi  dragoons,  was  no  less 
expeditious.  Having  received  his  orders,  he  effected,  in  four  days,  a 
march  of  two  hundred  and  thirty  miles.  On  the  21st,  General  Carroll 
appeared  with  the  rest  of  the  Tennesseans. 

When  it  was  announced  in  New  Orleans,  that  the  British  had  dis- 
embarked, all  was  panic  among  the  citizens,  notwithstanding  the  prepa- 
rations of  the  General.  On  the  night  of  the  22d,  the  enemy  effected  a 
landing  at  Bayou  Bienvenue,  a  lagune  of  considerable  extent,  stretching 
from  lake  Borgne,  to  within  fifteen  miles  of  New  Orleans.  Jackson  re- 
solved to  advance  and  give  them  battle  that  night.  He  arrived  in  sight 
of  the  enemy  a  little  before  dark.  The  schooner  Caroline  was  ordered 
to  drop  down  opposite  the  enemy's  position,  where  she  was  to  anchor 


300  JACKSON. 

and  deliver  her  fire.  This  was  to  be  the  signal  for  a  general  attack, 
General  Coffee  had  cautiously  advanced  beyond  the  enemy's  pickets,  and 
nearly  reached  an  advantageous  position,  when  a  broadside  from  the 
Caroline  announced  the  battle  begun.  The  British  were  so  much  an- 
noyed by  her  guns,  that  they  were  compelled  to  retire  three  hundred 
yards  in  rear  of  their  first  position.  Their  compelled  change  of  place 
brought  their  right  in  contact  with  General  Coffee,  sooner  than  that 
officer  had  expected.  His  men  opened  a  fire  so  destructive,  that  the 
enemy  gave  way,  but  soon  rallied  again. 

Thus  the  battle  raged  on  the  left  wing,  until  the  British  reached  the 
bank  of  the  river.  The  conflict  here  was  severe  on  both  sides,  for  half 
an  hour.  Neither  force  could  be  made  to  yield  their  ground.  •  But  at 
length  the  British,  having  suffered  greatly,  took  refuge  behind  the  levee, 
which  afforded  them  a  breastwork  adequate  to  shield  them  from  the  fatal 
fire  of  our  riflemen.  General  Coffee,  unacquainted  from  the  darkness 
of  the  night  with  the  strength  of  their  position,  proposed  to  charge  them 
again ;  but  he  was  finally  induced  to  retire,  and  await  the  orders  of  his 
General. 

While  the  left  wing  was  thus  engaged,  General  Jackson  attacked  the 
enemy's  left  flank.  The  British  troops  had  gained  a  favorable  position 
between  two  levees,  or  embankments,  which  had  been  raised  to  resist 
the  encroachments  of  the  Mississippi.  Here  they  were  partly  sheltered 
from  the  fire  of  the  American  riflemen  and  the  guns  of  the  Caroline. 
They  resisted  bravely  for  half  an  hour,  giving  ground,  however  ;  when  a 
dense  fog  arising,  and  his  troops  getting  into  disorder,  Jackson  judged  it 
prudent  to  discontinue  the  contest. 

From  prisoners  anJ  deserters  it  was  ascertained,  that  the  enemy  was 
now  not  much  short  of  six  thousand  strong.  This  number  greatly  ex- 
ceeded any  force  which  the  American  General  could  bring  against  tjiem ; 
and  Jackson  resolved  to  forbear  all  farther  efforts,  until  he  should  dis- 
cover the  ultimate  views  of  the  enemy,  and  be  reinforced  by  the  Ken- 
tucky troops  that  were  expected.  He  fell  back,  and  formed  his  line 
behind  a  deep  ditch,  that  run  at  right  angles  from  the  river,  and  was  de- 
fended on  the  left  by  an  almost  impervious  swamp.  He  exerted  himself 
strenuously  to  put  this  position  in  a  proper  state  of  defence.  Bales  of 
cotton  in  vast  numbers  were  drawn  from  the  city,  and  placed  so  as  to 
form  an  almost  impenetrable  bulwark. 

The  British  in  the  mean  time  were  not  idle.  Early  on  the  morning 
of  the  27th,  a  battery,  which  had  been  thrown  up  the  preceding  night, 
was  discovered  on  the  bank  of  the  river.  Ineffectual  efforts  had  been 
made  to  float  the  schooner  up  the  stream.  Bombs  and  red-hot  shot  were 
thrown  on  .her  from  the  battery,  and  she  was  finally  in  flames.  There 
being  no  chance  of  saving  her,  and  one  of  the  crew  being  killed,  and  six 
wounded,  she  was  abandoned,  and  shortly  after  blew  up. 

On  the  28th,  the  British  columns  advanced  on  our  works,  apparently 
with  the  object  of  storming  them.  Sir  Edward  Packenham  commanded 
in  person.  At  the  distance  of  half  a  mile,  they  opened  their  heavy  ar- 
tillery upon  us.  Showers  of  bombs,  balls,  and  congreve  rockets  were 
discharged,  but  excited  no  sensation  in  the  minds  of  the  Americans,  save 


JACKSON.  301 

that  of  curiosity.  After  persevering  in  their  attack  for  seven  hours,  the 
British  abandoned  the  unavailing  contest.  The  armed  sloop  Louisiana 
had  also  opened  a  fire  upon  them,  and  withstood  all  their  efforts  to  si- 
lence her. 

While  these  proceedings  were  going  on,  Jackson  received  an  intimation, 
that  it  was  the  design  of  the  Legislature,  in  case  he  should  be  defeated, 
to  offer  the  enemy  terms  of  capitulation.  He  was  greatly  incensed  at 
this  intelligence,  and  sent  orders  to  Governor  Claiborne  to  watch  narrow- 
ly the  conduct  of  the  Legislature,  and  the  moment  the  project  of  offering 
a  capitulation  to  the  enemy  should  be  fully  disclosed,  to  place  a  guard  at 
the  door,  and  confine  the  representatives  to  their  chamber.  On  receiv- 
ing this  order,  the  Governor  coolly  marched  an  armed  force  into  the 
hall  of  the  Legislature,  and  unceremoniously  expelled  the  members  at 
the  point  of  the  bayonet. 

Before  this,  Jackson  had  been  called  on  by  a  special  committee  of  the 
Legislature  to  know  what  his  course  would  be,  should  necessity  drive 
him  from  his  position.  "If,"  replied  the  General,  "  I  thought  the  hair 
of  my  head  could  divine  what  I  should  do,  I  would  cut  it,  off:  go  back 
with  this  answer ;  say  to  your  honorable  body,  that,  if  disaster  does  over- 
take me,  and  the  fate  of  war  drives  me  from  my  line  to  the  city,  they 
may  expect  to  have  a  very  warm  session."  "  And  what  did  you  design 
to  do,"  one  inquired,  "  provided  you  had  been  forced  to  retreat  ?"  "  I 
should,"  he  replied,  "  have  retreated  to  the  city,  fired  it,  and  fought  the 
enemy  amidst  the  surrounding  flames.  There  \\ere  with  me  men  of 
wealth,  owners  of  considerable  property,  who,  in  such  an  event,  would 
have  been  amongst  the  foremost  to  have  applied  the  torch  to  their  own 
buildings ;  and  what  they  had  left  undone.  I  should  have  completed. — 
Nothing  for  the  comfortable  maintenance  of  the  enemy  would  have  beer, 
left  in  the  rear.  I  would  have  destroyed  New  Orleans,  occupied  a  posi 
tion  above  on  the  river,  cut  off  all  supplies,  and  in  this  way  compelled 
them  to  depart  from  the  country." 

From  this  time  to  the  8th  of  January,  no  important  military  operations 
took  place.  There  \vere  some  trifling  skirmishes,  and  an  occasional 
cannonade,  but  nothing  to  change  the  relative  position  of  the  two  armies. 
To  repair  the  damage  caused  by  the  enemy's  cannon,  General  Jackson 
seized  a  considerable  quantity  of  cotton,  and  filled  up  the  breaches 
with  it.  The  man  to  whom  the  bales  belonged  complained  to  him,  and 
demanded  their  restoration.  Finding  that  he  was  not  enrolled  in  any 
corps,  the  General  put  a  musket  into  his  hand  and  ordered  him  into  the 
ranks ;  remarking,  that  as  he  was  a  man  of  property,  none  could  be  more 
proper  to  defend  it. 

The  8th  of  January  dawned,  and  with  the  dawn  the  enemy's  signals 
for  movement  were  descried.  These  were  two  skyrockets,  the  one 
thrown  up  on  the  left,  the  other  on  the  right  of  the  enemy's  camp.  The 
charge  that  followed  was  so  rapid,  that  the  troops  at  the  outposts  fled  in 
with  difficulty.  Showers  of  bombs  and  balls  were  poured  upon  our  line, 
while  the  air  blazed  with  congreve  rockets.  The  two  divisions,  com- 
manded by  Sir  Edward  Packenham  in  person,  and  supported  by  Gene- 
rals Keane  and  Gibbs,  pressed  forward,  the  right  against  the  centre  of 


JACKSON. 

General  Carroll's  division, — the  left  against  our  redoubt  on  the  levee.  A 
thick  fog  enabled  them  to  approach  near  our  entrenchment,  before  they 
were  discovered.  Our  troops,  on  descrying  them,  gave  three  cheers,  and 
poured  upon  them  from  the  whole  line  a  sheet  of  fire.  It  was  accompanied 
by  a  burst  of  artillery,  which  swept  down  their  front.  From  the  musketry 
there  was  a  continued  volley.  Some  of  the  enemy  moved  through  this 
murderous  fire,  and  gained  the  ditch  in  front  of  our  works,  where 
they  remained  during  the  action,  and  were  afterwards  made  prisoners. — 
Nothing  could  surpass  the  horror  of  the  scene  before  them.  These 
trained  veterans  were  seen  first  to  waver,  and  then  retire.  Sir  Edward 
Packenham  hastened  to  their  front,  and  endeavored  to  rally  them.  He 
fell  mortally  wounded,  in  the  arms  of  his  aid-de-camp,  not  far  from  our 
line.  It  is  said  that  Packenham  had  appealed  to  the  worst  passions  of 
his  troops  to  stimulate  them  to  the  assault.  "  Beauty  and  Booty"  were 
the  words  given  by  him  as  the  order  of  the  day. 

Scarcely  had  Packenham  received  his  death-wound,  when  the  next 
officer  in  command  was  borne  from  the  field  dangerously  wounded.  The 
British  then  retreated,  in  less  confusion  than  might  have  been  expected, 
till  they  gained  the  shelter  of  a  ditch,  where  they  halted  and  dressed 
their  ranks.  Their  officers,  having  restored  order,  led  them  steadily  on 
once  more  over  the  thick  strewn  bodies  of  their  comrades,  and  met  the 
same  reception  as  before.  So  dreadful  was  the  destruction,  that  they 
could  hardly  close  the  gaps  in  their  ranks  as  fast  as  they  were  made. — 
They  were  endeavoring  to  deploy  into  the  line,  when  they  at  once  lost 
heart,  broke,  and  fled,  in  spite  of  their  leaders,  the  points  of  whose 
swords  had  now  less  terror  for  them  than  the  American  rifles.  General 
Lambert,  who  had  succeeded  to  the  command,  led  them  back  to  their  for- 
mer position. 

Meanwhile,  a  simultaneous  attack  by  Colonel  Thornton,  with  three 
hundred  chosen  men,  had  been  made  upon  General  Morgan's  position  on 
the  left  bank  of  the  river.  Some  troops,  that  were  stationed  in  advance 
to  act  as  spies,  retreated  on  the  landing  of  the  enemy,  and  were  met  on 
their  return  by  the  Kentucky  force,  who  joined  them.  The  two  detach- 
ments, now  acting  together,  formed  behind  a  saw-mill  race,  the  plank 
and  scantling  of  which  made  a  tolerable  breastwork.  A  spirited  resist- 
ance was  maintained  towards  the  advancing  foe  for  some  time,  and  for  a 
moment  the  enemy  were  checked.  They  rallied,  advanced,  and  again  re- 
ceived a  heavy  fire.  The  General's  aid,  perceiving  the  steady  advance 
of  the  British,  and  fearing  for  the  safety  of  his  troops,  ordered  a  retreat. 
The  consequence  was,  that  the  whole  force  fled  in  haste,  creating  confu- 
sion in  General  Morgan's  line.  Here  they  were  halted,  and  formed  in  a 
line  that  reached  quite  to  the  swamp.  Colonel  Thornton,  having  ar- 
rived in  an  orange  grove,  seven  hundred  yards  distant  from  our  line, 
halted  and  surveyed  it.  He  immediately  advanced  to  attack  it  in  two 
divisions.  It  was  defended  by  about  fifteen  hundred  men.  A  severe 
discharge  from  the  ordnance  along  our  works  caused  their  right  division 
to  oblique,  and  to  unite  with  their  left.  They  pressed  upon  the  point 
occupied  by  the  Kentucky  troops.  From  some  inexplicable  cause,  the 
whole  force  became  panic  struck,  and  fled.  Through  the  exertions  of  the 


JACKSON.  303 

officers,  a  momentary  halt  was  effected  ;  but  a  burst  of  congreve  rockets 
falling  thickly  around  them,  and  setting  fire  to  the  sugar-cane  and  other 
combustibles,  renewed  their  flight.  Commodore  Patterson  had  been 
firing  on  the  enemy  from  the  opposite  shore.  But  seeing  the  confusion 
of  this  retreat,  and  aware  that  he  could  not  maintain  his  ground,  he 
spiked  his  guns,  and  retired  from  his  post. 

General  Jackson  hastened  to  throw  detachments  across  the  river,  with 
orders  to  regain  the  position  at  all  hazards.  Fortunately  his  object  was 
obtained  without  the  effusion  of  blood. 

The  British  commander  sent  a  flag  of  truce  with  a  proposal  that  hos- 
tilities should  cease  for  twenty -four  hours,  that  the  dead  might  be  buried. 
General  Jackson  assented,  but  stipulated  that  the  truce  should  not  extend 
to  the  troops  on  the  right  bank,  and  that  no  reinforcement  should  be  sent 
across  by  either  party.  Whether  General  Lambert  had  already  deter- 
mined to  abandon  the  post  gained  and  retreat,  or  whether  he  inferred 
from  this  answer,  that  a  large  American  force  had  already  been  sent 
over,  cannot  now  be  known.  At  any  rate,  Colonel  Thornton  did  not 
wait  to  be  attacked,  but  recrossed  the  river  and  joined  the  main  body  in 
the  night.  The  Americans  joyfully  took  possession  of  the  post  he  had 
abandoned,  and  thus  both  armies  were  again  in  the  same  relative  posi- 
tions as  before  the  battle. 

The  loss  of  the  British  in  the  main  attack  on  the  left  has  been  various- 
ly stated.  The  killed,  wounded  and  prisoners,  as  ascertained  by  Colo- 
nel Hayne,  our  inspector  general,  the  day  after  the  battle,  amounted  to 
two  thousand  six  hundred.  The  American  loss,  in  killed  and  wounded, 
was  but  thirteen.  Our  effective  force  on  the  line  was  short  of  four 
thousand.  That  of  the  enemy  engaged  was  at  least  nine  thousand. 

The  conflict  ended,  and  each  army  occupied  its  former  position.  A 
powerful  effort  was  made  by  the  enemy  to  bring  their  fleet  up  the  river, 
and  change  the  character  of  the  campaign.  A  long  and  violent  attack 
was  made  on  Fort  St.  Philip,  by  two  bomb  vessels,  a  brig,  sloop,  and 
schooner.  The  assault  was  continued,  until  the  night  of  the  17th,  du- 
ring which  time  an  immense  quantity  of  bombs  and  balls  were  thrown 
upon  the  fort  by  the  enemy.  It  was  commanded  by  Major  Overton,  who 
managed  the  defence  with  much  skill  and  bravery.  The  efforts  of  the 
British  were  in  vain,  and  the  British  finally  forsook  their  camp,  and 
took  refuge  on  board  their  shipping.  Our  loss  in  the  defence  was  nine 
killed  or  wounded.  On  the  10th  of  February,  news  of  peace  was  re- 
ceived at  New  Orleans. 

Thus  ended  the  much  talked  of  battle  of  New  Orleans.  At  the  close 
of  the  contest,  General  Jackson  delivered  an  address  in  the  following 
strain : 

"  Citizens,  and  fellow-soldiers  !  The  enemy  has  retreated,  and  your 
General  has  now  leisure  to  proclaim  to  the  world  what  he  has  noticed 
with  admiration  and  pride — your  undaunted  courage,  your  patriotism, 
and  patience  under  hardships  and  fatigues.  Natives  of  different  States, 
acting  together  for  the  first  time  in  this  camp ;  differing  in  habits  and  in 
language,  instead  of  viewing  in  these  circumstances  the  germ  of  distrust 
and  division,  you  have  made  them  the  source  of  honorable  emulation,  and 


304  JACKSON. 

from  the  seeds  of  discord  itself  have  reaped  the  fruits  of  an  honorable 
union.  This  day  completes  the  fourth  week,  .since  fifteen  hundred  of 
you  attacked  treble  your  number  of  men,  who  had  boasted  of  their  disci- 
pline and  their  services  under  a  celebrated  leader,  in  a  long  and  eventful 
war — attacked  them  in  their  camp,  the  moment  they  had  profaned  the 
soil  of  freedom  with  their  hostile  tread,  and  inflicted  a  blow  which  was  a 
prelude  to  the  final  result  of  their  attempt  to  conquer,  or  their  poor  con- 
trivances to  divide  us.  A  few  hours  was  sufficient  to  unite  the  gallant 
band,  though,  at  the  moment  they  received  the  welcome  order  to  march, 
they  were  separated  many  leagues,  in  different  directions  from  the  city. 
The  gay  rapidity  of  the  march,  and  the  cheerful  countenances  of  the  of- 
ficers and  men,  would  have  induced  a  belief  that  some  festive  entertain- 
ment, not  the  strife  of  battle,  was  the  scene  to  which  they  hastened  with 
so  much  eagerness  and  hilarity.  In  the  conflict  that  ensued,  the  same 
spirit  was  supported,  and  my  communications  to  the  executive  of  the 
United  States,  have  testified  the  sense  I  entertained  of  the  merits  of  the 
corps  and  officers  that  were  engaged.  Resting  on  the  field  of  battle, 
they  retired  in  perfect  order  on  the  next  morning  to  these  lines,  destined 
10  become  the  scene  of  future  victories,  which  they  were  to  share  with 
the  rest  of  you,  my  brave  companions  in  arms.  Scarcely  were  your 
lines  a  protection  against  musket  shot,  when,  on  the  28th,  a  disposition 
was  made  to  attack  them  with  all  the  pomp  and  parade  of  military  tac- 
tics, as  improved  by  those  veterans  of  the  Spanish  war. 

"  Their  batteries  of  heavy  cannon  kept  up  an  incessant  fire  ;  their 
rockets  illuminated  the  air;  and,  under  their  cover,  iv\o  strong  columns 
threatened  our  flanks.  The  foe  insolently  thought  that  this  spectacle 
was  too  imposing  to  be  resisted,  and  in  the  intoxication  of  this  pride,  he 
already  saw  our  lines  abandoned  without  a  contest.  How  were  these 
menacing  appearances  met  ?  By  shouts  of  defiance,  by  a  manly  coun- 
tenance, not  to  be  shaken  by  the  roar  of  his  cannon,  or  by  the  glare  of  his 
firework  rockets  ;  by  an  artillery  served  with  superior  skill,  and  with 
deadly  effect.  Never,  my  brave  friends,  can  your  General  forget  the 
testimonials  of  attachment  to  our  glorious  cause,  of  indignant  hatred  to 
our  foe,  of  affectionate  confidence  in  your  chief,  that  resounded  from 
every  rank,  as  he  passed  along  your  line.  This  animating  scene  damp- 
ed the  courage  of  the  enemy  ;  he  dropped  his  scaling  ladders  and  fas- 
cines, and  the  threatened  attack  dwindled  into  a  demonstration,  which 
served  only  to  show  the  emptiness  of  his  parade,  and  to  inspire  you  with 
a  just  confidence  in  yourselves. 

"  The  new  year  was  ushered  in  with  the  most  tremendous  fire  his 
whole  artillery  could  produce  :  a  few  hours  only,  however,  were  necessa- 
ry for  the  brave  and  skilful  men,  who  directed  our  own,  to  dismount 
his  cannon,  destroy  his  batteries,  and  effectually  silence  his  fire.  Hith- 
erto, my  brave  friends,  in  the  contest  on  our  lines,  your  courage  had 
been  passive  only ;  you  stood  with  calmness  a  fire  that  would  have  tried 
the  firmness  of  a  veteran,  and  you  anticipated  a  nearer  contest  with  an 
eagerness  which  was  soon  to  be  gratified. 

"  On  the  8th  of  January,  the  final  effort  was  made.  At  the  dawn  of 
day  the  batteries  opened,  and  the  columns  advanced.  Knowing  that  the 


JACKSON.  305 

volunteers  from  Tennessee  and  the  militia  from  Kentucky  were  stationed 
on  your  left,  it  was  there  they  directed  their  chief  attack. 

"  Reasoning  always  from  false  principles,  they  expected  little  opposi- 
tion from  men  whose  officers  even  were  not  in  uniform,  who  were  ig- 
norant of  the  rules  of  dress,  and  who  had  never  been  caned  into  discipline. 
Fatal  mistake  !  a  fire  incessantly  kept  up,  directed  with  a  calmness  and 
unerring  aim,  strewed  the  field  with  the  bravest  officers  and  men  of  the 
column,  which  slowly  advanced,  according  to  the  most  approved  rules  of 
European  tactics,  and  was  cut  down  by  the  untutored  courage  of  Ameri- 
can militia.  Unable  to  sustain  this  galling  and  unceasing  fire,  some 
hundreds  nearest  the  intrenchment  called  for  quarter,  which  was  grant- 
ed :  the  rest  retreating,  were  rallied  at  some  distance,  but  only  to  make 
them  a  surer  mark  for  the  grape  and  canister  shot  of  our  artillery,  which, 
without  exaggeration,  mowed  down  whole  ranks  at  every  discharge ;  and 
at  length  they  precipitately  retired  from  the  field. 

"  Our  right  had  only  a  short  contest  to  sustain  with  a  few  rash  men, 
who,  fatally  for  themselves,  forced  their  entrance  into  the  unfinished  re- 
doubt on  the  river.  They  were  quickly  dispossessed,  and  this  glorious 
day  terminated  with  the  loss  to  the  enemy,  of  their  Commander-in-chief 
and  one  Major-General  killed,  another  Major-General  wounded,  the  most 
experienced  and  bravest  of  their  officers,  and  more  than  three  thousand 
men  killed,  wounded  and  missing,  while  our  ranks,  my  friends,  were 
thinned  only  by  the  loss  of  seven  of  our  brave  companions  killed,  and 
six  disabled  by  wounds.  Wonderful  interposition  of  Heaven  !  unexampled 
event  in  the  history  of  war ! 

"  Let  us  be  grateful  to  the  God  of  battles,  who  has  directed  the  arrows 
of  indignation  against  our  invaders,  while  he  covered  with  his  protecting 
shield  the  brave  defenders  of  their  country. 

"  After  this  unsuccessful  and  disastrous  attempt,  their  spirits  were  bro- 
ken, their  force  was  destroyed,  and  their  whole  attention  was  employed 
in  providing  the  means  of  escape.  This  they  have  effected ;  leaving 
their  heavy  artillery  in  our  power,  and  many  of  their  wounded  to  our 
clemency.  The  consequences  of  this  short  but  decisive  campaign  are 
incalculably  important.  The  pride  of  our  arrogant  enemy  humbled,  his 
forces  broken,  his  leaders  killed,  his  insolent  hopes  of  our  disunion  .frus- 
trated— his  expectation  of  rioting  in  our  spoils  and  wasting  our  courtry, 
changed  into  ignominious  defeat,  shameful  flight,  and  a  reluctant  ac- 
knowledgment of  the  humanity  and  kindness  of  those,  whom  he  had 
doomed  to  all  the  horrors  and  humiliation  of  a  conquered  state. 

"  On  the  other  side,  unanimity  established,  disaffection  crushed,  con- 
fidence restored,  your  country  saved  from  conquest,  your  property  from 
pillage,  your  wives  and  daughters  from  insult  and  violation — the  union 
preserved  from  dismemberment,  and  perhaps  a  period  put,  by  this  de- 
cisive  stroke,  to  a  bloody  and  savage  war.  These,  my  brave  friends,  are 
the  consequences  of  the  efforts  you  have  made,  and  the  success  with  which 
they  have  been  crowned  by  Heaven.  « 

"  These  important  results  have  been  effected  by  the  united  courage  and 
perseverance  of  the  army ;  but  which  the  different  corps,  as  well  as  the 
individuals  that  compose  it,  have  vied  with  each  other  in  their  exertions 
39 


306  JACKSON. 

to  produce.  The  gratitude,  the  admiration  of  their  country,  offers  a 
fairer  reward  than  that  which  any  praises  of  the  General  can  bestow  j 
and  the  best  is  that  of  which  they  can  never  be  deprived,  the  conscious- 
ness of  having  done  their  duty,  and  of  meriting  the  applause  they  will 
receive." 

On  the  22d  of  the  month,  Jackson  signed  a  warrant  which  condemned 
six  militia  men  to  death,  and  nearly  two  hundred  more  to  a  disgraceful 
punishment.  During  the  party  excitement  of  1828,  various  statements 
of  this  affair  appeared  in  the  newspapers.  An  investigation  of  the  Gene- 
ral's conduct  was  instituted  by  Congress,  and  to  the  proceedings  on  the 
occasion,  we  refer  our  readers. 

General  Jackson  was  enthusiastically  received  at  New  Orleans,  on 
his  return.  The  23d  of  January  was  appointed  a  day  of  Thanksgiving. 
Jackson  repaired  to  the  cathedral,  which  was  crowded  to  excess.  Chil- 
dren robed  in  white,  and  representing  the  different  States,  strewed  his 
way  with  flowers,  and  an  ode  was  recited  as  he  passed.  A  Te  Deum 
was  sung,  and  bishop  Dubourg  delivered  an  address,  which  he  concluded 
by  presenting  the  General  with  a  wreath  of  laurel. 

During  the  prevalence  of  martial  law  in  New  Orleans,  Jackson  had 
arrested  a  member  of  the  Legislature  named  Louallier,  on  a  charge  of 
exciting  mutiny  among  his  troops,  by  a  publication  in  a  newspaper. — • 
Louallier  applied  to  Judge  Hall  for  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  which  was 
immediately  issued.  Instead,  however,  of  acting  in  obedience  to  the  writ, 
and  surrendering  M.  Louallier,  Jackson  arrested  the  Judge  and  turned 
him  out  of  the  city.  On  being  restored  to  the  exercise  of  his  functions, 
Judge  Hall  granted  a  rule  of  court  for  General  Jackson  to  appear,  and 
show  cause  why  an  attachment  for  contempt  should  not  be  awarded,  on 
the  ground  that  he  had  refused  to  obey  a  writ  issued  to  him,  detained  an 
original  paper  belonging  to  the  court,  and  imprisoned  the  Judge.  Jack- 
son endeavored  to  justify  his  conduct  in  a  long  defence,  but  by  the  deci- 
sion of  the  court  he  was  fined  a  thousand  dollars. 

The  popular  feeling  seems  to  have  run  strongly  in  his  favor.  No 
sooner  was  the  judgment  pronounced,  than  the  crowds  who  filled  the 
court-house,  hurried  forth  with  loud  cries  of  "Huzza  for  Jackson." — 
They  presently  met  a  carriage  in  which  a  lady  was  riding,  and  taking 
her  from  it  with  more  enthusiasm  than  civility,  they  compelled  the  ob- 
ject of  their  acclamations  to  occupy  her  place.  The  horses  being  re- 
moved, the  carriage  was  drawn  on,  and  stopped  at  the  coffee-house,  into 
which  he  was  carried,  and  thither  the  crowd  followed,  huzzaing  for 
Jackson,  and  uttering  menaces  against  the  Judge.  A  sum  was  soon 
raised  sufficient  to  relieve  Jackson  of  the  payment  of  the  fine  ;  but  he  is 
said  to  have  preferred  the  satisfaction  of  refusing  the  proffered  indemni- 
fication. 

General  Jackson  arrived  in  Nashville  on  the  18th  of  May,  1815,  and 
was  received  in  a  flattering  manner  by  the  citizens  of  that  place.  He 
wq,s  soon  after  appointed  Commander-in-chief  of  the  southern  division. 
The  Legislature  of  Tennessee  passed  a  vote  of  thanks,  and  presented 
him  with  a  gold  medal.  Towards  the  close  of  the  autumn  of  1815,  he 
repaired  to  the  seat  of  government.  On  his  way,  he  met  with  continued 


JACKSON.  307 

demonstrations  of  respect  from  the  people.  A  public  dinner  was  given 
him  at  Lynchburg,  in  Virginia,  at  which  Thomas  Jefferson  gave  the 
following  toast :  '  Honor  and  gratitude  to  the  man  who  has  filled  the 
measure  of  his  country's  glory.'  In  the  spring  of  1816,  Jackson  again 
visited  New  Orleans.  After  stationing  the  army  in  the  southern  section 
of  his  division,  he  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  Indians,  the  object  of 
which  was  to  obtain  from  them  the  absolute  relinquishment  of  all  the 
claim  they  pretended  to  have  to  lands  within  the  limits  of  the  United 
States,  and  which  had  been  previously  ceded  by  them.  Shortly  after- 
wards he  entered  into  a  correspondence  with  President  Monroe,  on  the 
subject  of  the  War  Department.,  It  was  his  wish  that  the  officers  of  his 
division  should  obey  no  order  from  the  War  Department,  which  did 
not  pass  through  the  office  of  his  Adjutant  General ;  and  he  had  issued 
a  notice  to  this  effect.  The  affair  ended  in  the  Secretary  of  War  issuing 
a  declaration,  that,  for  the  future,  orders  of  the  War  Department  should 
be  first  communicated  to  the  commanding  Generals  of  divisions,  except- 
ing on  extraordinary  occasions. 

The  Seminole  Indians  had  committed  many  troublesome  depredations 
on  our  southern  frontiers.  General  Gaines  had  been  ordered  by  the 
President  on  the  30th  of  October,  1817,  to  take  measures  for  the  defence 
of  the  frontier.  In  obedience  to  his  orders,  he  built  three  forts,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  expel  the  Indians.  He  met  with  considerable  opposition.  At 
the  mouth  of  Flint  river,  a  party  of  forty  men,  under  Lieutenant  Scott, 
fell  into  an  ambuscade  of  the  savages,  and  were  all  slain  but  six,  who 
escaped  by  swimming.  On  hearing  the  news  of  this  massacre.  General 
Jackson  raised  an  army  of  two  thousand  five  hundred  volunteers,  mus- 
tered them  as  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  and  appointed  two 
hundred  and  thirty  officers.  On  the  first  of  April,  he  arrived  with  his 
army  at  the  Mickasucky  villages,  which  were  deserted  on  his  approach. 
He  burned  the  villages,  and  marched  to  St.  Marks,  a  Spanish  post  on 
Apalachy  bay. 

Alexander  Arbuthnot,  a  Scot,  and  an  Indian  trader,  was  taken  near 
St.  Marks  and  confined.  Shortly  afterwards,  a  British  Lieutenant  of 
marines,  named  Ambrister,  was  also  seized.  These  men  were  accused 
of  exciting  the  Indians  to  hostility  against  the  United  States,  and  sup- 
plying them  with  the  means  of  war.  They  were  tried  by  a  court  mar- 
tial, consisting  of  officers  of  militia,  by  whom  vhe  case  seems  to  have 
been  fully  investigated.  The  unhappy  prisoners  were  found  guilty,  and 
sentenced  to  be  hung. 

General  Jackson  arrived  about  the  middle  of  May  at  the  Escambia, 
near  Pensacola.  Here,  he  received  a  remonstrance  from  the  Governor 
of  West  Florida,  who  complained  of  the  violation  of  a  Spanish  territory. 
But  Jackson  having  heard  that  a  party  of  fugitive  Indians  had  passed 
through  the  town,  resolved  to  follow  them.  He  took  possession  of  the 
place  on  the  24th;  and  the  Governor  fled  to  Fort  Barrancas  for  pro- 
tection. The  next  day,  Jackson  commenced  offensive  operations  against 
the  fort,  which  was  finally  surrendered.  In  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of 
War,  dated  June  2d,  1818,  Jackson  closes  as  follows.  As  usual,  he  does 
not  omit  to  mention,  in  terms  of  praise,  his  officers  and  men. 


308  JACKSON. 

"The  Seminole  war  may  now  be  considered  as  at  a  close,  tranquillity 
again  restored  to  the  southern  frontier  of  the  United  States,  and  as  long 
as  a  cordon  of  military  posts  is  maintained  along  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
America  has  nothing  to  apprehend  from  either  foreign  or  Indian  hostili- 
ties. Indeed  Sir,  to  attempt  to  fortify,  or  protect  an  imaginary  line,  or  to 
suppose  that  a  frontier  on  the  31st  degree  of  latitude,  in  a  wilderness, 
can  be  secured  by  a  cordon  of  military  posts,  while  the  Floridas  lie  open 
to  an  enemy,  is  visionary  in  the  extreme. 

"  Under  this  firm  belief,  I  have  bottomed  all  my  operations.  Spain 
had  disregarded  the  treaties  existing  with  the  American  Government,  or 
had  not  power  to  enforce  them.  The  Indian  tribes  within  her  territory, 
and  which  she  was  bound  to  keep  at  peace,  had  visited  our  citizens  with 
all  the  horrors  of  savage  war ;  negro  brigands  were  establishing  them- 
selves, when  and  where  they  pleased  ;  and  foreign  agents  were  openly 
and  knowingly  practising  their  intrigues  in  this  neutral  territory. 

"  The  immutable  principles,  therefore,  of  self  defence,  justified  the  occu- 
pancy of  the  Floridas,  and  the  same  principles  will  warrant  the  American 
government  in  holding  it,  until  such  time  as  Spain  can  guaranty,  by  an 
adequate  military  force,  the  maintaining  her  authority  within  the  colony. 

"  At  the  close  of  a  campaign  which  has  terminated  so  honorably  and 
happily,  it  gives  me  pleasure  to  express  my  approbation,  generally,  of  the 
officers  and  soldiers  of  every  species  of  corps,  which  I  have  had  the  honor 
to  command.  The  patience  with  which  they  endured  fatigue,  and  sub- 
mitted to  pujvations,  and  the  determination  with  which  they  encountered, 
and  vanquished  every  difficulty,  is  the  strongest  indication  of  the  exist- 
ence of  that  patriotic  feeling,  which  no  circumstances  can  change,  and  of 
that  irresistible  ardor  in  the  defence  of  his  country,  which  will  prove  her 
strength  and  bulwark  under  any  experience.  I  should  do  violence  to 
my  feelings,  if  I  did  not  particularly  notice  the  exertions  of  my  quarter- 
master general,  Colonel  George  Gibson,  who,  under  the  most  embarrass- 
ing circumstances,  relieved  the  necessities  of  my  army,  and  to  whose 
exertions  was  I  indebted  for  the  supplies  received.  His  zeal  and  integrity, 
in  this  campaign,  as  well  as  in  the  uniform  discharge  of  his  duties  since 
his  connexion  with  my  staff,  merits  the  approbation  and  gratitude  of  his 
country." 

At  the  close  of  the  Seminole  campaign,  General  Jackson  returned  to 
Nashville.  From  this  period  till  the  summer  of  1821,  nothing  particular- 
ly worthy  of  remark  occurred  to  him.  Florida  was,  by  the  treaty,  to  be 
ceded  in  August,  and  in  June  he  was  appointed  Governor  of  the  whole 
Territory,  with  powers  equal  to  those  which  had  been  previously  ex- 
ercised by  the  Spanish  Governors.  The  Spanish  officers  yielded  their 
several  commands  on  the  day  appointed  by  the  treaty.  The  new  Go- 
vernor, however,  did  not  assume  his  command  in  perfect  harmony  and 
serenity.  There  were  certain  documents  of  importance,  which  the  Spa- 
nish Governor,  Callava,  retained  in  his  possession.  These,  Jackson 
Drdered  him  to  surrender.  Callava  refused,  and  was  taken  into  custody 
by  an  armed  guard.  He  was  carried  before  Governor  Jackson,  and  was, 
by  his  order,  committed  to  prison,  until  the  papers  should  be  delivered  to 
the  alcaide.  On  the  next  day,  a  search-warrant  for  the  papers  was  issued 


JACKSON,  309 

by  the  Governor,  upon  which  they  were  obtained,  and  directed  to  be  de- 
livered to  the  alcaide  ;  whereupon,  Callava  was  immediately  released. 

In  assuming  the  command  in  Florida,  General  Jackson  had  said  :  "  I 
am  clothed  with  powers,  that  no  one,  under  a  republic,  ought  to  possess, 
and  which  I  trust  will  never  again  be  given  to  any  man."  Becoming 
weary  of  his  situation  as  Governor,  he  resigned  his  office,  and  returned 
to  Nashville.  In  May,  1822,  he  was  nominated,  by  the  Legislature  of 
Tennessee,  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States.  He 
was  elected  in  the  autumn  of  the  same  year  to  the  United  States  Senate. 
The  new  tariff  bill,  which  was  enacted  the  next  session,  received  his 
support. 

Mr.  Monroe's  second  term  of  office  as  President  of  the  United  States 
was  near  expiring,  and  the  question,  who  should  be  his  successor,  was 
an  exciting  one  throughout  the  Union.  The  candidates  were  John 
Quincy  Adams  of  the  north,  Andrew  Jackson  and  Henry  Clay  of  the 
west,  and  Messrs.  Crawford  and  Calhoun  of  the  south.  Mr.  Calhoun 
withdrew  from  the  canvass  of  1824,  and  the  contest  was  maintained  be- 
tween the  other  candidates.  General  Jackson  received  ninety-nine  elec- 
toral votes ;  J.  Q.  Adams,  eighty-four ;  W.  H.  Crawford,  forty-one ;  and 
Henry  Clay,  thirty-seven.  By  a  constitutional  provision,  the  election 
consequently  devolved  upon  the  House  of  Representatives.  It  was  evi- 
dent, that  Mr.  Clay's  chance  of  election  was  small,  but  having  received 
the  entire  votes  of  three  States,  he  was  able  to  exercise  a  powerful  in- 
fluence on  the  election.  He  avowed  himself  in  favor  of  Mr.  Adams ; 
his  friends  followed  his  example,  and  Mr.  Adams  was  consequently 
elected. 

During  the  political  excitement  in  relation  to  the  Presidency,  General 
La  Fayette,  who  had  been  making  his  memorable  tour  through  the  United 
States,  arrived  at  Nashville.  His  visit  to  General  Jackson  is  thus  ^de- 
scribed by  Levasseur,  the  secretary  of  our  country's  guest : 

"  At  one  o'clock,  we  embarked  with  a  numerous  company,  to  proceed 
to  dine  with  General  Jackson,  whose  residence  is  a  few  miles  up  the 
river.  We  there  found  numbers  of  ladies  and  farmers  from  the  neigh- 
borhood, whom  Mrs.  Jackson  had  invited  to  partake  of  the  entertainment 
she  had  prepared  for  General  La  Fayette.  The  first  thing  that  struck  me 
on  arriving  at  the  General's,  was  the  simplicity  of  his  house.  Still  some- 
what influenced  by  my  European  habits,  I  asked  myself  if  this  could 
really  be  the  dwelling  of  the  most  popular  man  in  the  United  States,  of 
him  whom  the  country  proclaimed  one  of  her  most  illustrious  defenders ; 
of  him,  finally,  who  by  the  will  of  the  people  was  on  the  point  of  becom- 
ing her  chief  magistrate.  One  of  our  fellow-passengers,  a  citizen  of 
Nashville,  witnessing  my  astonishment,  asked  me,  whether  in  France, 
our  public  men,  that  is  to  say,  the  servants  of  the  public,  lived  very  dif- 
ferently from  other  citizens?  'Certainly,'  said  I;  ' thus,  for  example, 
the  majority  of  our  generals,  all  our  ministers,  and  even  the  greater  part 
of  our  subaltern  administrators,  would  think  themselves  dishonored,  and 
would  not  dare  to  receive  any  one  at  their  houses,  if  they  only  possessed 
such  a  residence  as  this  of  Jackson's  ;  and  the  modest  dwellings  of  your 
illustrious  chiefs  of  the  revolution,  Washington,  John  Adams,  Jefferson. 


310  JACKSON.  » 

Sec,,  would  only  inspire  them  with  contempt  and  disgust.  They  must 
first  have  in  the  city  an  immense  and  vast  edifice,  called  a  hotel,  in  which 
two  large  families  could  live  with  ease,  but  which  they  fill  with  a  crowd 
of  servants  strangely  and  ridiculously  dressed,  and  whose  only  employ- 
ment, for  the  most  part,  is  to  insult  those  honest  citizens  who  come  on 
foot  to  visit  their  master.  They  must  also  have  another  large  establish- 
ment in  the  country,  which  they  call  a  chateau,  and  in  which  they  ac- 
cumulate all  the  luxuries  of  furniture,  decorations,  entertainments,  and 
dress — in  fact,  every  thing  that  can  make  them  forget  the  country. — 
Then  they  must  have,  to  enable  them  to  go  from  one  to  the  other  of  these 
habitations,  a  great  number  of  carriages,  horses,  and  servants.'  '  Very 
well,'  interrupted  the  Tennessean,  shaking  his  head  as  if  in  doubt,  '  but 
who  provides  these  public  officers  with  all  the  money  thus  swallowed  up 
in  luxury,  and  how  do  the  affairs  of  the  people  go  on  ?'  '  If  you  ask 
them,  they  will  tell  you  that  it  is  the  king  who  pays  them,  although  I 
can  assure  you  that  it  is  the  nation,  which  is  borne  down  by  taxes  for  the 
purpose ;  as  to  business,  it  is  both  well  and  badly  attended  to,  but  gene- 
rally the  latter.'  '  And  why  do  you  submit  to  such  a  state  of  things  ?' — 
'  Because  we  cannot  remedy  it.'  'What!  you  cannot  remedy  it?  A 
nation  so  great,  so  enlightened  as  the  French,  cannot  prevent  its  officers r 
magistrates,  and  servants,  from  enjoying,  at  their  expense,  a  scandalous 
and  immoral  luxuriousness,  and  at  the  same  time  not  attending  to  their 
duties  !  whilst  we,  who  have  just  assumed  our  name  among  nations,  are 
enjoying  the  immense  advantage  of  only  having  for  magistrates,  men 
who  are  plain,  honest,  laborious,  and  more  jealous  of  our  esteem  tiiaa 
solicitous  for  wealth.  Permit  me  to  believe  that  what  you  have  told  is 
only  pleasantry,  and  that  you  wished  to  amuse  yourself  for  a  moment 
with  a  poor  Tennessean  who  has  never  visited  Europe.  But  rest  assured, 
that,  however  ignorant  we  may  be  of  what  passes  on  the  other  side  of  the 
water,  it  is  not  easy  to  make  us  credit  things  which  militate  so  strongly 
against  good  sense  and  the  dignity  of  man.'  Do  what  I  could,  I  could 
never  make  this  good  citizen  of  Nashville  believe  that  I  was  not  jesting, 
and  was  obliged  to  leave  him  in  the  belief  that  we  were  not  worse  go- 
verned in  France  than  in  the  United  States. 

"General  Jackson  successively  showed  us  his  garden  and  farm,  which 
appeared  to  be  well  cultivated.  We  every  where  remarked  the  greatest 
order,  and  most  perfect  neatness ;  and  we  might  have  believed  ourselves 
on  the  property  of  one  of  the  richest  and  most  skilful  of  the  German  far- 
mers, if,  at  every  step,  our  eyes  had  not  been  afflicted  by  the  sad  specta- 
cle of  slavery.  Every  body  told  us  that  General  Jackson's  slaves  were 
treated  with  the  greatest  humanity,  and  several  persons  assured  us,  that 
it  would  not  surprise  them,  if,  in  a  short  time,  their  master,  who  already 
had  so  many  claims  on  the  gratitude  of  his  fellow-citizens,  should  at- 
tempt to  augment  it  still  more,  by  giving  an  example  of  gradual  emanci- 
pation to  Tennessee,  which  would  be  the  more  easily  accomplished,  as 
there  are  in  this  State  but  seventy-nine  thousand  slaves  in  a  population 
of  four  hundred  and  twenty-three  thousand,  and  from  the  public  mind  be- 
coming more  inclined  than  formerly  to  the  abolition  of  slavery. 

"  On  returning  to  the  house,  some  friends  of  General  Jackson,  who 


.      JACKSON.  311 

probably  had  not  seen  him  for  some  time,  begged  him  to  show  them  the 
arms  presented  to  him  in  honor  of  his  achievements  during  the  last  war ; 
he  acceded  to  their  request  with  great  politeness,  and  placed  on  a  table, 
a  sword,  a  sabre,  and  a  pair  of  pistols.  The  sword  was  presented  to  him 
by  Congress ;  the  sabre,  I  believe,  by  the  army  which  fought  under  his 
command  at  New  Orleans.  These  two  weapons,  of  American  manufac- 
ture, were  remarkable  for  their  finish,  and  still  more  so  for  the  honorable 
inscriptions  with  which  they  were  covered.  But  it  was  to  the  pistols, 
that  General  Jackson  wished  more  particularly  to  draw  our  attention ; 
he  handed  them  to  General  La  Fayette,  and  asked  him  if  he  recognized 
them.  The  latter,  after  examining  them  attentively  for  a  few  minutes, 
replied,  that  he  fully  recollected  them,  to  be  a  pair  he  had  presented  in 
1798  to  his  paternal  friend  Washington,  and  that  he  experienced  a  real 
satisfaction  in  finding  them  in  the  hands  of  one  so  worthy  of  possessing 
them.  At  these  words  the  face  of  old  Hickory  was  covered  with  a  mod- 
est blush,  and  his  eye  sparkled  as  in  a  day  of  victory.  '  Yes !  I  believe 
myself  worthy  of  them,'  exclaimed  he,  in  pressing  the  pistols  and  La- 
Fayette's  hands  to  his  breast ;  '  if  not  from  what  I  have  done,  at  least  for 
what  I  wished  to  do  for  my  country.'  All  the  bystanders  applauded  this 
noble  confidence  of  the  patriot  hero,  and  were  convinced  that  the 
weapons  of  Washington  could  not  be  in  better  hands  than  those  of 
Jackson." 

In  October,  1825,  General  Jackson  was  nominated  by  the  Legislature 
of  Tennessee,  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  He  soon  after  resigned 
his  seat  in  the  United  States  Senate,  and  retired  to  private  life.  In  May, 
1826,  he  was  nominated  for  the  Presidency,  by  a  meeting  of  citizens  in 
.Philadelphia.  Active  measures  were  taken  by  his  friends  to  insure  his 
success,  and  it  was  not  forgotten  to  place  his  military  talents  in  a  daz- 
zling light  before  the  people.  At  an  anniversary  of  our  independence, 
which  was  celebrated  at  Fayetteville  in  Tennessee,  he  addressed  an  as- 
sembly, as  follows  : 

"  Your  cordial  welcome  is  grateful  to  my  feelings.  It  recalls  to  my 
recollection  the  urbanity  and  hospitality  which  were  extended  to  me  and 
my  troops  by  the  citizens  of  this  town  and  country,  in  1813,  while  encamp- 
ed in  its  vicinity,  on  their  march  to  protect  our  southern  frontier  from 
the  ruthless  savage.  Sir,  the  orderly  conduct  of  the  brave  men  I  had 
the  happiness  then  to  command,  was  honorable  to  them,  to  me,  and  to 
their  country.  Those  high-minded  men,  whom  patriotism  alone  had  led 
to  the  tented  field,  to  defend  their  country  and  their  country's  rights, 
could  not  trespass  on,  or  infringe  the  rights  and  privileges  of  their  fellow 
citizens  of  Fayetteville  and  of  Lincoln  county.  These  were  the  wealth 
and  sinew  of  your  country — they  were  the  citizen  soldiers,  who  appre- 
ciated, above  all  earthly  blessings,  their  liberties  achieved  by  their  fore- 
fathers, and  had  sworn  to  hand  them  down,  unimpaired,  to  their  children, 
or  die  in  the  attempt.  With  such  an  army  your  rights  could  not  be 
infringed,  nor  your  property  molested.  In  the  ranks  of  such  men,  order, 
discipline,  and  strict  subordination,  were  easily  introduced  and  main- 
tained. It  was  the  prowess  of  those  citizen  soldiers  that  enabled  me  so 
promptly  and  effectually  to  terminate  a  savage  war — to  meet  and  vaij- 


312  JACKSON. 

quish  the;r  more  savage  allies,  the  British,  at  New  Orleans,  which  gave 
security  :o  your  borders,  and  peace  to  the  nation.  I,  Sir,  was  only  a 
humble  instrument  in  the  hands  of  a  wise  and  superintending  Provi- 
dence, for  the  accomplishment  of  those  important  and  beneficial  ob- 
jects. 

"  My  humble  efforts  in  the  service  of  my  country,  whether  in  the  field 
or  cabinet,  I  am  fearful,  are  too  highly  appreciated  by  you.  I  can  with 
candor,  however,  declare,  that  in  every  situation,  to  which  I  have  been 
called  by  my  fellow  citizens,  my  best  judgment  has  been  exercised,  and 
unceasing  exertions  been  employed,  to  promote  the  best  interests  of 
my  country.  How  far  I  have  succeeded,  is  evidenced  by  your  approba- 
tion. 

"  You,  Sir,  have  been  pleased  to  pass  in  review  my  conduct  in  the  late 
presidential  contest.  I  trust  you  will  believe  me  candid,  when  I  assure 
yuu,  that  I  have  too  long  practised  the  pure  principles  of  republicanism 
to  abandon  them  at  this  late  period  of  my  life.  I  have  always  been 
taught  to  believe  that  ours  is  a  government  based  upon  the  will  of  the 
people,  and  established  for  their  prosperity  and  happiness  exclusively. — 
In  the  adoption  of  our  Constitution,  the  people  secured  to  themselves  the 
right  of  choosing  their  own  agents  to  administer  the  government  agreea- 
bly to  their  own  will,  as  expressed  by  the  voice  of  a  majority.  Surely, 
then,  in  the  exercise  of  these  important  rights,  they  ought  to  be  left  to 
the  dictates  of  their  own  unbiassed  judgments.  Acting,  Sir,  in  accor- 
dance to  these  fundamental  principles  of  our  government,  and  having  laid 
it  down  as  a  rule  from  which  I  have  revrr  departed,  '  neither  to  seek, 
nor  decline  office,  when  freely  offered  by  the  people,'  I  could  not  inter- 
fere, in  any  manner  whatever,  in  that  contest,  while  either  before  the 
people,  or  the  people's  representatives.  Your  approbation  of  my  course 
is,  therefore,  truly  gratifying,  and  particularly  so,  as  my  conduct  on  that 
occasion  was  dictated  by  my  best  judgment. 

"  For  the  kind  solicitude  you  have  expressed  for  my  promotion  in  the 
estimation  of  my  fellow-citizens,  I  tender  you  my  sincere  thanks." 

In  1828,  General  Jackson  was  present  at  New  Orleans,  at  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  eighth  of  January ;  the  anniversary  of  the  victory,  to 
which  his  energy  and  decision  had  contributed  so  much.  He  was  hos- 
pitably welcomed  by  the  city  authorities,  and  the  enthusiasm  of  the  day 
was  greatly  augmented  by  his  presence. 

As  the  period,  which  was  to  decide  the  new  Presidential  election  ap- 
proached, the  excitement  of  the  contending  parties  increased.  In  the  au- 
tumn of  1828,  the  election  took  place,  and  the  result  was  the  choice  of  Gene- 
ral Jameson  as  President  of  the  United  States.  Before  departing  for  the 
seat  of  government,  he  met  with  a  severe  affliction  in  the  dea  h  of  Mrs. 
Jackson.  The  loss  bore  heavily  upon  him  for  some  time. 

Towards  the  close  of  January,  1829,  General  Jackson  and  suite  left  the 
Hermitage  for  the  seat  of  Government.  He  reached  Washington  early 
in  February,  in  a  plain  carriage,  and  escorted  by  ten  or  twelve  horsemen. 
On  the  4th  of  March,  the  ceremony  of  his  inauguration  took  place  in  the 
Senate  chamber.  His  address  upon  the  occasion  was  short,  but  appro- 
priate and  sufficient. 


JACKSON.  313 

President  Jackson  organized  his  Cabinet  by  appointing  Martin  Van 
Buren,  of  New  York,  Secretary  of  State ;  Samuel  D.  Ingham,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, Secretary  of  the  Treasury  ;  John  H.  Eaton,  of  Tennessee,  Sec- 
retary of  War ;  John  Branch,  of  North  Carolina,  Secretary  of  the  Navy  ; 
and  John  M.  Berrien,  of  Georgia,  Attorney  General. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  new  administration  was  a  sweeping  remo- 
val from  office  of  all  those  who  had  been  actively  opposed  to  his  election. 
For  this  he  was  much  censured  by  many,  and  there  is  no  doubt  but  that 
a  good  deal  of  private  calamity  was  occasioned  by  the  act.  His  friends, 
however,  have  asserted,  though  without  the  shadow  of  truth,  that  such 
persons  only  were  removed,  as  the  public  good  required. 

On  the  opening  of  Congress  in  December,  1829,  the  first  message  of 
the  President  was  delivered.  In  this  document,  he  recommended  the 
amendment  of  that  part  of  our  Constitution,  which  relates  to  the  election 
of  President  and  Vice  President,  so  that  all  intermediate  agency  in  the 
election  might  be  removed. 

He  believed,  that  the  purity  of  our  government  would  be  promoted  by 
the  exclusion  of  members  of  Congress,  from  all  appointments  in  the  gift 
of  the  President. 

He  advised,  that  the  attention  of  Congress  should  be  directed  to  the 
modification  of  the  Tariff. 

He  recommended  that  no  more  first-rate  ships  should  be  built,  but  that 
the  materials  of  marine  architecture  should  rather  be  collected  and  placed 
in  situations  where  they  might  readily  be  put  to  use. 

On  the  27th  of  May,  the  President  rejected  the  bill,  which  originated 
in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  passed  that  House,  and  also  the 
Senate,  authorizing  a  subscription  of  stock  in  the  Maysville  and  Wash- 
ington Turnpike  Road  Company,  in  Kentucky.  This  bill  was  returned 
to  the  House  of  Representatives,  with  the  President's  objections  thereto. 

In  December,  1830,  Congress  again  assembled,  and  President  Jackson 
presented  his  second  message  to  the  Representatives  of  the  nation. 
Previous  to  the  close  of  this  Congressional  session,  a  rupture  took  place 
between  the  President  and  Mr.  Calhoun,  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States,  which  gave  rise  to  a  voluminous  correspondence  between  the 
parties  concerned. 

The  correspondence  was  published  at  the  adjournment  of  Congress. 
This  decisive  step  plainly  indicated  a  division  among  the  friends  of  the 
administration ;  and  as  the  influence  of  the  Vice  President  predominated 
in  the  Southern,  and  he  was  not  without  friends  in  the  Middle  States, 
his  appeal  began  to  affect  injuriously  the  administration  itself,  from  a 
conviction  that  its  head  was  operated  upon  by  improper  feelings  and  pre- 
judices. 

*  "  In  this  posture  of  affairs,  the  country  was  astonished  by  the  infor- 
mation promulgated  through  the  official  journal  at  the  seat  of  Govern- 
ment, April  20th,  1831,  that  the  Cabinet  Ministers  of  the  President  had 
resigned,  and  the  most  lively  curiosity  was  manifested  to  learn  the 
causes  of  this  unexpected  and  unprecedented  movement.  This  curiosity 

*  American  Annual  Register. 
40 


314  JACKSON. 

was  not  speedily  gratified.  The  letters  of  the  several  members  of  the 
Cabinet  were  published,  but  they  served  to  inflame  rather  than  to  gratify 
the  public  feeling. 

"  The  mystery  was  finally  developed  by  a  communication  of  the  At- 
torney General  to  the  public,  in  which  the  cause  of  the  want  of  harmony 
in  the  adminstration  was  attributed  to  a  determination  to  compel  the  fami- 
lies of  the  dismissed  members  to  associate  with  the  wife  of  the  Secretary 
of  War, 

"  By  this  statement  it  appeared  that  these  ladies  had,  in  accordance 
with  the  general  understanding  of  the  female  part  of  society  at  Washing- 
ton, declined  to  visit  the  family  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  that  this 
neglect,  being  resented  by  that  gentleman,  had  produced  a  coolness  be- 
tween him  and  the  heads  of  those  families.  As  the  President  warmly 
espoused  the  feelings  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  as  of  an  old  and  confiden- 
tial friend,  it  was  rumored,  early  in  the  year,  that  their  removal  would 
be  a  consequence  of  this  resentment ;  and  the  Attorney  General  stated, 
that  about  that  time  a  confidential  friend  of  the  President  (Richard  M. 
Johnson)  called  upon  him  and  the  other  refractory  members,  as  from  the 
President,  and  intimated  to  them,  that  unless  they  would  consent  to  at 
least  a  formal  intercourse  between  their  families  and  that  of  the  Secreta- 
ry of  War,  he  had  determined  to  remove  them  from  office.  They  re- 
plied, that  while  they  felt  bound  to  maintain  a  frank  and  harmonious  in- 
tercourse with  their  colleagues,  they  would  not  permit  any  interference 
with  the  social  relations  of  their  families,  and  wholly  refused  to  comply 
with  the  request.  Other  friends,  however,  interfered,  and  the  President 
was  induced  to  waive  any  further  prosecution  of  the  subject  at  that 
time. 

"  To  that  refusal,  however,  he  attributed  the  want  of  harmony  of  the 
Cabinet,  and  its  consequent  dissolution. 

"  This  charge,  from  a  high  and  unquestioned  source,  imputing  so  discre- 
ditable and  undignified  an  interference  with  the  private  and  domestic  rela- 
tions of  the  members  of  his  Cabinet,  produced  a  strong  impression  upon 
the  public  mind ;  and,  with  the  view  of  obviating  that  unfavorable  im- 
pression, a  different  version  was  soon  furnished  of  these  transactions,  by 
the  friends  of  the  administration.  According  to  this  version,  it  seemed 
that  the  President,  believing  that  a  combination  had  been  entered  into 
by  the  Vice-President  and  a  portion  of  his  Cabinet,  to  drive  the  Secreta- 
ry of  War  from  the  administration,  by  excluding  his  family  from  society, 
had  determined  on  re-organizing  his  Cabinet,  unless  its  members  would 
consent  to  meet  upon  terms  of  harmonious  intercourse.  With  the  view 
of  averting  that  result,  Mr.  Johnson  called  upon  the  members  of  the 
Cabinet,  and  suggested  to  them  the  propriety  of  associating  with  the 
family  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  or  at  least  of  assenting  to  a  formal  inter- 
course, which  would  be  all  that  the  President  could  desire.  In  making 
this  proposition,  Colonel  Johnson  asserted,  that  he  was  actuated  solely  by 
a  desire  to  prevent  a  dissolution  of  the  Cabinet ;  that  it  was  upon  his 
own  authority ;  and  that  he  was  in  no  shape  authorized  by  the  President 
to  make  any  such  requisition. 

"  This  version  was  sustained  by  an  authorized  publication  on  the  part 


JACKSON.  315 

of  the  President,  while  that  of  the  Attorney  General  was  supported  by 
the  testimony  of  the  Secretaries  of  the  Navy  and  of  the  Treasury.  It 
was,  however,  impossible  to  avoid  the  conclusion,  that,  to  the  influence 
of  these  domestic  dissensions,  the  dissolution  of  the  Cabinet  was  to  be 
solely  attributed,  and  that  the  cause  assigned  in  the  letter  of  the  Secreta- 
ry of  State,  was  merely  ostensible,  and  with  the  design  of  diverting  the 
public  attention  from  these  discreditable  occurrences.  The  satisfaction 
that  was  felt  by  the  community  at  large  at  the  breaking  up  of  the  most 
incompetent  Cabinet,  that  was  ever  called  to  the  administration  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  in  some  measure  compensated  for  the 
manner  in  which  it  was  dissolved.  This  satisfaction  was  increased  by 
the  character  of  the  gentlemen  invited  to  act  as  their  successors." 

The  new  Cabinet,  which  was  not  completely  organized  until  late  in 
the  summer  of  1831,  was  constituted  as  follows  : 

EDWARD  LIVINGSTON,  of  Louisiana,  Secretary  of  State. 

Louis  McLANE,  of  Delaware,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

LEWIS  CASS,  of  Ohio,  Secretary  of  War. 

LEVI  WOODBURY,  of  New-Hampshire,  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

ROGER  B.  TANEY,  of  Maryland,  Attorney  General. 

This  Cabinet  was  not  only,  in  every  particular,  superior  to  that  which 
preceded  it,  but  might  fairly  compare,  in  point  of  talent  and  ability,  with 
that  of  any  previous  administration,  and  its  character  furnished  strong 
testimony  of  the  tribute  paid  to  public  opinion  in  the  selection  of  his  pub- 
lic advisers  by  a  Chief  Magistrate  of  great  personal  popularity. 

The  determination  adopted  by  General  Jackson,  upon  his  accession  to 
the  Presidency,  not  to  enforce  the  Indian  intercourse  act,  whenever  its 
provisions  should  bring  the  Government  of  a  State  into  collision  with 
that  of  the  United  States,  now  began  to  produce  the  most  unhappy  con- 
sequences. Encouraged  by  the  conviction,  that  they  could  proceed 
without  molestation,  the  Government  of  Georgia  commenced  the  execu- 
tion of  what  it  had  only  threatened,  under  the  preceding  administration. 
Shortly  after  the  period  designated  for  the  extension  of  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  State,  over  the  Cherokee  territory,  the  writs  of  the  State  Courts 
were  issued  against  residents  in  the  Indian  territory,  and  the  Cherokees 
were  tried  before  the  State  tribunals,  without  any  regard  being  paid  to 
their  pleas  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Court  before  which  they  were  sum- 
moned. 

"  In  the  case  of  George  Tassel,  a  Cherokee,  charged  with  the  murder 
of  another  Cherokee  upon  the  Indian  Territory,  an  effort  was  made  to 
procure  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  upon  the  constitutionality  of 
the  State  laws.  After  his  trial  and  condemnation,  by  the  Superior 
Court  for  Hall  County,  a  writ  of  error  was  issued  from  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  and  a  citation  was  served  upon  Governor 
Gilmer,  on  the  22d  of  December,  1830,  requiring  the  State  of  Georgia,  to 
appear  before  the  Supreme  Court,  at  Washington,  on  the  second  Monday 
of  January,  to  shew  cause  why  the  judgment  in  that  case  should  not  be 
reversed.  As  the  question  in  this  cause  was  simply  concerning  the 
validky  of  the  treaties  between  the  United  States  and  the  Cherokee 
tribe,  it  was  obviously  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Federal  Judiciary, 


316  JACKSON. 

which,  by  the  second  section  of  the  third  article  of  the  Constitution,  is 
declared  to  extend  '  to  all  cases  in  law  and  equity,  arising  under  this 
Constitution,  the  laws  of  the  United  States  and  treaties  made  or  which 
shall  be  made,  under  their  authority.' " 

"  Governor  Gilmer,  however,  regarding  it  as  an  usurpation  of  authori- 
ty, immediately  transmitted  the  citation  to  the  Legislature,  with  a  mes- 
sage exhorting  that  body  to  take  measures  to  resist  any  interference  on 
the  part  of  the  Federal  Judiciary,  with  the  jurisdiction  of  the  criminal 
Courts  of  the  State. 

Upon  the  reception  of  this  message,  the  following  resolutions  were 
proposed  by  the  committee  to  which  the  subject  was  referred,  and  were 
passed  by  the  Legislature. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  State  of  Georgia  will  never  so  far  compromit  her 
sovereignty  as  an  independent  State,  as  to  become  a  party  to  the  case 
sought  to  be  made  before  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  by  the 
writ  in  question. 

"  Resolved,  That  his  Excellency  the  Governor,  be,  and  he  is  hereby 
authorized,  to  communicate  to  the  Sheriff  of  Hall  County,  by  express,  so 
much  of  the  foregoing  resolutions,  and  such  orders  as  are  necessary  to 
insure  the  full  execution  of  the  laws,  in  the  case  of  George  Tassel, 
convicted  of  murder  in  Hall  County.'  " 

"  Orders  were  accordingly  given  to  the  Court  and  the  Sheriff,  to  disre- 
gard any  process  from  the  United  States'  Courts,  and  the  execution  of 
the  unfortunate  Indian  took  place  on  the  28th  of  December,  pursuant  to 
his  sentence. 

The  subsequent  arrest  and  treatment  of  the  missionaries  r.r*  well  re- 
membered. These  acts  apparently  received  the  countenance  and  sup- 
port of  the  General  Government. 

The  twenty-second  Congress  of  the  United  States  convened  in  Decem- 
ber, 1831.  The  customary  message  of  the  President  at  this  time  was 
received  with  considerable  favor  by  the  people. 

One  of  the  most  prominent  acts  of  this  session  of  Congress,  was  the 
rejection  by  the  Senate,  of  the  nomination  of  Martin  Van  Buren,  by  the 
President,  as  Minister  to  England.  This  rejection  is  said  to  have  been  a 
subject  of  much  irritation  to  General  Jackson. 

Another  and  more  important  question  which  agitated  Congress,  was 
that  of  renewing  the  charter  of  the  present  Bank  of  the  United  States. 
After  much  discussion,  this  bill  passed  the  House  and  Senate,  and  was 
submitted  to  the  President,  by  whom  it  was  rejected,  and  returned  with 
his  objections.  These  objections  have  been  too  recently  before  the  read- 
er to  be  acceptable  in  this  place.  A  great  sensation  was  produced 
throughout  the  Union  by  the  promulgation  of  the  veto  message  ;  and  the 
result  of  the  excitement  was  perhaps  favorable  to  the  man,  who  had  pos- 
sessed the  independence  to  pursue  such  a  course.  On  the  13th  of  July, 
the  Senate  resumed  the  bank  subject,  and,  after  some  debate,  the  question 
was  put,  "  whether  the  bill  should  become  a  law,  the  President's  objections 
to  the  contrary  notwithstanding,"  and  was  decided  in  the  negative. 

The  next  public  paper  of  moment,  which  proceeded  from  the  Presi- 
dent, was  the  proclamation  issued  against  the  ordinance  of  the  South 


JACKSON.  317 

% 

Carolina  Convention,  assembled  at  Columbia.  The  proceedings  of  this 
Convention  had  been  watched  with  intense  interest  by  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  and  when  the  deliberations  resulted  in  the  plainly  avowed 
threat  of  Nullification,  conjecture  was  busy  in  imagining  the  course 
which  would  be  pursued  by  the  President,  at  so  alarming  a  crisis.  No 
sooner  was  his  proclamation  issued,  denouncing  the  measures  of  the 
Convention,  than  it  was  met  by  the  most  cheering  responses  from  all 
parts  of  the  Union.  This  document  may  be  ranked  among  the  ablest 
and  most  popular  state  papers  ever  promulgated.  Few,  perhaps,  have 
been  more  read  and  applauded.  A  counter  proclamation  from  Governor 
Hayne  soon  followed,  warning  the  good  people  of  South  Carolina  against 
"  the  insidious  attempts  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  seduce 
them  from  their  allegiance."  Fortunately  the  excitement  has  been 
allayed  without  bloodshed,  by  the  removal  of  the  most  prominent  causes 
for  complaint. 

On  the  13th  of  February,  1833,  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  met  in 
the  Representatives'  chamber,  to  count  the  votes  for  a  President  and 
Vice-President  of  the  United  States  for  four  years  from  the  4th  of 
March  ensuing.  The  ballots  were  opened  by  the  President  of  the 
Senate,  when  they  were  examined,  and  the  certificate  of  the  vote  read  by 
the  tellers.  The  official  result  was  as  follows  : 

For  President,  JACKSON,  -       219         CLAY,  49 

For  Vice-President,  VAN  BUREN,     -     189         SERGEANT,  49 

The  majority  for  General  Jackson  was  declared  to  be  145.  His  inau- 
guration took  place  with  the  usual  ceremonies  on  the  4th  of  March. 

On  the  6th  of  May,  General  Jackson,  with  the  members  of  his  Cabinet, 
and  his  private  secretary,  left  Washington  in  compliance  with  the  invi- 
tation of  the  "  Monumental  Committee"  at  Fredericksburg,  to  lay  the 
corner-stone  of  the  pillar,  to  be  erected  in  honor  of  the  mother  of  Wash- 
ington. The  President  and  his  party  embarked  in  the  large  and  com- 
modious steamer  Cygnet.  "  The  day,"  says  a  correspondent  of  the  N. 
Y.  Mirror,  "  was  mild,  and  the  air  soft  and  refreshing.  After  the  com- 
pany had  assembled  on  board,  they  paid  their  respects  to  the  Executive, 
which  that  venerable  patriot  received  with  the  ease  and  grace  of  the 
most  finished  gentleman  of  the  old  school.  They  then  separated ;  some 
of  the  party  went  upon  the  upper  deck,  to  admire  the  picturesque  and 
beautiful  scenery  of  the  surrounding  country,  whence,  from  the  north 
round  to  the  south,  lay  a  line  of  high  grounds,  forming  within  their  in- 
terior an  extensive  amphitheatre.  On  the  south,  the  broad  and  peaceful 
Potomac,  stretching  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach.  On  the  eastern 
branch  of  the  river  was  to  be  seen  the  navy  yard,  and  several  of  the 
public  armed  vessels  lying  in  the  stream,  with  our  flag  floating  on  the 
breeze ;  and,  on  the  western  branch,  we  had  a  distant  but  beautiful  view 
of  Georgetown,  as  it  slopes  from  the  high  grounds  to  the  river ;  and  be- 
tween that  and  the  navy  yard,  was  to  be  seen  the  city  of  Washington, 
whence  we  had  just  taken  our  departure ;  and  from  our  situation  we 
had,  at  one  glance,  a  view  of  the  bridge  crossing  the  river,  wh:ch  ex- 
ceeds a  mile  in  extent,  the  Chief  Magistrate's  house,  and  the  capitol, 
with  its  splendid  dome,  rearing  its  head  over  every  other  object.  Among 


318  JACKSOIT 

i 

those  who  went  upon  the  upper  deck  were  the  heads  of  department.  A 
group  of  ladies,  with  their  attendants,  were  seated  in  the  after  part  of  the 
boat ;  and  an  excellent  band  of  music  was  playing  several  national  airs, 
as  the  steamer  glided  on  her  way,  and  shortly  arrived  at  the  city  of 
Alexandria.  General  Jackson  had,  just  previous  to  the  boat's  Teaching 
the  wharf,  retired  to  the  cabin,  and  had  taken  his  seat  at  a  long  table, 
which  had  been  set  preparatory  for  dinner ;  he  was  seated  on  the  west 
side,  and  next  to  the  berths,  there  being  barely  room  enough  left  be- 
tween the  berths  and  table  for  a  person  to  pass,  by  moving  sideways. 
Upon  his  left  sat  Mrs.  Thruston,  the  wife  of  Judge  Thruston,  of  Wash- 
ington ;  and  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  table  sat  Major  Donaldson,  the 
General's  private  secretary ;  Mr.  Potter,  a  clerk  in  one  of  the  depart- 
ments at  Washington  ;  and  Captain  Broome,  of  the  marine  corps.  The 
President  was  reading  a  newspaper.  While  in  this  situation,  (there 
being  no  other  person  in  the  cabin  or  near  him,)  a  large  number  of 
citizens  came  on  board,  as  it  was  supposed,  to  pay  their  respects  to  him. 
Among  the  number  was  Randolph,  late  a  lieutenant  in  the  navy.  He 
made  his  way  into  the  cabin,  and  after  speaking  to  Captain  Broome,  who 
had  long  been  acquainted  with  him,  he  immediately  advanced  between 
the  table  and  the  berths  toward  the  President,  as  if  to  address  him.  The 
President  did  not  know  him,  and  it  seems  that  Captain  Broome  did  not 
mention  his  name,  because,  he  said,  he  believed  that  the  object  of  his 
visit  was  to  present  a  petition,  praying  to  be  restored  to  the  navy  again  ; 
still,  as  the  cap*ain  did  not  know  that  that  was  the  object  of  his  visit, 
and  fearing,  as  he  said,  that  he  might  intend  to  commit  some  act  of 
violence,  he  stepped  quickly  to  the  same  side  of  the  table,  and  advanced 
up  to  and  near  Randolph,  who  had  by  this  time  come  so  near  General 
Jackson  as  to  be  observed  by  him,  who,  supposing  it  was  some  person 
about  to  salute  him,  said  that  he  was  afflicted  with  a  severe  pain  in  his 
side,  and  begged  to  be  excused  for  not  rising ;  and,  seeing  that  Randolph 
had  some  difficulty  in  pulling  off  his  glove,  he  stretched  out  his  hand 
toward  him,  saying,  at  the  same  time,  "  Never  mind  your  glove,  sir." 
Upon  this,  Randolph  thrust  one  hand  violently  into  the  President's  face ; 
but,  before  he  could  make  use  of  the  other,  or  repeat  his  Wow,  Captain 
Broome  seized  and  drew  him  off  toward  the  door.  A  part  of  the  table 
was  broken  down  in  the  scuffle.  Mr.  Potter  thrust  his  umbrella  at  Ran- 
dolph across  the  table,  at  the  moment  Captain  Broome  seized  him ; 
whereupon  Randolph's  friends  clenched  him,  hurried  him  out '  of  the 
cabin,  and  off  from  the  boat,  leaving  his  hat  behind.  This  was  done  so 
quickly,  that  the  few  persons  who  were  near  the  President  were  not  aware 
of  it,  as  they  had  all  turned  around  after  pushing  Randolph  away,  to  in- 
quire whether  or  not  the  Chief  Magistrate  was  much  hurt.  He  was  so 
confined  behind  the  table,  that  he  could  not  rise  with  ease,  nor  could  he 
seize  his  cane  in  time  to  defend  himself.  The  news  of  this  outrage  was 
soon  circulated  around  the  boat,  and  at  first  it  seemed  so  incredible  that 
no  one  could  be  found  to  believe  it ;  all,  however,  immediately  repaired 
to  the  cabin,  and  heard  the  President  relate  the  story  himself. 

"  Had  I  been  apprised,"  said  he,  "  that  Randolph   stood  before  me,  I 
should  have  been  prepared  for  him,  and  I  could  have  defended  myself* 


JACKSON.  319 

No  villain,"    said  he,   "  has  ever  escaped  me  before  ;  and  he  would  not, 
had  it  not  been  for  my  confined  situation." 

Some  blood  was  seen  on  his  face,  and  he  was  asked  whether  he  had 
been  much  injured  ? 

"  No,"  said  he,  "  I  am  not  much  hurt ;  but,  in  endeavoring  to  rise,  I 
have  wounded  my  side,  which  now  pains  me  more  than  it  did." 

About  this  time,  one  of  the  citizens  of  Alexandria,  who  had  heard  of 
the  outrage,  addressed  the  General,  and  said  :    "  Sir,  if  you  will  pardon 
me,  in  case  I  am  tried  and  convicted,  I  will  kill  Randolph,  for  this  insult* 
to  you,  in  fifteen  minutes  ?"* 

"  No,  Sir,"  said  the  President,  "  I  cannot  do  that.  I  want  no  man  to 
stand  between  me  and  my  assailants,  and  none  to  take  revenge  on  my 
account.  Had  I  been  prepared  for  this  cowardly  villain's  approach,  I 
can  assure  you  all,  that  he  would  never  have  the  temerity  to  undertake 
such  a  thing  again." 

"  The  spirits  of  the  whole  party  had  been  much  affected  by  this  out- 
rage ;  no  one  could  think  or  talk  of  any  thing  else  ;  and  it  seemed  that 
the  sacred  errand  which  the  President  was  proceeding  upon  would  be 
defeated.  But,  after  the  steamer  had  got  under  way  from  the  fort,  and 
after  the  report  of  the  last  cannon,  fired  as  a  salute  in  honor  of  the  Chief 
Magistrate,  had  died  away,  some  one  exclaimed,  "  We  are  approaching, 
and  shall  soon  be  at  Mount  Vernon."  Upon  this  the  pulse  of  every 
heart  on  board  was  quickened,  and  every  eye  was  turned  toward  the 
beautiful  promontory,  which  projects  into  the  river;  and  upon  the  sacred 
mansion  (which  is  situated  upon  the  highest  part  of  it)  where  once  dwelt 
the  father  of  his  country.  The  band  played  a  funeral  dirge  as  we  pass- 
ed his  tomb,  and  then  the  steamer  lay  to  for  some  time,  and  a  small 
Vr-f  was  seen  gliding  to  the  shore,  bearing  two  gentlemen  of  the  party, 
who  if»v-c*ed  on  the  plantation,  and  ascended  the  hill  to  the  mansion. 
But  few  on  board  knew  the  object  of  the  delay.  In  a  few  moments, 
however,  they  retimed  to  the  boat  with  three  ladies,  the  descendants  of 
Washington,  anu  the  residents  of  Mount  Vernon,  who  had  agreed  to 
honor  the  occasion  with  their  company.  Upon  Beaching  the  deck  of  the 
steamer,  they  were  introduced  to  General  Jackson,  when  each  presented 
him  with  a  bunch  of  flowers  culled  from  the  garden  which  had  been  cul- 
tivated by  the  hands  of  the  immortal  Washfairton.  This  incident  dis- 
pelled the  gloom  occasioned  by  the  outrage  already  related,  and  the  re- 
mainder of  the  passage  was  pleasant  and  agreeable. 

"  The  President  was  met  at  Potomac  creek,  nine  miles  from  Fredericks- 
burgh,  by  the  Monument  committee,  and  a  long  concourse  of  gentlemen 
on  horseback,  who  escorted  him  to  the  heights  north  of  Fredericksburgh, 
from  whence  was  an  extensive  view  of  the  beautiful  and  fertile  valley  of 
the  Rappahannock,  of  the  city  itself,  which  is  delightfully  situated  upon 
the  south  bank  of  the  river,  and  likewise  of  the  numerous  and  splendid 
country  seats  in  the  vicinity  of  the  city.  The  view  from  this  spot  was 
grand  and  imposing  beyond  description.  Here  the  President  was  met 
by  several  companies  in  uniform,  under  the  command  of  Major  Patten, 

*It  has  been^well  remarked,  that  this  proposal  was  more  insulting  than  the  assauh. 


320  JACKSON. 

and  conducted  in  an  elegant  open  carriage,  through  the  principal  streets 
in  the  city,  to  Doctor  Wallace's,  whose  hospitable  mansion  was  thrown 
open  to  him,  as  were  the  dwellings  of  all  the  members  of  the  committee, 
and  of  the  citizens,  to  the  invited  guests  and  numerous  strangers  then 
assembled.  The  kind,  hospitable  manner  in  which  the  citizens  received 
and  entertained  their  guests  and  friends,  made  an  indelible  impression 
upon  all,  and  will  long  be  remembered  with  gratitude." 

On  Tuesday  the  seventh,  the  day  fixed  upon  for  the  ceremony,  the 
'city,  at  an  early  hour,  was  crowded  to  overflowing.  At  10  o'clock,  a 
procession  was  formed  by  the  marshals  of  the  day,  and  moved  to  the  site 
of  the  monument.  On  the  arrival  of  the  column  on  the  ground  where 
repose  the  remains  of  the  mother  of  Washington,  a  detachment  of  caval- 
ry wheeled  to  the  left  and  formed  outside  of  the  green.  The  infantry 
were  formed  in  line  on  the  left,  and  the  strangers  and  citizens  formed  a 
square,  within  which  the  President  and  heads  of  department,  the  Ma- 
sonic societies,  and  the  ladies  and  relatives  of  the  Washington  family, 
the  architect,  the  committee,  marshals,  mayor  and  common  council, 
occupied  the  space  about  the  monument.  The  spectacle  was  grand  and 
imposing ;  all  seemed  desirous  of  approaching  as  near  as  possible,  in 
order  to  witness  the  ceremony.  After  an  appropriate  prayer  from  the 
Rev.  E.  C.  M'Guire,  an  eloquent  .address  was  delivered  by  Mr.  Bassett, 
one  of  the  members  of  the  monumental  committee. 

To  this  address,  the  President  made  a  reply,  distinguished  for  its 
chaste  and  appropriate  character ;  a  specimen  of  finished  and  touching 
eloquence  that  would  have  done  honor  to  any  statesman  or  orator  that 
our  country  has  produced.  It  was  delivered  with  deep  feeling,  and  lis- 
tened to  by  all  with  proud  attention.  Upon  concluding  it,  the  President 
deposited  a  plate,  with  a  suitable  inscription,  in  the  place  intended  for  it, 
and  then  the  stone  was  laid,  and  the  procession  returned  in  the  same 
order  to  the  ton-n-hall. 

"  The  day  was  concluded  with  a  ball  in  the  evening.  The  attention 
shown  the  venerable  guest  of  Virginia  by  the  citizens  of  the  old  domi- 
nion, furnished  a  striking  illustration  of  the  proverbial  hospitality  and 
generosity  of  that  people.  The  deepest  abhorrence  was  manifested  and 
expressed  by  all  at  the  attempt  made  at  Alexandria  to  deprive  them  of 
the  President's  promised  visit,  to  perform  the  patriotic  and  sacred  rite 
which  he  had  been  invited  to  pay  to  the  mother  of  Washington. 

"  On  the  day  following,  at  noon,  the  procession  was  again  formed,  and 
the  President  was  escorted  to  the  high  grounds  north  of  the  city,  where 
he  was  first  met  by  the  procession.  A  line  was  formed  by  the  military, 
and  he  reviewed  the  troops.  From  thence  he  was  attended  by  the  com- 
mittee and  marshals  to  the  Potomac  creek,  where  he  embarked  for 
Washington.  On  his  return,  and  before  the  boat  arrived  at  Mount  Ver- 
non,  the  ladies  from  that  place  gave  a  pressing  and  earnest  invitation  to 
him,  and  the  heads  of  department,  and  the  others  in  his  company,  to 
land  and  pay  a  visit  to  the  tomb  of  Washington,  which  he  reluctantly 
declined  for  want  of  time,  it  being  then  near  sundown.  After  landing 
the  ladies,  the  boat  soon  reached  Alexandria,  where  a  national  salute 


JACKSON.  321 

was  fired,  and  the  citizens  having  assembled  on  the  piers,  welcomed  the 
President's  return  by  loud  and  repeated  cheering. 

"  On  reaching  the  city  of  Washington,  a  large  concourse  of  citizens 
had  assembled  on  the  wharf.  The  mayor  and  common  council  waited 
upon  the  President  in  the  cabin ;  and  the  mayor,  General  Van  Ness,  de- 
livered a  spirited  and  feeling  address  to  the  President,  expressing  his 
regret,  as  also  that  of  the  citizens  of  Washington  generally,  at  the  wan- 
ton and  dastardly  attack  made  on  the  person  of  the  Chief  Magistrate  ; 
to  which,  and  to  the  resolutions  of  the  citizens  of  Washington  on  the 
same  subject,  which  had  been  read  by  Colonel  Gardner,  the  President 
made  a  reply  in  his  peculiarly  happy  style,  and  then  left  the  boat  with 
the  mayor  and  common  council ;  and  on  landing  he  was  cheered  by  the 
citizens  until  he  reached  his  house." 

The  war,  which  had  long  been  waged  along  our  western  frontiers, 
having  ended  in  the  capture  of  many  of  the  hostile  Indians,  it  was 
thought  advisable  to  retain  the  Chief  Black  Hawk  and  his  son,  to- 
gether with  the  Prophet  and  his  son,  as  hostages.  On  their  arrival  at 
Washington,  they  waited  on  the  President  to  receive  his  orders.  The 
interview  was  friendly  and  satisfactory. 

The  judicious  plan,  which  has  been  recently  carried  into  execution,  of 
conveying  to  these  sons  of  the  forest  an  idea  of  the  resources  and  popula- 
tion of  our  country,  by  means  of  showing  to  them  some  of  the  principal 
cities  of  the  Union,  has  been  justly  commended. 

On  Thursday,  the  6th  day  of  June,  1833,  President  Jackson  set  out  on  his 
journey  to  New  England,  accompanied  by  the  Hon.  Martin  Van  Buren,  the 
Vice-President ;  Mr.  McLane,  Secretary  of  State  ;  Governor  Cass,  Sec- 
retary of  War ;  and  Major  Donaldson,  Private  Secretary.  The  Presi- 
dent was  welcomed  at  Baltimore  with  every  demonstration  of  respect, 
by  a  large  concourse  of  citizens.  He  left  Baltimore  on  Saturday  in  the 
steam-boat  Kentucky.  On  his  passage,  he  stopped  about  twenty  minutes 
at  Chesapeake  city,  while  the  barges  were  preparing  to  proceed  through 
the  canal.  At  Delaware  city,  the  President  and  suite  were  received 
into  the  Ohio,  and  at  New-Castle  they  disembarked  with  military  sa- 
lutes, where  the  President  was  received  by  Governor  Bennett  of  the 
State,  and  committees  and  delegates  from  Wilmington  and  all  the  towns 
in  the  vicinity.  Again  they  embarked  amid  the  salutes  of  the  guns, 
"  the  streamers  waving  in  the  wind,"  and  the  shouts  of  the  applauding 
multitudes.  Long  before  -his  arrival,  every  convenient  spot  in  and 
around  the  navy  yard  was  densely  thronged  with  anxious  spectators. 
About  five  o'clock  the  President  landed  under  a  national  salute,  and 
was  cheered  with  the  oft  repeated  plaudits  of  the  people.  His  onward 
progress  was  marked  by  the  repeated  congratulations  of  the  citizens. 
When  he  had  reached  the  hotel,  he  showed  himself  from  one  of  the 
windows,  and  was  again  received  with  enthusiasm. 

The  public  reception  of  the  President  at  Philadelphia,  took  place  on 
Monday.  At  an  early  hour  the  city  was  alive  with  the  bustle  of  exten- 
sive preparation,  and  the  streets  through  which  the  procession  was  to 
pas?  grew  populous  as  he  approached.  From  nine  until  twelve  o'clock, 
the  President  remained  at  the  State  House  to  receive  the  compliments  of 
41 


322  JACKSON. 

his  fellow-citizens.  At  the  latter  hour  he  proceeded  on  horseback  to 
Arch-street,  where  he  reviewed  the  military.  The  President  was  dressed 
in  a  suit  of  deep  black,  and  passed  along  a  great  portion  of  the  route 
with  his  hat  off.  The  appearance  of  the  military  who  assembled  to  an 
immense  number  was  imposing  and  effective.  Towards  five  o'clock  the 
procession  reached  the  City  Hotel,  and  the  President  alighted,  evidently 
gratified  with  a  reception  at  once  so  respectful  and  so  general. 

The  next  day  the  President  embarked  on  board  the  People's  Line 
steam-boat  Philadelphia ;  she  moved  off  from  the  wharf,  and  a  salute  of 
twenty-one  guns  announced  the  departure  of  the  President  on  his  northern 
tour.  He  stopped  for  about  twenty  minutes  at  Burlington,  and  thence 
crossed  over  to  Bristol,  whence  he  proceeded  to  Bordentown.  After  a 
short  delay  in  this  place,  he  next  proceeded  to  Lamberton,  where  he  took 
carriage  for  Trenton.  Here  he  dined,  and  soon  after  passed  on  to  Prince- 
ton, where  he  spent  the  night.  The  next  morning  he  proceeded  in  a  car- 
riage to  New  Brunswick,  and  thence  to  Perth  Amboy. 

Having  spent  half  an  hour  at  Amboy,  he  went  on  board  the  North 
America,  and  was  received  with  proper  honors  by  the  company,  with 
whom  he  dined.  On  passing  the  Narrows,  salutes  were  fired  from  forts 
Hamilton  and  La  Fayette.  The  General  took  his  station  on  the  upper 
quarter  deck,  where  he  appeared  to  be  highly  delighted  with  the  beautiful 
appearance  of  the  bay,  harbor,  and  fortifications.  Salutes  were  fired  by 
vessels  of  various  nations;  three  steamers,  elegantly  decorated,  and 
crowded  with  passengers,  attended  the  North  America  all  the  way,  and, 
on  approaching  the  city,  numerous  steam  and  sail  boats  were  plying  about 
the  river,  which,  with  the  crowds  of  men  and  women  in  the  Castle  and 
Battery,  and  on  the  housetops  in  the  neighborhood,  gave  to  the  whole 
scene  a  singular  brilliancy  of  effect. 

On  Saturday,  the  President  and  his  suite  embarked  from  New  York, 
and  arrived  at  New  Haven,  at  about  three  in  the  afternoon.  Having 
passed  through  Newport,  Providence  and  Dedham,  the  President  arrived 
on  the  21st  of  June,  at  Roxbury,  where  he  was  very  handsomely  received. 
He  arrived  in  Boston  the  same  afternoon,  and  was  greeted  by  an  immense 
concourse  of  citizens.  On  Wednesday,  he  visited  Cambridge,  where  the 
degree  of  LL.  D.  was  conferred  on  him  by  the  President  of  Harvard 
University.  From  Cambridge  he  passed  with  his  suite  to  Charlestown, 
accompanied  by  the  Governor  and  other  officers  of  State. 

On  Thursday,  June  27,  the  President  passed  through  Lynn,  Salem, 
Marblehead,  and  Andover,  to  Lowell.  He  had  intended  to  proceed  as 
far  north  as  Portland,  but  on  reaching  Concord,  N.  H.,  he  found  that  his 
strength  would  not  enable  him  to  undergo  a  repetition  of  the  labors  which 
the  various  engagements  he  had  made  would  require  of  him.  He  was 
therefore  under  the  necessity  of  giving  up  his  journey,  and  returning  to 
Washington.  He  would  have  found  it  impossible  to  have  borne  up  so 
long  under  the  fatigue  of  exchanging  salutations  and  greetings  with  so 
many  thousands  of  his  fellow-citizens,  but  for  the  animation  inspired  by 
their  enthusiastic  kindness. 

It  was  during  his  absence  on  this  journey  that  the  order  was  given  for 
the  removal  of  the  deposites  from  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  which  led 


JACKSON.  323 

to  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Duane  from  the  cabinet,  and  the  temporary  eleva- 
tion of  Mr.  Taney  to  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  This  act 
rendered  the  last  years  of  his  administration  a  scene  of  continued  agitation 
and  disorder.  By  one  party  it  was  sustained  as  a  bold  and  patriotic 
movement,  necessary  to  arrest  the  political  action  of  a  dangerous  moneyed 
institution.  By  the  other  it  was  denounced  with  equal  ardor,  as  an  act 
equally  contrary  to  the  good  faith  of  the  Republic,  the  spirit  of  our  insti- 
tutions, and  the  letter  of  the  law.  Sufficient  time  has  not  yet  elapsed 
for  the  calm  and  reflective  discussion  of  this  exciting  topic.  The  ques- 
tion was  duly  brought  before  both  Houses  of  Congress.  In  the  Represen- 
tative branch,  where  the  administration  held  a  firm  majority,  no  definite 
action  was  ever  held  on  the  precise  point  at  issue ;  the  debate  turned  and 
resolutions  were  adopted  on  topics  merely  collateral  and  not  involving  the 
main  subject  of  controversy. 

In  the  Senate  the  following  resolution  was  adopted  :  "  Resolved,  that 
the  President,  in  the  late  executive  proceedings  in  relation  to  the  revenue, 
has  assumed  upon  himself  authority  and  power  not  conferred  by  the  Con- 
stitution and  laws,  but  in  derogation  of  both."  This  was  passed  on  the 
28th  of  March,  1834,  by  the  fallowing  vote  :  YEAS.  Messrs.  Bibb,  Black, 
Calhoun,  Clay,  Clayton,  Ewing,  Frelinghuysen,  Kent,  Knight,  Leigh, 
Mangum,  Naudain,  Poindexter,  Porter,  Prentiss,  Preston,  Robbins,  Silsbee, 
Smith,  Southard,  Sprague,  Swift,  Tomlinson,  Tyler,  Waggaman,  Web- 
ster— 26.  NAYS.  Messrs.  Benton,  Brown,  Forsyth,  Grundy,  Hendricks, 
Hill,  Kane,  King  of  Alabama,  King  of  Georgia,  Linn,  McKean,  Moore, 
Morris,  Robinson,  Shepley,  Tallmadge,  Tipton,  White,  Wilkins,  Wright 
—20. 

In  the  session  of  1836-37,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Benton  of  Missouri,  the 
following  resolution  was  adopted  by  the  Senate  :  "Resolved,  that  the  said 
resolve  (above  given)  be  expunged  from  the  journal ;  and  for  that  purpose, 
that  the  secretary  of  the  Senate,  at  such  time  as  the  Senate  may  appoint, 
shall  bring  the  manuscript  journal  of  the  session  1833-34  into  the  Senate, 
and,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate,  draw  black  lines  round  the  said  re- 
solve, and  write  across  the  face  thereof,  in  strong  letters,  the  following 
words  :  '  Expunged,  by  order  of  the  Senate,  this  16th  day  of  January,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  1837.'  " 

On  agreeing  to  this  resolution  the  vote  was  as  follows  :  YEAS.  Messrs. 
Benton,  Brown,  Buchanan,  Dana,  Ewing  of  Illinois,  Fulton,  Grundy, 
Hubbard,  King  of  Alabama,  Linn,  Morris,  Nicholas,  Niles,  Page,  Rives, 
Robinson,  Ruggles,  Sevier,  Strange,  Tallmadge,  Tipton,  Walker,  Wall, 
Wright — 24.  NAYS.  Messrs.  Bayard,  Black,  Calhoun,  Clay,  Crittenden, 
Davis,  Ewing  of  Ohio,  Hendricks,  Kent,  Knight,  Moore,  Prentiss,  Preston, 
Robbins,  Southard,  Swift,  Tomlinson,  Webster,  White — 19. 

The  resolution  having  been  agreed  to,  Mr.  Benton  observed  that  noth- 
ing now  remained  but  for  the  secretary  to  carry  it  into  effect,  and  moved 
that  it  be  executed  upon  the  spot.  The  secretary  thereupon  produced  the 
record,  and  expunged  the  obnoxious  resolution.  No  sooner  had  this 
been  done,  than  loud  and  repeated  hisses  were  heard  from  various  parts 
of  the  gallery.  The  chair  immediately  ordered  the  galleries  to  be  cleared. 
Mr.  Benton  hoped  that  the  galleries  would  not  be  cleared,  but  that  the 


324  JACKSON. 

bank  ruffians  who  had  created  the  disturbance  would  be  arrested.  •  The 
order  to  clear  the  galleries  was  revoked,  and  the  sergeant-at-arms  pro- 
ceeded to  arrest  one  of  the  supposed  culprits.  Mr.  Benton  moved  that  he 
be  brought  to  the  bar  of  the  Senate  ;  the  motion  was  carried.  It  was  af- 
terward suggested  by  the  same  Senator  that  he  should  go  to  the  clerk's 
table  and  there  purge  himself  of  the  contempt  by  oath.  A  motion  was 
here  made  for  his  discharge ;  much  confusion  prevailed,  but  the  motion 
was  pressed  and  carried.  On  being  discharged  from  custody,  the  indi- 
vidual referred  to  advanced  and  addressed  the  chair.  "  Mr.  President, 
am  I  not  to  be  permitted  to  speak  in  my  own  defence  ?"  Chair  to  the  ser- 
geant-at-arms. "  Take  him  out."  The  occupant  of  the  chair  was  Mr. 
Senator  King  of  Alabama. 

The  question  of  the  removal  of  the  deposites,  and  the  important  questions 
connected  with  their  subsequent  disposition,  and  the  regulation  of  the  cur- 
rency, were  the  engrossing  and  exciting  topics  during  the  last  three  years 
of  President  Jackson's  administration.  These  topics  are  too  near,  too  fa- 
miliar, and  too  much  involved  in  the  partisan  discussions  of  the  day, 
to  form  legitimate  subjects  of  historical  comment.  The  end  of  Gene- 
ral Jackson's  policy  is  not  yet  wrought  out.  It  began  in  the  veto  of  the 
United  States  Bank,  and  has  resulted  in  the  universal  suspension  of  specie 
payments.  His  first  objection  to  the  bank  was  on  the  ground  that  it  had 
failed  to  furnish  "  a  sound  and  uniform  currency."  It  is  for  the  historian 
to  tell  us  how  much  his  measures  have  improved  it. 

General  Jackson  went  into  retirement  at  the  Hermitage  immediately 
on  quitting  the  Presidential  chair.  He  still  continues  to  take  an  active 
interest  in  public  affairs,  and  has  recently  issued  a  long  address  to  the 
people  of  Tennessee,  in  vindication  of  his  character  against  certain  charges 
adduced  by  his  old  friend  and  supporter,  Judge  White.  His  adopted 
State  is  now  in  ardent  opposition  to  the  successor  of  his  choice.  We  can 
only  hope  that  the  venerable  Ex-President  may  live  long  enough  to  wit- 
ness the  restoration  of  his  beloved  country  to  her  old  prosperity. 


MARTIN    VAN    BUREN. 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN,  eighth  president  of  the  United  States,  was  born 
at  Kinderhook,  in  the  State  of  New  York,'  on  the  5th  day  of  December^ 
3782.  His  parents  were  of  Dutch  descent,  and  in  humble  circumstances. 
He  received  the  elements  of  his  education  in  an  academy  of  his  native 
village,  which  he  left  at  the  age  of  fourteen  years,  to  commence  the  study 
of  the  law,  in  the  office  of  Francis  Sylvester,  Esq.  a  respectable  practi- 
tioner of  Kinderhook.  The  term  of  study  required  of  candidates  not  edu- 
cated in  college  was  then  seven  years.  Six  of  them  young  Van  Buren 
passed  in  his  native  village,  the  last  in  the  city  of  York,  in  the  office  and 
under  the  direction  of  Mr.  William  P.  Van  Ness,  a  distinguished  member 
of  the  bar,  and  a  prominent  leader  of  the  Democratic  party.  By  this 
gentleman  he  was  introduced  to  the  celebrated  Aaron  Burr,  who  mani- 
fested an  unusual  interest  in  his  welfare,  and  is  said  by  one  of  his  biog- 
raphers to  have  treated  him  "  with  marked  attention,  and  to  have  made 
every  reasonable  effort  to  secure  his  favorable  regard.*' 

In  November,  1803,  in  the  twenty-first  year  of  his  age,  Mr.  Van  Buren 
was  admitted  as  an  attorney  at  law  to  the  bar  of  the  Supreme  Court,  in 
the  State  of  New  York,  and  immediately  commenced  the  practice  of  his 
profession  at  Kinderhook.  At  the  first  succeeding  session  of  the  Colum- 
bia County  Court,  he  was  enrolled  in  the  list  of  its  attorneys  and  counsel- 
lors. He  took  an  early  interest  in  local  politics,  and  professed  the  princi- 
ples of  the  Democratic  party.  When  this  party,  therefore,  obtained  a 
temporary  ascendency  in  the  appointing  department  of  the  State,  Mr.  Van 
Buren  was  appointed  Sanogate  of  Columbia  county.  In  1809,  he  re* 
moved  from  the  village  of  Kinderhook  to  the  city  of  Hudson,  for  the  im- 
provement of  his  professional  prospects.  Thus  established  in  the  capital 
of  his  native  county,  he  may  be  considered  to  have  entered  on  the  most 
successful  period  of  his  professional  life. 

The  bar  of  Columbia  county  numbered  several  members  of  distinguished 
ability.  Among  them  the  most  eminent,  perhaps,  was  the  celebrated 
Elisha  Williams,  Avho  was  a  resident  of  Hudson  at  the  time  of  Mr.  Van 
Buren's  removal  there.  The  first  jury  lawyer  of  his  State,  if  not  of  the 
country,  Mr.  Williams  was  at  the  same  lime  an  active  and  zealous  politi- 
cian of  the  Federal  school,  and  a  prominent  leader  of  the  party  in  his 
section.  Mr.  Van  Buren  occupied  a  corresponding  position  in  the  Demo- 
cratic ranks ;  and  aspired  to  a  distant  competition  with  Mr.  Williams  in 
his  efforts  at  the  bar.  Of  Mr.  Van  Bufen's  speeches  at  the  bar  hardly  a 
fragment  has  been  preserved,  and  it  is  therefore  impossible  to  form  any 
estimate  of  his  powers  from  printed  reports.  Of  his  appearance  at  the 
bar,  in  contrast  with  Mr.  Williams,  we  have  the  following  sketch  from  the 
pen  of  Mr.  Attorney  General  Butler,  it  is  to  be  taken  with  some  degree 


326  VAN   BUREN. 

of  allowance,  as  the  tribute  of  a  pupil  to  his  patron  is  too  apt  to  be  the 
language  of  panegyric ;  and  as  the  natural  relations  of  Mr.  Butler  and 
Mr.  Van  Buren  render  neither  of  them  a  disinterested  witness  to  the 
claims  and  merits  of  the  other. 

"  Never,"  says  Mr,  Butler,  "  were  two  men  more  dissimilar.  Both  were 
eloquent ;  but  ihe  eloquence  of  Williams  was  declamatory  and  exciting  ; 
that  of  Van  Buren  insinuating  and  delightful.  Williams  had  the  livelier 
imagination ;  Van  Buren  the  sounder  judgment.  The  former  presented 
the  strong  points  of  his  case  in  bolder  relief,  invested  them  in  a  more  bril- 
liant coloring,  indulged  a  more  unlicensed  and  magnificent  invective,  and 
gave  more  life  and  variety  to  his  arguments  by  his  peculiar  wit  and  inim* 
liable  humor :  but  Van  Buren  was  his  superior  in  analyzing,  arranging, 
and  combining  the  insulated  materials,  in  comparing  and  weighing  testi- 
mony,  in  unravelling  the  web  of  intricate  affairs,  in  eviscerating  truth 
from  the  mass  of  diversified  and  conflicting  evidence,  in  softening  the 
heart  and  moulding  it  to  his  purpose,  and  in  working  into  the  judgments 
of  his  hearers  the  conclusions  of  his  own  perspicuous  and  persuasive  rea- 
sonings." We  think  this  picture  altogether  too  highly  charged.  That 
Mr.  Williams  was  much  the  superior  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  in  a  commanding 
and  attractive  eloquence  there  is  no  doubt ;  and  it  is  equally  true  that  he 
excelled  him  in  vivacity,  wit,  humor,  and  invective,  Mr.  Van  Buren  was 
never  distinguished  for  any  of  these  qualities,  and  though  he  undoubtedly 
possessed  the  faculty  of  arranging,  combining,  unravelling  intricate  affairs, 
eviscerating  truth,  and  insinuating  himself  into  the  judgments  of  his 
hearers,  it  is  gross  injustice  to  Mr.  Williams  to  intimate  that  he  was  infe- 
rior in  any  of  these  powers. 

Mr.  Van  Buren  resided  for  seven  years  in  Hudson,  engaged  in  the  ac- 
tive practice  of  his  profession ;  and  managed  with  no  little  address  as  a 
party  leader.  His  legal  and  partisan  merits  were  so  well  appreciated,  that 
on  the  accession  of  the  Republican  party,  in  1815,  he  was  appointed  Attor- 
ney General  of  the  State. 

In  1812,  he  had  been  elected  a  member  of  the  State  Senate  from  the 
then  middle  district;  by  which  election  he  became  a  member  of  the  Court 
for  the  revision  of  Errors.  This  simultaneous  occupancy  for  a  considera- 
ble period  of  the  attorney  generalship,  and  of  a  seat  in  the  State  Senate, 
accounts  for  the  infrequency  of  his  opinions  in  the  Court  of  Errors.  In 
1816,  in  consequence  of  his  official  duties  and  his  professional  engage- 
ments, he  removed  from  Hudson  to  Albany,  where  his  practice  became 
extensive  and  lucrative.  In  1819,  his  party  had  lost  their  ascendency  in 
the  council  of  appointment,  and  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  removed  from  the 
office  of  Attorney  General.  In  the  following  year  the  tables  were  turned, 
and  a  re-appointment  was  offered  and  declined.  His  last  professional  effort 
before-  a  jury  is  said  to  have  been  in  the  trials  of  the  celebrated  Astor  case, 
and  the  case  of  the  Sailors1  Snug  Harbor,  in  the  city  of  New  York,  in 
the  fall  of  1827.  It  was  during  the  trial  of  the  latter  case  that  the  cele- 
brated Mr.  Emmet  fell  in  an  apoplectic  fit  which  terminated  his  life.  In 
the  spring  of  1828,  Mr.  Van  Buren  appeared  in  the  case  of  Varick  vs. 
/edbent,  before  the  Court  of  Errors  at  Albany. 

Of  Mr.  Van  Buren's  legal  efforts,  his  biographer  presents  but  a  single 


VAN    BUREN.  327 

specimen ;  which  is  extracted  from  his  argument  in  the  case  of  Wilkes  vs. 
Lion,  before  the  Court  of  Errors  at  Albany,  in  December,  1823,  reported 
at  length  in  the  second  of  Cowen.  From  this  argument  we  present  a 
single  passage,  which  illustrates  the  variation  in  Mr.  Van  Buren's 
opinions,  at  different  periods,  on  the  binding  obligation  of  legal  and  con- 
stitutional precedents. 

"  The  parties  came  here,"  said  Mr.  Van  Buren,  "  to  litigate  a  principle 
so  fully  and  plainly  established,  in  the  Supreme  Court,  that  the  decision 
of  the  cause,  there,  though  involving  a  large  amount  of  property,  was  not 
deemed  worth  reporting.  You  saw  that  principle  concurred  in  by  Kent, 
Chief  Justice,  Thompson,  Chief  Justice,  and  Spencer,  Van  Ness,  Yates, 
and  Platt,  Justices ;  after  a  series  of  discussions  almost  unparalleled  in  the 
history  of  any  principle  in  our  law.  You  saw  the  same  question  arising 
and  the  same  principle  established  in  neighboring  States.  From  every 
source,  opposition  was  hushed ;  not  only  with  men  of  books,  but  in  the 
common  walks  of  life.  You  knew  that  thousands  of  wills  had  been  made 
upon  that  very  principle,  and  that  if  you  unsettled  the  rule,  you  opened 
Pandora's  box.  You  knew  it  to  be  more  important  that  the  law  should 
be  settled,  than  how  it  should  be  settled.  You  secured  to  us  a  principle 
which  had  been  established  in  the  mind  of  every  man  for  a  long  time ; 
and  you  were  right,  for  the  contrary  would  have  been  incalculably  mis- 
chievous. You  have  not  the  moral  power  to  change  your  ground,  because 
it  is  not  right.  Who  can  know  what  the  law  of  this  State  is,  unless  youi 
decision  is  final  ?  Shall  we  look  into  your  decisions  under  the  idea  that 
they  are  to  be  overturned  by  a  new  set  of  men  who  shall  come  here  to- 
morrow ?  A  change  of  decision  with  a  change  of  men  would  be  a  less 
evil  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  this  State,  or  of  the  United  States,  because, 
from  the  tenure  of  the  Judges'  office,  frequent  changes  are  not  to  be 
looked  for.  This  Court  may  change  once  in  four  years.*  Are  we  barely 
enabled  to  say,  '  these  words  meant  a  definite  failure  of  issue  yesterday, 
but  whether  this  will  be  the  law  next  year,  I  will  tell  you  after  election  ?* 
The  law  of  discretion,  with  the  best  of  men  and  the  best  of  judges,  is, 
more  or  less,  the  creature  of  prejudice  or  passion.  Your  decisions  should 
be  as  stable  as  the  Constitution;  they  should  be  so,  in  order  that  the  suitor 
may,  at  least,  see  one  spot  where  there  is  an  end  of  uncertainty." 

The  comparison  of  these  opinions  with  those  subsequently  advanced  by 
Mr.  Van  Buren  in  his  letter  to  Sherrod  Williams,  indicates  a  very  mate- 
rial change  in  his  opinions  on  the  points  here  involved. 

In  the  thirtieth  year  of  his  age  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  elected  to  the 
State  Senate,  where  his  legal  term  of  service  commenced  on  the  fourth 
of  July,  1812 ;  his  actual  entrance  on  the  duties  of  the  office,  however, 
was  in  the  November  following.  The  opposing  candidate  was  Edward 
P.  Livingston,  then  of  the  Federal  party,  though  subsequently  recognised 
as  a  Jackson  Democrat.  It  was  by  the  friends  of  De  Witt  Clinton  that 
Mr.  Van  Buren's  success  was  compassed.  The  question  of  "  war  or  no 

*  The  Senators  of  the  State  of  New  York,  eligible  every  four  years,  together 
with  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  Chancellor  and  Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
constitute  the  Court  for  the  correction  of  Errors. 


32S  VAN   BUR  EN. 

war"  then  agitated  the  whole  country.  On  the  29th  of  May,  1812,  a  few  days 
before  the  declaration  of  war,  a  caucus  was  held  at  Albany,  in  which  Mr. 
Van  Buren  took  an  active  part.  At  that  caucus  De  Witt  Clinton  was 
nominated  to  the  presidency,  in  opposition  to  James  Madison.  Mr. 
Clinton  was  opposed  to  the  war.  It  may  be  reasonably  inferred,  then, 
that  in  its  early  stages,  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  also  opposed  to  the  war ; 
though  the  question  is  one  of  no  great  interest,  involving  only  a  matter  of 
opinion,  and  reflecting,  in  any  event,  no  discredit  upon  Van  Buren. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  at  the  period  to  which  we  refer,  the  test  of  Democ- 
racy was  the  policy  of  the  Democratic  Congressional  Caucus.  It  Was  by 
the  nomination  of  this  body  that  Mr.  Jefferson  had  been  twice  elected, 
and  Mr.  Madison  already  once.  By  the  nomination  of  this  caucus,  Mr. 
Van  Buren  was  unwilling  to  abide ;  and  by  the  Democratic  party  was  re- 
garded as  politically  heterodox. 

During  the  autumn  of  1812,  Mr.  James  A.  Hamilton,  subsequently  dis- 
trict attorney  of  New.  York,  under  the  administration  of  General  Jackson, 
resided  at  Hudson,  and  formed  an  intimate  connection  with  Mr.  Van  Buren. 
At  this  period  these  gentlemen  rallied,  nominally,  under  different  standards ; 
but  they  were  aiming  at  the  same  objects,  to  bring  the  war  into  disrepute, 
and  through  the  agency  of  Mr.  Clinton  defeat  the  re-election  of  Madi- 
son. They  both  labored  zealously  in  behalf  of  Mr.  Clinton  ;  they  weie 
both  loud  and  strong  in  their  denunciations  of  his  opponent.  The  jour- 
nals, which  were  sustained  by  them  and  their  friends,  used  the  most  decided 
and  violent  language  in  condemnation  of  the  war  and  ir^  promoters. 

On  the  third  of  November,  1812,  the  Legislature  UIL-I  .ui  ^ilbany  for  the 
purpose  of  choosing  electors.  Mr.  Van  Buren  took  his  seat  as  a  member 
of  the  Senate.  Governor  Tompkins  announced  in  his  message  that  war 
had  been  declared.  A  committee,  consisting  of  Messrs.  Wilkins,  Van 
Buren  and  Platt,  was  appointed  to  draft  a  respectful  answer.  This  docu- 
ment breathes  any  thing  but  approbation  of  the  war.  It  is  cold,  brief,  and 
studied.  The  following  is  the  language  of  Mr.  Van  E.iven  :  "  The  Senate 
fully  concur  with  your  excellency  in  the  sentiment,  that,  at  a  period  like 
the  present,  when  our  country  is  engaged  in  a  war  with  one  of  the  most 
powerful  nations  of  Europe,  difference  of  opinion  on  abstract  points 
should  not  be  suffered  to  impede  or  prevent  our  united  and  vigorous  sup- 
port of  the  constituted  authority  of  the  nation." 

On  the  evening  of  the  fourth  of  November,  the  Democratic  members  of 
the  Legislature  met  in  the  Senate  chamber  to  nominate  candidates  for  presi- 
dential electors.  The  proposition  before  the  caucus  was  "Madison  and  war" 
or  "  Clinton  and  peace."  Mr.  Van  Buren  spoke  strongly  for  Clinton  and 
peace.  He  was  severe  on  Southern  men  and  policy,  and  indulged  in  bit- 
ter sneers  and  sarcasms  at  the  expense  of  the  Old  Dominion.  In  com- 
paring Madison  \vith  Clinton,  he  rated  the  former  infinitely  below  the  lat- 
ter. He  denounced  the  policy  of  the  general  government  in  plunging  the 
nation,  unprepared,  into  a  war;  and  denounced  the  entire  cabinet  as  un- 
worthy the  confidence  and  support  of  the  people.  Mr.  Van  Buren  carried 
his  point,  and  the  caucus  decided  that  they  \vould  support  no  man  who 
would  vote  for  James  Madison. 

Thus  it  appears  that  from  1811  to  1813.  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  the  asso 


VAN    BUREN.  329 

ciate  and  friend  of  that  class  of  politicians  opposed  to  the  war  ;  that  he  was 
the  opponent  of  Madison,  and  the  adherent  of  Clinton.  It  is  not  our  pur- 
pose to  discuss  the  merits  of  the  respective  parties  or  candidates  ;  to  assail 
or  eulogize  either  the  one  or  the  other.  Our  only  object  is  to  make  an 
impartial  record  of  facts.  When  Mr.  Madison  was  re-elected,  December, 
1812,  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  disinclined  to  continue  his  opposition,  and  made 
arrangements  to  transfer  his  influence  to  the  Madison  party.  Having  in- 
gratiated himself  with  Governor  Tompkins,  who  possessed  the  confidence 
of  the  administration,  and  had  sustained  the  war  from  its  commencement, 
he  was  introduced  to  the  attention  of  the  General  Government.  The 
trials  of  Hall  and  Wilkinson  offered  an  opportunity  to  the  war  department 
for  bestowing  considerable  largesses  upon  a  new  supporter ;  and  Mr.  Van 
Buren  was  suddenly  converted  into  an  advocate  of  the  war,  a  supporter 
of  Mr.  Madison,  and  a  professor  of  the  current  Virginia  politics.  In  this 
complexion  he  continued  during  the  war. 

In  1816,  the  gubernatorial  term  of  Mr.  Tompkins  expired.  During  the 
same  year  Mr.  Madison  was  to  retire  from  the  presidency.  Promises  had 
been  made  to  the  friends  of  Mr.  Tompkins  that  he  should  receive  the 
nomination  to  the  successorship ;  but  it  soon  became  apparent  that  Mr. 
Monroe  and  Mr.  Crawford  would  be  the  prominent  candidates.  The 
friends  of  either  of  these  gentlemen  were  willing  to  take  Mr.  Tompkins  as 
Vice-President ;  and  he  was  accordingly  designated  as  the  candidate  at 
Washington.  While  it  was  well  understood  that  he  would  receive  this 
nomination,  a  legislative  caucus  at  Albany  again  put  him  before  the  people 
for  Governor.  In  April  he  was  re-elected  to  the  office.  In  the  following 
December  he  was  elected  to  the  vice-presidency,  but  did  not  resign  the 
former  station  till  the  24th  of  February,  1817. 

During  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1816,  it  had  become  apparent  to 
Mr.  Van  Buren  that  Mr.  Clinton,  as  the  head  of  the  canal  party,  would 
be  the  next  candidate  for  the  gubernatorial  chair.  The  canal  policy  was 
evidently  in  the  ascendant.  Till  the  convening  of  the  Legislature  in  Jan- 
uary, 1817,  Mr.  Van  Buren  had  been  entirely  non-committal  on  the  sub- 
ject of  internal  improvements,  and  since  his  original  rupture  had  been 
engaged  in  violent  denunciations  of  Mr.  Clinton.  When  the  legislative 
nominating  caucus  was  to  be  held,  delegates  were  admitted  from  the  Fede- 
ral counties.  Previous  to  the  convention  several  preliminary  meetings 
were  held  by  the  anti-Clintonians,  among  whom  Mr.  Van  Buren  was 
then  numbered,  and  one  of  them  at  his  own  house.  It  was  then  deter- 
mined that  as  soon  as  Mr.  Clinton  was  nominated,  the  minority  should 
withdraw.  At  length  the  grand  caucus  was  held,  on  the  27th  of  March, 
1817,  and,  as  had  been  expected,  Mr.  Clinton  received  the  nomination. 
As  soon  as  the  result  was  declared,  Mr.  Van  Buren  rose  and  moved  that 
the  nomination  should  be  unanimous.  This  movement  was  utterly  un- 
expected, and  produced  great  confusion  and  consternation  in  the  ranks  of 
the  anti-Clintonians.  Some  withdrew,  others  acquiesced  in  the  measure, 
because  they  were  too  much  surprised  to  think  of  opposition.  Mr.  Van 
Buren  found  himself  once  more  safely  landed  among  the  friends  of  Mr. 
Clinton,  and  three  weeks  afterwards  gave  his  first  vote  in  favor  of  appro 
priations  for  the  canal. 

42 


830  VANBUREN. 

After  the  election  of  Governor  Clinton,  Mr.  Van  Buren  ascertained  thai; 
he  could  not  obtain  his  confidence,  and  was  soon  found  in  an  opposition. 
The  course  pursued  in  appointments  to  office  was  not  approved  by  the 
Democratic  party ;  and  an  open  rupture  was  soon  the  consequence.  Mr. 
Van  Buren  and  his  friends  withdrew  their  support  from  Mr.  Clinton's 
measures,  and  prepared  to  oppose  his  re-election. 

In  1819,  Rufus  King's  term  of  service  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  expired.  The  New  York  Legislature  convened  in  January.  The 
Democratic  members,  Clintonian,  and  anti-Clintonian,  united,  were  as 
three  to  one  of  the  Federalists.  Through  Mr.  Van  Buren's  influence, 
the  election  of  Senator  was  postponed  ;  no  nomination  being  made  by  either 
branch  of  the  Legislature.  This  body  then  adjourned,  leaving  the  State 
in  part  unrepresented  in  the  Senate.  At  this  period  the  Federal  newspapers 
were  assailing  Mr.  Clinton  and  his  friends  for  not  supporting  Mr.  King. 
The  newspapers  under  Mr.  Van  Buren's  influence  were  making  the  most 
solemn  declarations  "  that  the  Republicans  would  not  move  to  the  right  or 
to  the  left.  They  would  support  their  candidate  and  no  other." 

During  the  summer  of  1819,  Mr.  Van  Buren's  intercourse  with  Mr. 
King  was  of  a  very  familiar,  if  not  confidential  character ;  and  an  ar- 
rangement-was effected  with  the  Federalists  to  elect  Mr.  King  to  the  Sen- 
ate. With  the  anti-Clintonian  party,  an  impression  was  created  that  the 
Clintonians  would  elect  Mr.  King  if  they  did  not ;  and  the  ensuing  session 
of  the  Legislature,  Mr.  King  Avas  elected  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the 
Senate,  and  with  but  three  dissenting  votes  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 
In  the  summer  previous  a  pamphlet  had  been  prepared,  entitled  "  Consid- 
erations in  favor  of  the  appointment  of  Rufus  King  to  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,"  addressed  to  the  Republican  members  of  the  New  York 
Legislature,  by  one  of  their  colleagues.  This  pamphlet  was  said  to  be  the 
joint  production  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  Mr.  Benjamin  F.  Butler.  In  the 
autumn  of  the  same  year,  Mr. Van  Buren  addressed  a  letter  to  one  of  his 
friends,  in  which  a  passage  occurs  which  has  been  the  subject  of  a  good 
deal  of  comment,  and  which  we  therefore  copy : 

"  I  should  sorely  regret  to  find  any  flagging  on  the  subject  of  Mr.  Kingv 
We  are  committed  to  his  support.  It  is  both  wise  and  honest ;  and  we 
must  have  no  fluttering  in  our  course.  Mr.  King's  views  towards  us  are 
honorable  and  correct.  The  Missouri  question  conceals,  so  far  as  he  is 
concerned,  no  plot,  and  we  shall  give  it  a  true  direction.  You  know 
what  the  feelings  and  views  of  our  friends  were,  when  I  saAV  you ;  and 
you  know  what  we  then  concluded  to  do.  My  '  considerations,'  &c.,  and 
the  aspect  of  the  Albany  Argus,  will  show  you  that  we  have  entered  on 
the  work  in  earnest.  We  cannot,  therefore,  look  back.  Let  us  not,  then, 
have  any  halting.  I  will  put  my  head  on  its  propriety." 

In  the  winter  of  1819-20,  a  public  meeting  was  held  at  Albany  to  ex- 
press the  feelings  of  its  citizens  on  the  extension  of  slavery  beyond  the 
Mississippi.  Mr.  Van  Buren  did  not  attend  the  primary  meeting;  at 
which  his  name  was  placed  on  the  committee  without  his  knowledge,  but 
subsequently  retained  there  by  his  own  consent.  When  the  large  meet- 
ing was  held  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  absent  from  Albany  on  professional 
business.  Resolutions  were  adopted,  and  a  committee  appointed  to  me- 


VAN    BUREN.  331 

moriaiize  Congress.  On  this  committee  Mr.  Van  Buren's  name  was 
placed  during  his  absence.  Their  memorial  was  reported  and  adopted. 
On  the  return  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  he  declined  signing  the  memorial  or  co- 
operating with  its  friends,  as  he  disapproved  the  sentiments  contained  in 
the  resolutions. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  Legislature,  Governor  Clinton  directed  their  atten- 
tion to  the  question  of  admitting  Missouri  into  the  Union,  with  the  right 
to  hold  slaves.  The  House  of  Representatives  accordingly  adopted  a  res- 
olution, instructing  their  Senators,  and  requesting  the  Representatives  of  the 
State  in  Congress,  "  to  oppose  the  admission  as  a  State  in  the  Union  of 
any  territory  not  comprised  in  the  original  boundary  of  the  United  States, 
without  making  the  prohibition  of  slavery  therein  an  indispensable  con- 
dition of  admission."  In  this  resolution  the  Senate,  and  Mr.  Van  Buren 
as  one  of  the  number,  concurred.  It  was  adopted  without  division  or 
debate. 

On  the  sixth  day  of  February,  1821,  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  appointed,  by 
the  Legislature  of  New  York,  a  member  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
In  the  August  following,  he  was  returned  a  member  of  the  convention  to 
revise  the  Constitution  of  the  State.  In  this  convention  he  took  an  active 
part.  Several  of  his  speeches  on  the  important  questions  which  came  be- 
fore it  have  been  preserved.  Some  extracts  from  them  we  copy  as  favor- 
able specimens  of  his  style  and  political  opinions.  Of  the  legislative 
power,  and  the  executive  veto,  he  speaks  in  the  following  manner : 

"  Sir,  such  is  the  superior  force  and  influence  of  legislative  power — 
such  is  the  reverence  and  regard  with  which  it  is  looked  up  to,  that  no 
man  in  the  community  will  have  the  temerity,  on  ordinary  occasions,  to 
resist  its  acts,  or  check  its  proceedings.  I  cannot  illustrate  this  position 
more  strongly  than  by  a  reference  to  the  Constitution  of  England.  There 
the  executive  is  a  branch  of  the  Legislature,  and  has  an  absolute  negative. 
Surrounded  as  he  is  with  prerogative,  and  place-d  far  beyond  the  reach 
of  the  people,  yet,  since  the  year  1692,  no  objection  has  been  made  by  the 
king  of  Great  Britain  to  any  bill  presented  for  his  approbation.  Rather 
than  produce  the  excitement  and  irritation  which,  even  there,  would  re- 
sult from  the  rejection  of  a  bill  passed  by  the  Parliament,  he  has  resorted  to 
means  which  have  degraded  the  government,  and  dishonored  the  nation, 
to  prevent  the  passage  of  bills  which  he  should  feel  it  his  duty  to  reject. 
In  the  declaration  of  independence,  in  the  catalogue  of  wrongs  under 
which  our  fathers  had  been  suffering,  one  of  the  most  prominent  was,  that 
the  king  had  exercised  his  prerogative,  and  had  refused  his  sanction  to 
salutary  laws.  Gentlemen  may  therefore  rest  satisfied,  that  very  little 
danger  is  to  be  apprehended  on  this  subject." 

On  the  question  of  universal  and  unrestricted  suffrage,  we  find  the  fol- 
lowing record  of  his  opinion.  He  would  only  say,  that  among  the  many 
evils  which  would  flow  from  a  wholly  unrestricted  suffrage,  the  following 
would  be  the  most  injurious,  viz  : — 

"  First.  It  would  give  to  the  city  of  New  York  about  twenty-five  thou- 
sand votes ;  whilst,  under  the  liberal  extension  of  the  right  on  the  choice 
of  delegates  to  this  convention,  she  had  but  about  thirteen  or  fourteen 
thousand.  That  the  character  of  the  increased  number  of  votes  would  be 


332  VANBUREN. 

such  as  would  render  their  elections  rather  a  curse  than  a  blessing :  which 
would  drive  from  the  polls  all  sober-minded  people ;  and  such,  he  was 
happy  to  find,  was  the  united  opinion,  or  nearly  so,  of  the  delegation  from 
that  city. 

"  Secondly.  It  would  not  only  be  injurious  to  them,  but  that  injury 
would  work  an  equally  great  one  to  the  western  and  northern  parts  of  the 
State.  It  was  the  present  consolation  of  our  hardy  sons  of  the  west,  that, 
for  their  toils  and  their  sufferings  in  reducing  the  wilderness  to  cultivation, 
they  were  cheered  by  the  conviction,  not  only  that  they  would  be  secure 
in  the  enjoyment  of  their  dear-bought  improvements,  in  consequence  of 
their  representation  in  the  Legislature,  but  that  any  increase  of  that  repre- 
sentation gave  them  a  still  greater  influence  there.  That  as  far  as  it  re- 
spected this  State,  their  march  and  the  march  of  empire  kept  pace.  This 
arose  from  the  circumstance  of  the  representation  in  the  State  being 
founded  on  the  number  of  electors  ;  and  because  almost  every  man  in  a 
new  country  was  an  elector,  under  the  existing  and  contemplated  qualifi- 
cations :  whilst  in  the  old  counties,  and  especially  in  cities,  there  were 
great  numbers  who  would  not  be  embraced  by  them.  So  great  was  this* 
effect,  that  the  city  of  New  York  alone  would,  under  the  vote  of  the  other 
day,  have  become  entitled  to  additional  voters,  over  those  who  voted  at 
the  election  of  delegates,  equal,  or  nearly  so,  to  the  whole  number  of  votes 
of  Ontario  or  Genesee.  The  direct  consequence  of  which  would  be,  that 
the  additional  representation  of  fourteen  members,  which  are  next  year  to 
be  distributed  among  the  counties,  would,  instead  of  going  principally  to 
the  west,  be  surrendered  to  the  worst  population  of  the  old  counties  and 
cities. 

"  And  thirdly.  The  door  would  have  been  entirely  closed  against  re- 
treat, whatever  might  be  our  after  conviction,  founded  on  experience,  as  to 
the  evil  tendency  of  this  extended  suffrage. 

"  The  just  equilibrium  between  the  rights  of  those  who  have,  and  those 
who  have  no  interest  in  the  government,  could,  when  once  thus  surren- 
dered, never  be  regained,  except  by  the  sword." 

In  December,  1821,  Mr.  Van  Buren  took  his  seat  as  a  Senator  of  the 
United  States  ;  at  this  time  he  was  just  entering  on  the  thirty-ninth  year 
of  his  age.  Of  Mr.  Van  Buren's  service  in  this  capacity,  we  must  con- 
tent ourself  with  a  very  rapid  summary.  On  his  first  appearance  in  that 
body  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  committee  on  finance,  and  of  the 
committee  on  the  judiciary.  His  first  speech  in  the  Senate  was  on  the 
claim  of  the  Marquis  de  Maison  Rouge  ;  involving  a  title  to  about  half  a 
million  acres  of  the  public  lands.  He  spoke  about  two  hours,  but  the 
subject  was  one  of  little  interest,  embracing  no  general  principles,  and  af- 
fording no  opportunity  for  display.  Early  in  his  senatorial  career  he 
united  with  Colonel  Johnson  in  his  labors  for  the  abolition  of  imprisonment 
for  debt.  Another  of  his  favorite  topics  was  a  proposition  to  amend  the 
Constitution,  to  keep  the  choice  of  President  and  Vice-President  from  de- 
volving on  the  House  of  Representatives.  He  proposed  also  amendments 
of  (he  judiciary  system  of  the  United  States  ;  and  advocated  the  establish- 
me  it  of  a  uniform  system  of  bankruptcy.  In  reference  to  the  public  lands, 
he  vas  in  favor  of  a  proposition  to  vest  the  lands  in  the  States  in  which 


VAN    BUREN.  333 

they  were  situated,  on  "some  just  and  equitable  terms."  In  the  winter 
of  1S27,  he  took  an  active  part  in  the  discussion  relative  to  our  intercourse 
with  the  British  West  India  Colonies  ;  but  his  opinions  on  this  subject  may 
be  more  properly  considered  at  another  point  of  his  life. 

In  February,  1824,  the  congressional  caucus  at  Washington  nominated 
Mr.  Crawford  for  the  presidency,  and  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  zealous  in  his 
support.  At  this  election  the  aggregate  vote  of  the  colleges  was  261 ;  of 
which  Mr.  Crawford  received  41,  Mr.  Clay  37,  Mr.  Adams  84,  General 
Jackson  99.  The  number  of  primary  votes  in  favor  of  the  Adams  elec- 
toral tickets  was  166,112;  in  favor  of  the  Jackson  electoral  tickets, 
153,733  ;  making  a  majority  in  favor  of  the  former  of  12,739  votes.  The 
election  devolved  on  the  House  of  Kepresentatives,  and  Mr.  Adams  was 
elected  on  the  first  ballot.  In  the  State  of  New  York,  the  influence  of 
Mr.  Van  Buren  had  given  five  of  her  electoral  votes  to  Mr.  Crawford. 
In  the  ultimate  decision  between  Mr.  Adams  and  General  Jacfcson,  Mr. 
Van  Buren  took  no  active  part.  He  reserved  himself  for  ulterior  exigen- 
cies. It  was  not  anticipated  that  Mr.  Adams  would  be  elected  on  the 
first  ballot.  The  unexpected  result  prevented  Mr.  Van  Buren  from  sig- 
nalizing himself  in  his  service. 

In  the  active  and  ardent  opposition  that  was  immediately  organized 
against  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams,  Mr.  Van  Buren  soon  became 
noted  for  his  zeal  and  activity.  He  opposed  the  mission  to  Panama.  He 
opposed  the  appropriation  of  money  by  the  General  Government  for  in- 
ternal improvements,  on  the  grounds  both  of  unconstitutionalhy  and  inex- 
pediency. He  had  expressed  himself  in  opposition  to  a  high  tariff  policy  ; 
but  voted  in  favor  of  the  tariffs  of  1824  and  182S,  in  the  latter  instance  in 
compliance  with  express  instructions  from  the  New  York  Legislature.  He 
also  took  an  active  part  in  the  reform  of  the  press,  by  advocating  the  ju- 
dicious bestowal  of  the  patronage  of  the  Senate.  "  He  had  long  been  of 
opinion,"  he  said,  "  that  the  public  interest  might  be  promoted,  the  condi- 
tion of  the  press,  as  well  here  (at  Washington)  as  throughout  the  country, 
improved,  and  respect  for  the  Senate,  and  economy  in  the  publication  of 
the  proceedings  of  the  Senate,  better  secured,  by  a  judicious  revision  of  the 
laws  relating  to  the  public  printing  at  large.  At  a  more  convenient  season, 
he  hoped  the  subject  would  be  revised  ;  and  he  promised  himself  the  best 
results  from  such  revision  as  the  nature  of  the  subject  was  susceptible  of." 

De  Witt  Clinton  died  in  February,  1828,  and  in  the  November  following 
Mr.  Van  Buren  was  elected  to  succeed  him  in  the  gubernatorial  chair. 
He  was  a  minority  Governor,  however,  as  he  was  subsequently  elected  a 
minority  President.  The  votes  were  for  Van  Buren  136,794;  for 
Thompson,  106,444;  and  for  Southwick,  33,345.  Mr.  Van  Buren's 
good  fortune  here  stood  him  in  its  usual  stead.  The  division  of  his  oppo- 
nents gained  him  his  election.  He  accordingly  resigned  his  seat  in  the 
Senate,  and  entered  upon  the  office  of  Governor  in  January,  1829. 

His  message  to  the  Legislature  was  remarkable;  in  so  far  as  it  first 
broached  the  scheme  of  the  safety  fund  ;  and  as  it  gives  Mr.  Van  Buren's 
opinions  at  length  on  the  subject  of  State  banking,  it  deserves  a  particular 
notice.  In  this  message  he  says  the  mast  important  business  of  the  ses- 
sion is  the  question  of  renewing  the  charters  of  the  several  banks  in  the 


334  VANBUBEN. 

State  ;  thirty-one  charters  would  expire  in  the  course  of  four  years,  with 
a  capital  of  fifteen  millions  of  dollars,  and  debts  amounting"  to  thirty  mil- 
lions. He  alludes  to  the  difference  between  their  situation,  at  that  time, 
and  the  laying  of  the  foundation  of  the  banking  system  anew ;  and  says, 
in  view  of  the  extent  of  these  institutions  and  their  close  connection  with 
the  affairs  of  the  community,  that  "  to  dispense  with  banks,  altogether,  is 
an  idea  which  seems  to  have  no  advocate  ;  to  make  ourselves  dependent  on 
those  established  by  federal  authority,  deserves  none."  He  says  that  expe- 
rience is  against  banks  owned  wholly  by  the  State,  and  that  to  make 
stockholders  liable,  in  their  private  capacity,  throws  the  stock  into  the 
hands  of  irresponsible  persons  ;  he  reprobates  the  practice  of  "  bonusses" 
for  bank  charters,  and  says  that,  compared  with  the  community,  the  stock- 
holders are  few,  and  hence  that  all  legislative  measures  should  refer  ex- 
clusively to  the  safety  and  stability  of  the  institutions.  He  finally  con- 
cludes that  the  present,  solvent  banks  cannot  be  so  suddenly  closed,  with- 
out a  violent  disturbance  of  the  interests  of  the  public ;  and  alludes  to 
"  a  sensible  and  apparently  well-considered  plan"  which  had  been  sub- 
mitted to  him,  and  which  proposed  "  to  make  all  the  banks  responsible 
for  any  loss  the  public  may  sustain  by  the  failure  of  any  one  or  more  of 
them."  He  then  presents  a  brief  epitome  of  the  "  safety  fund  system," 
and  concludes  this  part  of  his  message  with  the  remark,  that  "  the  interest 
which  attaches  itself  to  the  representative  character  can  never  be  greater, 
than  when  the  fulfilment  of  the  trust  committed  to  the  representative, 
may  bring  him  in  conflict  with  the  claims  of  the  creat  monied  interests 
of  the  country." 

On  the  20th  of  January,  1829,  Mr.  Van  Buren,  in  a  brief  message,  in- 
troduced the  safety  fund  to  the  favorable  notice  of  the  Legislature.  This 
plan  originated  with  the  Hon.  Joshua  Forman,  and  was  by  him  submit- 
ted to  the  Governor.  By  his  suggestions  it  was  somewhat  modified,  and 
as  amended  it  was  finally  adopted  by  the  Legislature.  Thus,  though  his 
gubernatorial  career  was  brief,  it  was  signalized  by  the  adoption  of  a  sys- 
tem which  combined  the  monied  interests  of  the  empire  State  in  an  indis- 
soluble league  of  mutual  dependence.  The  system  was  a  showy  system, 
and  by  Mr.  Van  Buren's  agency  was  afterwards  introduced  into  the  na- 
tional policy.  In  both  instances  it  has  proved  a  stupendous  failure. 

On  the  12th  of  March,  1829,  Mr.  Van  Buren  resigned  the  office  of 
Governor,  in  consequence  of  his  appointment  as  Secretary  of  State  of  the 
United  States.  He  had  thus  reached  an  important  point  in  the  career  of 
his  ambition.  His  eye  immediately  rested  on  the  presidency  as  a  prize 
within  his  grasp.  Mr.  Calhoun,  however,  the  Vice-President,  was  at  that 
time  a  formidable  rival.  It  was  necessary  to  supplant  him  in  his  hold  up- 
on General  Jackson.  Through  the  agency  of  Mr.  James  A.  Hamilton, 
a  verbal  statement  had  been  obtained  from  Mr.  Crawford,  that  at  a  meet- 
ing of  Mr.  Monroe's  cabinet,  to  discuss  the  course  to  be  pursued  towards 
Spain,  in  consequence  of  General  Jackson's  proceedings  in  Florida  during 
the  Seminole  war,  Mr.  Calhoun,  then  secretary  of  the  war  department, 
had  urged  upon  the  President  the  necessity  of  arresting  and  trying  Gene- 
ral Jackson.  This  information  had  been  acquired  in  1827-28.  In  the 
winter  of  1829-30,  it  was  employed  by  Mr.  Van  Buren's  friends  to  bring 


VAN  BUREN.  335 

about  a  rupture  between  Mr.  Calhoun  and  General  Jackson.  The  scheme 
was  successful.  In  February,  1831,  the  correspondence  that  had  passed 
on  the  subject  was  published  by  Mr.  Calhoun,  in  consequence  of  a  partial 
communication  of  the  affair  to  the  public.  On  the  25th  of  that  month, 
Mr.  Van  Buren  published  a  card,  averring  "  that  every  assertion  or  insin- 
uation which  has  for  its  object  to  impute  to  him  any  participation  in  at- 
tempts supposed  to  have  been  made,  in  the  years  1827  and  1828,  to  preju- 
dice the  Vice-President  in  the  good  opinion  of  General  Jackson,  or  at  any 
time,  is  alike  unfounded  and  unjust.  He  had  no  motive  or  desire  to  create 
such  an  impression,  and  neither  took,  advised,  nor  countenanced,  directly 
or  indirectly,  any  steps  to  effect  that  object."  Mr.  Van  Buren  is  entitled 
to  the  benefit  of  this  statement  He  has  always  been  fortunate  in  compass- 
ing his  ends  through  the  convenient  instrumentality  of  others. 

Soon  after  the  rupture  with  Mr.  Calhoun,  the  public  mind  was  disturbed 
by  the  explosion  of  the  cabinet*  This  body  was  composed  of  one  Van 
Buren  man,  one  Calhoun  man,  and  four  Jackson  men.  Mr*  Van  Buren, 
in  April,  1831,  addressed  a  letter  to  the  President,  declaring  that  he  felt  it 
to  be  a  duty  to  retire  from  the  office  to  which  his  confidence  and  partiality 
had  called  him.  The  reasons  assigned  were  that  his  name  had  been  men- 
tioned as  a  candidate  for  the  presidency ;  that  as  opinions  were  abroad 
unfavorable  to  the  order  of  succession  by  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State, 
he  was  not  disposed  to  disfranchise  himself  by  continuing  in  office ;  that 
different  views  as  to  the  succession  were  unavoidable  among  the  friends 
of  an  administration  >  and  that  where  a  member  of  the  cabinet  looked  to 
the  succession,  an  injurious  effect  must  result  to  public  affairs.  To  this  he 
added,  that  as  the  President  would  be  re-elected,  and  as  he  had  been 
among  the  most  urgent  of  his  advisers  to  stand  a  second  poll,  he  could  not 
consent,  by  continuance  in  office,  to  embarrass  the  future  measures  of  the 
administration.  This  step  was  followed  by  the  immediate  dissolution  of 
the  cabinet.  The  General  declared  that  its  members  had  come  together 
as  an  unit,  and  he  was  determined  to  reconstruct  it  of  entirely  new  mate- 
rials. 

General  Jackson's  confidence  in  Mr.  Van  Buren  remained  unimpaired, 
and  in  the  summer  of  1831  he  was  despatched  as  minister  to  St.  James's, 
to  succeed  Mr.  McLane.  On  the  meeting  of  Congress  in  December,  he 
was  nominated  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  for  their  approbation. 
He  was  rejected  by  that  body,  in  consequence  of  their  disapproval  of  the 
instructions  which  he  issued,  while  Secretary  of  State,  to  our  minister  in 
England,  in  reference  to  our  West  India  trade.  As  this  question  is  one 
of  very  considerable  historical  interest,  we  copy  from  the  instructions  in 
question  the  offensive  passages  : 

"  If,''  says  the  secretary,  "  the  omission  of  this  Government  to  accept 
of  the  terms  proposed,  when,  heretofore,  offered,  be  urged  as  an  objection 
to  their  adoption  now,  it  will  be  your  duty  to  make  the  British  Govern- 
ment sensible  of  the  injtistvce  and  inexpediency  of  such  a  course. 

"  The  opportunities  which  you  have  derived  from  a  participation  in  our 
councils,  as  well  as  other  sources  of  information,  will  enable  you  to  speak 
with  confidence  (as  far  as  you  may  deem  it  proper  and  useful  so  to  do)  of 
the  respective  parts  taken  by  those  to  whom  the  administration  oftJiis  Gov 


336  VAN  BUREN. 

vrnment  is  now  committed,  in  relation  to  the  course  heretofore  pursued  up* 
on  the  subject  of  the  colonial  trade*  Their  views  of  the  point  have  been 
submitted  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  ;  and  the  councils  by  which 
your  conduct  is  now  directed,  are  the  result  of  the  judgment  expressed  by 
the  only  earthly  tribunal  toichich  the  late  administration  was  amenable  for 
its  acts*  It  should  be  sufficient,  that  the  claims  set  up  by  them,  and  which 
caused  the  interruption  of  the  trade  in  question,  have  been  explicitly  aban- 
doned by  those  u>ho  first  asserted  them,  and  are  not  revived  by  their  succes- 
sors*^ If  Great  Britain  deems  it  adverse  to  her  interests  to  allow  us  to 
participate  in  the  trade  with  her  colonies,  and  finds  nothing  in  the  exten* 
sion  of  it  to  others  to  induce  her  to  apply  the  same  rule  to  us,  she  will, 
we  hope,  be  sensible  of  the  propriety  of  placing  her  refusal  on  these 
grounds.  To  set  up  the  acts  of  the  late  administration,  as  the  cause  of 
forfeititre  of  privileges  which  would  othenvise  be  extended  to  the  PEOPLE  of 
the  United  States*  would,  under  existing  circumstances*  be  unjust  in  itself, 
and  could  not  fail  to  excite  their  deepest  sensibility.  The  tone  of  feeling, 
which  a  course  so  unwise  and  untenable  is  calculated  to  produce,  would, 
doubtless,  be  greatly  aggravated  by  the  consciousness,  that  Great  Britain 
has,  by  order  in  council,  opened  her  colonial  ports  to  Russia  and  France, 
notwithstanding  a  similar  omission,  on  their  part,  to  accept  the  terms 
offered  by  the  act  of  July,  1825." 

"  You  cannot  press  this  view  of  the  subject  too  earnestly  upon  the  con- 
sideration of  the  British  ministry.  It  has  bearings  and  relations  that 
reach  beyond  the  immediate  question  under  discussion." 

In  his  letter  to  Mr.  McLane  of  the  fifth  of  October,  1830,  he  assured 
the  minister,  that  the  construction  of  Lord  Aberdeen  and  himself,  by  which 
the  reciprocity  in  the  export  of  foreign  goods  required  by  our  act  of  1830 
was  abandoned,  "was  adopted  without  reserve  ;"  and  adds,  "The  Presi- 
dent has  derived  great  satisfaction  from  the  candor  and  liberality  which 
has  characterized  his  majesty's  ministers  throughout  the  negotiation,  and 
particularly  in  not  suffering  the  INADVERTENCIES  of  our  legislation,  attrib* 
titable  to  the  haste  and  confusion  of  the  closing  scenes  of  the  session,  to  de- 
feat or  delay  the  adjustment." 

On  the  character  of  these  instructions  we  do  not  propose  to  comment, 
It  was  upon  this  point  that  his  rejection  by  the  Senate  rested.  His  friends 
however  condemned  the  rejection,  and  vindicated  the  propriety  of  Mr.  Van 
Buren's  course.  The  Republican  members  of  the  New  York  Legislature 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  President,  expressing  in  strong  language  their 
indignation  at  what  they  termed  a  "  proscriptive  act"  of  the  Senate,  and 
their  high  respect  for  the  public  and  private  character  of  Mr.  Van  Buren< 
The  President  in  reply  assumed  the  entire  responsibility  of  the  instruc-1 
lions  condemned  by  the  Senate  ;  declaring  that  they  were  the  result  of  his 
own  deliberate  investigation  and  reflection,  and  still  appearing  to  him  alto- 
gether proper,  and  consonant  to  his  public  duty. 

On  the  22d  of  May,  1832,  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  nominated  as  a  candi- 
date for  the  vice-presidency,  by  a  convention  of  the  Jackson  party  holden 
at  Baltimore.  He  received  pne  hundred  and  eighty  nine  of  two  hundred 
and  eighty-six  electoral  votes,  and  was  accordingly  elected.  On  the  fourth 
*  This  was  a  mistake. 


VAN   BUREN.  337 

of  March,  1833,  he  was  inaugurated  as  Vice-President.  In  this  position 
of  course  he  seldom  obtained  the  opportunity  of  taking  an  active  part  in 
public  affairs.  The  most  remarkable  instance  that  occurred  during  his 
four  years  was  in  reference  to  the  incendiary  publication  bill  of  Mr.  Cal- 
houn.  This  bill  contemplated  the  suppression  of  incendiary  doctrine  on 
the  subject  of  slavery,  through  the  agency  of  the  postoffice.  It  was  sus- 
tained by  many  Senators  from  the  south  and  south-west.  On  its  passage 
to  a  second  reading  there  was  a  tie.  The  casting  vote  of  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent was  called  for,  and  was  given  in  favor  of  the  bill.  At  its  next  stage 
it  was  defeated  by  the  votes  of  Senators  from  the  slave-holding  States. 

"During  his  occupancy  of  the  office,  however,  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  fre- 
quently called  upon  for  his  opinion  on  public  affairs.  To  all  such  ques- 
tions he  replied  without  hesitation  or  reserve,  declaring  his  hostility  to  the 
United  States  Bank,  to  a  system  of  internal  improvements ;  and  a  com- 
plete acquiescence  in  all  the  views,  feelings,  and  opinions  of  General 
Jackson.  On  the  right  of  interference  by  the  General  Government,  or 
the  people  of  the  non-slave-holding  States,  in  the  subject  of  slavery,  he  has 
expressed  himself  in  the  very  strongest  language.  The  following  letter, 
addressed  to  a  gentleman  of  Augusta,  Georgia,  at  a  time  when  great  ex- 
citement prevailed  in  the  Southern  States,  in  consequence  of  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  anti-slavery  association  at  the  North,  exhibits  Mr.  Van  Buren's 
sentiments  on  this  very  interesting  question  : 

"  OWASCO,  Sept.  10.  1835. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Your  letter  of  the  22d  ult.  met  me  at  this  place,  on 
my  return  from  the  Falls ;  and  I  lose  no  time  in  replying  to  that  part  of  it 
which  relates  to  the  continued  attempts  to  prejudice  my  friends,  as  well  as 
myself,  in  the  estimation  of  the  South  in  respect  to  the  slave  question. 

"  It  is  deeply  to  be  regretted  that  there  should  be  found,  on  the  part  of 
any,  inducements  sufficiently  strong  to  increase  an  excitement,  already  so 
alarming,  by  a  resort  to  imputations,  in  the  truth  of  which  no  ingenuous 
mind  can  place  the  slightest  confidence.  The  allegations  which  attribute 
to  me  views  and  opinions  that  are  so  justly  obnoxious  to  the  slave-holding 
States,  are  made  in  the  face  of  the  most  explicit  declarations  on  my  part, 
-denying  all  authority  on  the  part  of  the  Federal  Government  to  interfere 
in  the  matter — against  the  propriety  of  agitating  the  question  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  and  in  the  absence  of  a  single  fact,  giving  the  least 
countenance  to  the  unfounded  imputations.  I  should  poorly  requite  the 
candor  with  which  I  have  hitherto  been  treated  by  the  great  mass  of  my 
fellow-citizens  at  the  South,  were  I  to  allow  myself  to  apprehend  that 
those  who  would  otherwise  be  disposed  to  give  me  their  confidence,  could, 
under  such  circumstances,  suffer  me  to  be  prejudiced  in  their  opinion,  by 
the  unsupported  assertions  of  my  enemies,  however  reckless  or  vehemently 
persisted  in.  Were  these  fabrications,  therefore,  designed  to  affect  me 
only,  I  should  not  hesitate  to  leave  the  matter  as  it  stands,  to  the  sponta- 
neous action  of  my  countrymen.  But  when  it  is  intended  to  reach,  in 
this  way,  those  who  honor  me  with  their  friendship,  I  do  not  feel  myself 
at  liberty  to  withhold  any  correction  that  may,  by  possibility,  be  useful  to 
them.  With  this  view  I  send  you  the  enclosed  proceedings  of  the  citizens 
of  Albany  upon  the  subject,  and  authorize  you  to  say,  that  I  concur  fully 
43 


338  VAN   BUREN. 

in  the  sentiments  they  advance.  I  was  absent  from  the  city  at  the  time 
the  meeting  was  held,  but  took  an  early  occasion  to  advise  its  call,  and  to 
encourage  the  attempt  to  make  it,  what  it  has  been,  a  meeting  of  the  peo- 
ple, without  reference  to  their  sentiments  on  any  other  subject  than  that 
which  was  discussed  before  it.  Connected  with  its  proceedings  are  to  be 
found  the  names  of  our  principal  State  officers,  executive  and  judicial,  in- 
cluding the  Governor  of  our  State,  with  an  array  of  private  citizens  which, 
for  personal  worth  and  weight  of  character,  has  never,  to  my  knowledge, 
been  excelled  at  any  previous  meeting. 

"  It  would  be  presumption  in  me  to  add  any  assurances  of  my  own,  as  to 
the  sincerity  with  which  the  sentiments  they  express  are  entertained,  or 
of  their  disposition  to  make  them  effectual  upon  the  important  subject  to 
which  they  relate. 

"  May  we  not,  then,  hope  that  the  proofs  of  an  affectionate  and  just  spirit 
towards  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  South,  which  have  been  brought 
out  by  this  hitherto  threatening  excitement,  will  have  the  effect,  in  future, 
to  remove  all  unfounded  impressions,  and  to  put  an  end  to  every  feeling 
and  prejudice  inconsistent  with  the  principles  upon  which  the  Union  was 
founded  ? 

"  Earnestly  cherishing  this  pleasing  anticipation, 

"  I  am,  dear  sir,  very  truly,  your  friend  and  ob't  serv't, 

M.  VAN   BUREN." 

The  leading  resolutions  adopted  by  the  meeting  alluded  to  in  the  above 
letter  are  as  follows  : 

"  Therefore,  Resolved,  That  we  regard  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  as  carrying  with  it  an  adjustment  of  all  questions  involved  in  the 
deliberations  which  led  to  its  adoption  :  and  that  the  compromise  of  inte- 
rests in  which  it  was  founded,  is,  in  our  opinion,  binding  in  honor  and 
good  faith,  independently  of  the  force  of  agreement,  on  all  who  live  under 
its  protection,  and  participate  in  the  benefits  of  which  it  is  the  source. 

"  Resolved,  That  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  rela- 
tion of  master  and  slave  is  a  matter  belonging  exclusively  to  the  people 
of  each  State  within  its  own  boundary  ;  that  the  General  Government  has 
no  control  over  it ;  that  it  is  subject  only  to  the  respective  arrangements 
of  the  several  States  within  which  it  exists ;  and  that  any  attempt  by  the 
government  or  people  of  any  other  State,  or  by  the  General  Government, 
to  interfere  with  or  disturb  it,  would  violate  the  spirit  of  that  compromise 
which  lies  at  the  basis  of  the  federal  compact." 

On  the  20th  of  May,  1S35,  the  Jackson  convention  for  the  nomination 
of  a  candidate  for  the  presidency  was  holden  at  Baltimore.  About  six 
hundred  delegates  were  in  attendance.  On  the  first  ballot,  Mr.  Van  Buren 
received  the  unanimous  vote  of  the  convention  for  the  candidacy ; 
and  Richard  M.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky,  was  subsequently  nominated  for 
the  office  of  Vice-President.  These  nominations,  it  was  well  understood, 
received  the  express  approbation  of  General  Jackson.  So  ardent,  indeed, 
was  his  approval,  that,  to  carry  out  the  principles  of  his  administration  in 
a  successor  on  whom  he  could  place  the  most  implicit  reliance,  he  openly 
and  warmly  advocated  Mr.  Van  Buren's  ?lection.  To  the  letter  of  the 


VAN    BUREN.  339 

nominating  committee,  Mr.  Van  Buren  replied  at  some  length.  We  ex- 
tract the  most  pregnant  and  important  paragraph  : 

"  I  content  myself,  on  this  occasion,  with  saying,  that  I  consider  myself 
the  honored  instrument,  selected  by  the  friends  of  the  present  administra- 
tion, to  carry  out  its  principles  and  policy ;  and  that,  as  well  from  inclina- 
tion as  from  duty,  I  shall,  if  honored  with  the  choice  of  the  American 
people,  endeavor  to  tread  generally  in  the  footsteps  of  President  Jackson — 
happy,  if  I  shall  be  able  to  perfect  the  work  which  he  has  so  gloriously 
begun." 

We  have  alluded  to  the  calls  that  had  been  made  at  various  periods  upon 
Mr.  Van  Buren  for  his  opinions  on  important  political  subjects.  His  let- 
ters in  reply  have  been  frequently  reprinted.  One  of  the  most  remarkable 
of  these  was  his  letter  to  Sherrod  Williams,  an  opposition  member  of 
Congress,  who  desired  an  exposition  of  his  views  on  several  agitating 
topics.  Mr.  Van  Buren  replied  with  his  usual  prudence  and  adroitness, 
expressing  a  perfect  coincidence  on  all  points  with  the  opinions  of  General 
Jackson.  This  document  is  too  long  to  copy  entire,  but  it  has  been  so 
frequently  published  in  our  public  journals  as  to  be  accessible  to  all  our 
readers. 

On  canvassing  the  returns  of  electoral  votes  for  President,  it  was  ascer- 
tained that  Martin  Van  Buren  had  received  167,  Daniel  Webster  14, 
General  William  H.  Harrison  93,  Hugh  L.  White  26,  and  Willie  P. 
Mangum  11  votes.  The  vote  of  Michigan,  if  counted,  would  make  Mr. 
Van  Buren's  elective  number  170.  A  careful  canvass  of  the  primary 
votes  shows  that  a  small  majority  of  the  people  cast  their  votes  for  the 
opposition  tickets ;  but  the  fortunate  location  of  his  forces  gave  Mr.  Van 
Buren  a  handsome  triumph  in  the  electoral  colleges.  There  was  no 
choice  of  Vice-President  by  the  people.  The  two  highest  candidates  that 
went  before  the  Senate  were  Colonel  Johnson  of  Kentucky,  and  Francis 
Granger  of  New  York.  Forty-nine  Senators  were  present  at  the  time  of 
balloting ;  16  ballots  were  thrown  for  Mr.  Granger,  and  33  for  Colonel 
Johnson,  who  was  accordingly  declared  to  be  elected. 

Mr.  Van  Buren  was  inaugurated  on  Saturday,  the  fourth  of  March. 
Before  proceeding  to  take  the  oath  of  office,  the  President  elect  delivered 
the  following  address  : 

FELLOW-CITIZENS  : 

The  practice  of  all  my  predecessors  imposes  on  me  an  obligation  I  cheerfully  fulfil,  to 
accompany  the  first  and  solemn  act  of  my  public  trust  with  an  avowal  of  the  principles  that 
will  guide  me  in  performing  it,  and  an  expression  of  my  feelings  on  assuming  a  charge  so 
responsible  and  vast.  In  imitating  their  example  I  tread  in  the  footsteps  of  illustrious  men, 
whose  superiors,  it  is  our  happiness  to  believe,  are  not  found  on  the  executive  calendar  of 
any  country.  Among  them  we  recognise  the  earliest  and  firmest  pillars  of  the  Republic ; 
those  by  whom  our  national  independence  was  first  declared  ;  him  who,  above  all  others, 
contributed  to  establish  it  on  the  field  of  battle ;  and  those  whose  expanded  intellect  and 
patriotism  constructed,  improved,  and  perfected  the  inestimable  institutions  under  which  we 
live.  If  such  men,  in  the  position  I  now  occupy,  felt  themselves  overwhelmed  by  a  sense 
of  gratitude  for  this,  the  highest  of  all  marks  of  their  country's  confidence,  and  by  a  con- 
sciousness of  their  inability  adequately  to  discharge  the  duties  of  an  office  so  difficult  and 
exalted,  how  much  more  must  these  considerations  affect  one  who  can  rely  on  no  such  claims 
for  favor  or  forbearance.  Unlike  all  who  have  preceded  me,  the  Revolution,  that  gave  us 
existence  as  one  people,  was  achieved  at  the  period  of  my  birth ;  and,  whilst  I  contemplate 
with  grateful  reverence  that  memorable  event,  I  feel  that  I  belong  to  a  later  age,  and  that  I 
may  not  expect  my  countrymen  to  weigh  my  actions  with  the  same  kind  and  partial  hand. 


340  VANBUREN. 

So  sensibly,  fellow-citizens,  do  these  circumstances  press  themselves  upon  me,  that  1 
should  not  dare  to  enter  upon  my  path  of  duty,  did  I  not  look  for  the  generous  aid  of  those 
•who  will  be  associated  with  me  in  the  various  and  co-ordinate  branches  of  the  Government ; 
did  I  not  repose,  with  unwavering  reliance,  on  the  patriotism,  the  intelligence,  and  the  kind- 
ness of  a  people  who  never  yet  deserted  a  public  servant  honestly  laboring  in  their  cause ; 
and,  above  all,  did  I  not  permit  myself  humbly  to  hope  for  the  sustaining  support  of  an  ever- 
watchful  and  beneficent  Providence. 

To  the  confidence  and  consolation  derived  from  these  sources,  it  would  be  ungrateful  not 
to  add  those  which  spring  from  our  present  fortunate  condition.  Though  not  altogether 
exempt  from  embarrassments  that  disturb  our  tranquillity  at  home  and  threaten  it  abroad, 
yet,  in  all  the  attributes  of  a  great,  happy,  and  flourishing  people,  we  stand  without  a  parallel 
in  the  world.  Abroad,  we  enjoy  the  respect,  and,  with  scarcely  an  exception,  the  friendship 
of  every  nation.  At  home,  while  our  Government  quietly,  but  efficiently,  performs  the  sole 
legitimate  end  of  political  institutions,  in  doing  the  greatest  good  to  th'e  greatest  number, 
we  present  an  aggregate  of  human  prosperity  surely  not  elsewhere  to  be  found. 

How  imperious,  then,  is  the  obligation  imposed  upon  every  citizen,  in  his  own  sphere  of 
action,  whether  limited  or  extended,  to  exert  himself  in  perpetuating  a  condition  of  things 
so  singularly  happy.  All  the  lessons  of  history  and  experience  musf  be  lost  upon  us,  if  we 
are  content  to  trust  alone  to  the  peculiar  advantages  we  happen  to  possess.  Position  and 
climate,  and  the  bounteous  resources  that  Nature  has  scattered  with  so  liberal  a  hand,  even 
the  diffused  intelligence  and  elevated  character  of  our  people,  will  avail  us  nothing,  if  we 
fail  sacredly  to  uphold  those  political  institutions  that  were  wisely  and  deliberately  formed 
with  reference  to  every  circumstance  that  could  preserve,  or  might  endanger,  the  blessings 
we  enjoy.  The  thoughtful  framers  of  our  Constitution  legislated  for  our  country  as  they 
found  it.  Looking  upon  it  with  the  eyes  of  statesmen  and  of  patriots,  they  saw  all  the 
sources  of  rapid  and  wonderful  prosperity;  but  they  saw  also  that  various  habits,  opinions, 
and  institutions,  peculiar  to  the  various  portions  of  so  vast  a  region,  were  deeply  fixed. 
Distinct  sovereignties  were  in  actual  existence,  whose  cordial  union  was  essential  to  the 
welfare  and  happiness  of  all.  Between  many  of  them  there  was,  at  least  to  some  extent,  a 
real  diversity  of  interests,  liable  to  be  exaggerated  through  sinister  designs  ;  they  differed 
in  size,  in  population,  in  wealth,  and  in  actual  and  prospective  resources  and  power;  they 
varied  in  the  character  of  their  industry  and  staple  productions ;  and  in  some  existed  do- 
mestic institutions  which,  unwisely  disturbed,  might  endanger  the  harmony  of  the  whole. 
Most  carefully  were  all  these  circumstances  weighed,  and  liie  f  u.ulations  o'f  the  new  Gov- 
ernment laid  upon  principles  of  reciprocal  concession  and  equitable  compromise.  The 
jealousies  which  the  smaller  States  might  entertain  of  the  power  of  the  rest  wtre  allayed 
by  a  rule  of  representation,  confessedly  unequal  at  the  time,  and  designed  fi-n  \rr  to  remain 
so.  A  natural  fear  that  the  broad  scope  of  general  legislation  might  bear  upon,  and  un- 
wisely control,  particular  interests,  was  counteracted  by  limits  strictly  drawn  around  the 
action  of  the  federal  authority  ;  and  to  the  people  and  the  States  was  left  unimpaired  their 
sovereign  power  over  the  innumerable  subjects  embraced  in  the  internal  government  of  a 
just  Republic,  excepting  such  only  as  necessarily  appertain  to  the  concerns  of  the  whole 
confederacy,  or  its  intercourse,  as  a  united  community,  with  the  other  nations  of  the  world. 

This  provident  forecast  has  been  verified  by  time.  Half  a  century,  teeming  with  extra- 
ordinary events,  and  elsewhere  producing  astonishing  results,  has  passed  along ;  but  on  our 
institutions  it  has  left  no  injurious  mark.  From  a  small  community  we  have  risen  to  a 
people  powerful  in  numbers  and  in  strength  ;  but  with  our  increase  has  gone,  hand  in  hand, 
the  progress  of  just  principles ;  the  privileges,  civil  and  religious,  of  the  humblest  individual 
are  still  sacredly  protected  at  home ;  and,  while  the  valor  and  fortitude  of  our  people  have 
removed  far  from  us  the  slightest  apprehension  of  foreign  power,  they  have  not  yet  induced 
us,  in  a  single  instance,  to  forget  wnat  is  right.  Our  commerce  has  been  extended  to  the 
remotest  nations;  the  value,  and  even  nature,  of  our  productions  has  been  greatly  changed  ; 
a  wide  difference  has  arisen  in  the  relative  wealth  and  resources  of  every  portion  of  our 
country ;  yet  the  spirit  of  mutual  regard  and  of  faithful  adherence  to  existing  compacts  has 
continued  to  prevail  in  our  councils,  and  never  long  been  absent  from  our  conduct.  We 
have  learned  by  experience  a  fruitful  lesson  :  that  an  implicit  and  undeviating  adherence  to 
the  principles  on  which  we  set  out  can  carry  us  prosperously  onward,  through  all  the  con- 
flicts of  circumstances  and  the  vicissitudes  inseparable  from  the  lapse  of  years. 

The  success  that  has  thus  attended  our  great  experiment  is,  in  itself,  a  sufficient  cause  for 
gratitude,  on  account  of  the  happiness  it  has  actually  conferred,  and  the  example  it  has  un- 
answerably given.  But  to  me,  my  fellow-citizens,  looking  forward  to  the  far-distant  future, 
with  ardent  prayers  and  confiding  hopes,  this  retrospect  presents  a  ground  for  still  deeper 
delight.  It  impresses  on  my  mind  a  firm  belief  that  the  perpetuity  of  our  institutions  de- 
pends upon  ourselves  ;  that,  if  we  maintain  the  principles  on  which  they  were  established, 
they  are  destined  to  confer  their  benefits  on  countless  generations  yet  to  come ;  and  that 
America  will  present  to  every  friend  of  mankind  the  cheering  proof  "that  a  popular  Govern- 
ment, wisejv  formed,  is  wanting  in  no  element  of  endurance  or  strength.  Fifty  years  ago, 
its  rapid  failure  was  boldly  predicted.  Latent  and  uncontrollable  causes  of  dissolution  were 


VAN    BUREN.  341 

Hupposed  to  exist,  even  by  the  wise  and  good ;  and  not  only  did  unfriendly  or  speculative 
theorists  anticipate  for  us  the  fate  of  past  republics,  but  the  fears  of  many  an  honest  patriot 
overbalanced  his  sanguine  hopes.  Look  back  on  these  forebodings,  not  hastily,  but  reluc- 
tantly made,  and  see  how,  in  every  instance,  they  have  completely  failed. 

An  imperfect  experience,  during  the  struggles  of  the  Revolution,  was  supposed  to  war- 
rant the  belief  that  the  people  would  not  bear  the  taxation  requisite  to  discharge  an  immense 
public  debt  already  incurred,  and  to  defray  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  Government. 
The  cost  of  two  wars  has  been  paid,  not  only  without  a  murmur,  but  with  unequalled  alac- 
rity. No  one  is  now  left  to  doubt  that  every  burden  will  be  cheerfully  borne  that  may  be 
necessary  to  sustain  our  civil  institutions,  or  guard  our  honor  or  our  welfare.  Indeed,  all 
experience  has  shown  that  the  willingness  of  the  people  to  contribute  to  these  ends,  in  cases 
of  emergency,  has  uniformly  outrun  the  confidence  of  their  representatives. 

In  the  early  stages  of  the  new  Government,  when  all  felt  the  imposing  influence  as  they 
recognised  the  unequalled  services  of  the  first  President,  it  was  a  common  sentiment,  that 
the  great  weight  of  nis  character  could  alone  bind  the  discordant  materials  of  our  Govern- 
ment together,  and  save  us  from  the  violence  of  contending  factions.  Since  his  death  nearly 
forty  years  are  gone.  Party  exasperation  has  been  often  carried  to  its  highest  point ;  the 
virtue  and  the  fortitude  of  the  people  have  sometimes  been  greatly  tried;  yet  our  system, 
purified  and  enhanced  in  value  by  all  it  has  encountered,  still  preserves  its  spirit  of  free  and 
fearless  discussion,  blended  with  unimpaired  fraternal  feeling. 

The  capacity  of  the  people  for  self-government,  and  their  willingness,  from  a  high  sense 
of  duty,  and  without  those  exhibitions  of  coercive  power  so  generally  employed  in  other 
countries,  to  submit  to  all  needful  restraints  and  exactions  of  the  municipal  law,  have  also 
been  favorably  exemplified  in  the  history  of  the  American  States.  Occasionally,  it  is  true, 
the  ardor  of  public  sentiment,  outrunning  the  regular  progress  of  the  judicial  tribunals,  or 
seeking  to  reach  cases  not  denounced  as  criminal  by  the  existing  law,  has  displayed  itself  in 
a  manner  calculated  to  give  pain  to  the  friends  of  free  government,  and  to  encourage  the 
hopes  of  those  who  wish  for  its  overthrow.  These  occurrences,  however,  have  been  far  less 
frequent  in  our  country  than  in  any  other  of  equal  population  on  the  globe ;  and  with  the 
diffusion  of  intelligence,  it  may  well  be  hoped  that  they  will  constantly  diminish  in  fre- 
quency and  violence.  The  generous  patriotism  and  souno!  common  sense  of  the  great  mass 
of  pur  fellow-citizens  will  assuredly,  in  time,  produce  this  result ;  for  as  every  assumption 
of  illegal  power  not  only  wounds  the  majesty  of  the  law,  but  furnishes  a  pretext  for  abridg- 
ing the  liberties  of  the  people,  the  latter  have  the  most  direct  and  permanent  interest  in 
preserving  the  landmarks  of  social  order,  and  maintaining,  on  all  occasions,  the  inviolability 
of  those  constitutional  and  legal  provisions  which  they  themselves  have  made. 

In  a  supposed  unfitness  of  our  institutions  for  those  "hostile  emergencies  which  no  country 
can  always  avoid,  their  friends  found  a  fruitful  source  of  apprehension,  their  enemies  of  hope. 
While  they  foresaw  less  promptness  of  action  than  in  Governments  differently  formed,  they 
overlooked  the  far  more  important  consideration,  that,  with  us,  war  could  never  be  the  result 
of  individual  or  irresponsible  will,  but  must  be  a  measure  of  redress  for  injuries  sustained, 
voluntarily  resorted  to  by  those  who  were  to  bear  the  necessary  sacrifice,  who  would  conse- 
quently feel  an  individual  interest  in  the  contest,  and  whose  energy  would  be  commensurate 
with  the  difficulties  to  be  encountered.  Actual  events  have  proved  their  error ;  the  last  war, 
far  from  impairing,  gave  new  confidence  to  our  Government ;  and  amid  recent  apprehensions 
of  a  similar  conflict,  we  saw  that  the  energies  of  our  country  would  not  be  wanting  in  ample 
season  to  vindicate  its  rights.  We  may  not  possess,  as  we  should  not  desire  to  possess,  the 
extended  and  ever-ready  military  organization  of  other  nations  ;  we  may  occasionally  suffer 
in  the  outset  for  the  want  of  it ;  but,  among  ourselves,  all  doubt  upon  this  great  point  has 
ceased,  while  a  salutary  experience  will  prevent  a  contrary  opinion  from  inviting  aggression 
from  abroad. 

Certain  danger  was  foretold  from  the  extension  of  our  territory,  the  multiplication  of  States, 
and  the  increase  of  population.  Our  system  was  supposed  to  De  adapted  only  to  boundaries 
comparatively  narrow.  These  have  been  widened  beyond  conjecture  ;  the  members  of  our 
confederacy  are  already  doubled ;  and  the  numbers  of  our  people  are  incredibly  augmented. 
The  allege'd  causes  of  danger  have  long  surpassed  anticipation,  but  none  of  the  consequences 
have  followed.  The  power  and  influence  of  the  Republic  have  risen  to  a  height  obvious  to 
all  mankind  ;  respect  for  its  authority  was  not  more  apparent  at  its  ancient  than  it  is  at  its 
present  limits  ;  new  and  inexhaustible  sources  of  general  prosperity  have  been  opened  ;  the 
effects  of  distance  have  been  averted  by  the  inventive  genius  of  our  people,  developed  and 
fostered  by  the  spirit  of  our  institutions,  and  the  enlarged  variety  and  amount  of  interests, 
productions,  and  pursuits  have  strengthened  the  chain  of  mutual  dependence,  and  formed  a 
circle  of  mutual  benefits  too  apparent  ever  to  be  overlooked. 

In  justly  balancing  the  powers  of  the  Federal  and  State  authorities,  difficulties  nearly  in- 
surmountable arose  at  the  outset,  and  subsequent  collisions  were  deemed  inevitable.  Amid 
these,  it  was  scarcely  believed  possible  that  a  scheme  of  government,  so  complex  in  con- 
struction, could  remain  uninjured.  From  time  to  time  embarrassments  have  certainly  oc- 
curred ;  but  how  just  is  the  confidence  of  future  safety  imparted  by  the  knowledge  that  each 


342  VAN   BUREN. 

in  succession  has  been  happily  removed.  Overlooking  partial  and  temporary  evils,  as  in- 
separable from  the  practical  operation  of  all  human  institutions,  and  looking  only  to  the 
general  result,  every  patriot  has  reason  to  be  satisfied.  While  the  Federal  Government  has 
successfully  performed  its  appropriate  functions  in  relation  to  foreign  affairs  and  concerns 
evidently  national,  that  of  every  State  has  remarkably  improved  in  protecting  and  develop- 
ing local  interests  and  individual  welfare  ;  and  if  the  vibrations  of  authority  have  occasion- 
ally tended  too  much  towards  one  or  the  other,  it  is  unquestionably  certain  that  the  ultimate 
operation  of  the  entire  system  has  been  to  strengthen  all  the  existing  institutions,  and  to 
elevate  our  whole  country  in  prosperity  and  renown. 

The  last,  perhaps  the  greatest,  of  the  prominent  sources  of  discord  and  disaster  supposed 
to  lurk  in  our  political  condition,  was  the  institution  of  domestic  slavery.  Our  forefathers 
were  deeply  impressed  with  the  delicacy  of  this  subject,  and  they  treated  it  with  a  forbear- 
ance so  evidently  wise,  that,  in  spite  of  every  sinister  foreboding,  it  never,  until  the  present 
period,  disturbed  the  tranquillity  of  our  common  country.  Such  a  result  is  sufficient  evidence 
of  the  justice  and  the  patriotism  of  their  course  ;  it  is  evidence  not  to  be  mistaken,  that  an 
adherence  to  it  can  prevent  all  embarrassment  from  this,  as  well  as  from  even-  other  antici- 
pated cause  of  difficulty  or  danger.  Have  not  recent  events  made  it  obvious  to  the  slightest 
reflection,  that  the  least  deviation  from  this  spirit  of  forbearance  is  injurious  to  every  inte- 
rest, that  of  humanity  included  ?  Amidst  the  violence  of  excited  passions,  this  generous 
and  fraternal  feeling  has  been  sometimes  disregarded ;  and,  standing  as  I  now  do  before  my 
countrymen  in  this  high  place  of  honor  and  of  trust,  I  cannot  refrain  from  anxiously  invoking 
my  fellow-citizens  never  to  be  deaf  to  its  dictates.  Perceiving,  before  mv  election,  the  deep 
interest  this  subject  was  beginning  to  excite,  I  believed  it  a  solemn  duty  fully  to  make 
known  my  sentiments  in  regard  to  it ;  and  now,  when  every  motive  for  misrepresentation 
has  passed  away,  I  trust  that  they  will  be  candidly  weighed  and  understood.  At  least,  they 
will  be  my  standard  of  conduct  in  the  path  before  me.  I  then  declared  that,  if  the  desire 
of  those  of  my  countrymen  who  were  favorable  to  my  election  was  gratified,  "  I  must  go 
into  the  presidential  chair  the  inflexible  and  uncompromising  opponent  of  every  attempt, 
on  the  part  of  Congress,  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  against  the  wishes 
of  the  slave-holding  States ;  and  also  with  a  determination  equally  decided  to  resist  the 
slightest  interference  with  it  in  the  States  where  it  exists."  I  submitted  also  to  my  fellow- 
citizens,  with  fulness  and  frankness,  the  reasons  which  led  me  to  this  determination.  The 
result  authorizes  me  to  believe  that  they  have  been  approved,  and  are  confided  in,  by  a 
majority  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  including  those  whom  they  most  immediately 
affect.  It  now  only  remains  to  add,  that  no  bill  conflicting  with  these  views  can  ever  receive 
my  constitutional  sanction.  These  opinions  have  been  adopted  in  the  firm  belief  that  they 
are  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  that  actuated  the  venerated  fathers  of  the  Republic,  and 
that  succeeding  experience  has  proved  them  to  be  humane,  patriotic,  expedient,  honorable, 
and  just.  If  the  agitation  of  this  subject  was  intended  to  reach  the  stability  of  our  institu- 
tions, enough  has  occurred  to  show  that  it  has  signally  failed  ;  and  that  in  this,  as  in  every 
other  instance,  the  apprehensions  of  the  timid  and  the  hopes  of  the  wicked  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  our  Government,  are  again  destined  to  be  disappointed.  Here  and  there,  indeed, 
scenes  of  dangerous  excitement  have  occurred ;  terrifying  instances  of  local  violence  have 
been  witnessed  ;  and  a  reckless  disregard  of  the  consequences  of  their  conduct  has  exposed 
individuals  to  popular  indignation ;  but  neither  masses  of  the  people,  nor  sections  of  the 
country,  have  been  swerved  from  their  devotion  to  the  bond  of  union,  and  the  principles  it 
has  made  sacred.  It  will  be  ever  thus.  Such  attempts  at  dangerous  agitation  may  period- 
ically return,  but  with  each  the  object  will  be  better  understood.  That  predominating  affec- 
tion'for  our  political  system  which  prevails  throughout  our  territorial  limits  ;  that  calm  and 
enlightened  judgment  which  ultimately  governs  our  people  as  one  vast  body ;  will  always 
be  at  hand  to  resist  and  control  every  effort,  foreign  or  domestic,  which  aims,  or  would  lead, 
to  overthrow  our  institutions. 

What  can  be  more  gratifying  than  such  a  retrospect  as  this  ?  We  look  back  on  obstacles 
avoided,  and  dangers  overcome;  on  expectations  more  than  realized,  and  prosperity  per- 
fectly secured.  To  the  hopes  of  the  hostile,  the  fears  of  the  timid,  and  the  doubts  of  the 
anxious,  actual  experience  has  given  the  conclusive  reply.  WTe  have  seen  time  gradually 
dispel  every  unfavorable  foreboding,  and  our  Constitution  surmount  every  adverse  circum- 
stance, dreaded  at  the  outset  as  beyond  control.  Present  excitement  will,  at  all  times,  mag- 
nify present  dangers  ;  but  true  philosophy  must  teach  us  that  none  more  threatening  than 
the  past  can  remain  to  be  overcome ;  and  we  ought,  for  we  have  just  reason,  to  entertain  aa 
abiding  confidence  in  the  stability  of  our  institutions,  and  an  entire  conviction  that,  if  ad- 
ministered in  the  true  form,  character,  and  spirit  in  which  they  were  established,  they  are 
abundantly  adequate  to  preserve  to  us  and  our  children  the  rich  blessings  already  derived 
from  them ;  to  make  our  beloved  laud,  for  a  thousand  generations,  that  chosen  spot  where 
happiness  springs  from  a  perfect  equality  of  political  rignts. 

For  myself,  therefore,  I  desire  to  declare,  that  the  principle  that  will  govern  me  in  the 
high  duty  to  which  my  country  calls  me,  is  a  strict  adherence  to  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the 
Constitution,  as  it  was  designed  by  those  who  framed  it.  Looking  back  to  it  as  a  sacred 


VAN    BUREN.  343 

instrument  carefully  and  not  easily  framed ;  remembering  that  it  was  throughout  a  work  of 
concession  and  compromise ;  viewing  it  as  limited  to  national  objects ;  regarding  it  as 
leaving  to  the  people  and  the  States  all  power  not  explicitly  parted  with ;  I  snail  endeavor 
to  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  it,  by  anxiously  referring  to  its  provision  for  direction  in 
every  action.  To  matters  of  domestic  concernment  which  it  has  intrusted  to  the  Federal 
Government,  and  to  such  as  relate  to  our  intercourse  with  foreign  nations,  I  shall  zealously 
devote  myself;  beyond  those  limits  I  shall  never  pass. 

To  enter,  on  this  occasion,  into  a  further  or  more  minute  exposition  of  my  views  on  the 
various  questions  of  domestic  policy,  would  be  as  obtrusive  as  it  is  probably  unexpected. 
Before  the  suffrages  of  my  countrymen  were  conferred  upon  me,  I  submitted  to  them,  with 
great  precision,  my  opinions  on  all  the  most  prominent  of  these  subjects.  Those  opinions  I 
shall  endeavor  to  carry  out  with  my  utmost  ability. 

Our  course  of  foreign  policy  has  been  so  uniform  and  intelligible,  as  to  constitute  a  rule 
of  executive  conduct  which  leaves  little  to  my  discretion,  unless,  indeed,  I  were  willing  to 
run  counter  to  the  lights  of  experience,  and  the  known  opinions  of  my  constituents.  We 
sedulously  cultivate  the  friendship  of  all  nations,  as  the  condition  most  compatible  with  our 
welfare  and  the  principles  of  our  Government.  We  decline  alliances,  as  adverse  to  our 
peace.  We  desire  commercial  relations  on  equal  terms,  being  ever  willing  to  give  a  fair 
equivalent  for  advantages  received.  We  endeavor  to  conduct  our  intercourse  with  openness 
and  sincerity ;  promptly  avowing  our  objects,  and  seeking  to  establish  that  mutual  frankness 
which  is  as  beneficial  in  the  dealings  of  nations  as  of  men.  We  have  no  disposition,  and 
we  disclaim  all  right,  to  meddle  in  disputes,  whether  internal  or  foreign,  that  may  molest 
other  countries  ;  regarding  them,  in  their  actual  state,  as  social  communities,  and  preserving 
a  strict  neutrality  in  all  their  controversies.  Well  knowing  the  tried  valor  of  our  people, 
and  our  exhaustless  resources,  we  neither  anticipate  nor  fear  any  designed  aggression ;  and, 
in  the  consciousness  of  our  own  just  conduct,  we  feel  a  security  that  we  shall  never  be  called 
upon  to  exert  our  determination,  never  to  permit  an  invasion  of  our  rights  without  punish- 
ment or  redress. 

In  approaching,  then,  in  the  presence  of  my  assembled  countrymen,  to  make  the  solemn 
promise  that  yet  remains,  and  to  pledge  myself  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the  office  I  am 
about  to  fill,  I  bring  with  me  a  settled  purpose  to  maintain  the  institutions  of  my  country, 
which,  I  trust,  will  atone  for  the  errors  I  commit. 

In  receiving  from  the  people  the  sacred  trust  twice  confided  to  my  illustrious  predecessor, 
and  which  he  has  discharged  so  faithfully  and  so  well,  I  know  that  I  cannot  expect  to  per- 
form the  arduous  task  with  equal  ability  and  success.  But,  united  as  I  have  been  in  his 
counsels,  a  daily  witness  of  his  exclusive  and  unsurpassed  devotion  to  his  country's  welfare, 
agreeing  with  him  in  sentiments  which  his  countrymen  have  warmly  supported,  and  per- 
mitted to  partake  largely  of  his  confidence,  I  may  hope  that  somewhat  of  the  same  cheering 
approbation  will  be  found  to  attend  upon  my  path.  For  him,  I  but  express,  with  my  own, 
the  wishes  of  all — that  he  may  yet  long  live  to  enjoy  the  brilliant  evening  of  his  well-spent 
life ;  and,  for  myself,  conscious  of  but  one  desire,  faithfully  to  serve  my  country,  I  throw 
myself,  without  fear,  on  its  justice  and  its  kindness.  Beyond  that,  I  only  look  to  the  gra- 
cious protection  of  the  Divine  Being,  whose  strengthening  support  I  humbly  solicit,  and 
whom  I  fervently  pray  to  look  down  upon  us  all.  May  it  t>e  among  the  dispensations  of 
His  providence  to  bless  our  beloved  country  with  honors  and  with  length  of  days ;  may  her 
ways  be  ways  of  pleasantness,  and  all  her  paths  be  peace. 

The  delivery  of  the  address  being  completed,  and  the  oath  prescribed  by 
the  Constitution  having  been  administered  to  the  President  by  the  Chief 
Justice  of  the  United  States,  national  salutes  from  the  military  and  naval 
stations  within  the  city  were  fired  in  honor  of  the  occasion ;  after  which, 
the  President  and  Ex-President  returned  to  the  executive  mansion,  at- 
tended by  the  cortege  which  accompanied  them  to  the  capitol,  and  whither 
an  immense  concourse  of  citizens  repaired  to  offer  their  salutations  to  the 
new  President,  and  take  leave  of  his  predecessor.  The  representatives  of 
foreign  Governments  also  attended,  and  through  Mr.  Calderon,  the  minis- 
ter of  her  Catholic  majesty,  offered  their  congratulations  to  the  President 
in  an  appropriate  and  impressive  address. 

The  day  was  uncommonly  brilliant  for  the  season,  and  the  fineness  of 
the  weather  permitted  great  numbers  of  citizens  to  come  in  from  the  coun- 
try, who,  with  the  multitude  of  strangers  who  had  been  flocking  into  the 
«ity  for  many  days  from  a  distance,  and  the  thousands  of  resident  citizens, 


344  VAN   BUREN. 

lined  the  avenue,  during  the  forenoon,  and  formed  a  larger  concourse  of 
both  sexes  at  the  capitol  during  the  ceremonies  than  was  ever  witnessed 
on  any  former  occasion.  Thronged,  however,  as  the  streets  and  public 
places  were  during  the  day,  not  an  instance  of  disorder  took  place ;  every 
thing  wore  a  marked  appearance  of  calmness,  and  the  absence  of  excite- 
ment. 

In  the  evening  there  was  a  splendid  ball  at  Carusi's,  at  which  the  Pres- 
ident and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  attended,  with  a  number 
of  Senators  and  Representatives,  all  the  heads  of  departments,  many 
military  and  naval  officers,  all  the  members  of  foreign  legations,  in  the 
official  costume  of  their  several  functions  and  countries. 

Of  the  events  subsequent  to  the  inauguration,  we  can  as  yet  with  pro- 
priety say  nothing.  The  unfortunate  derangement  of  our  fiscal  affairs, 
and  the  generally  embarrassed  and  distressed  state  of  the  country,  have 
compelled  President  Van  Buren  to  call  together  the  Representatives  of  the 
people.  The  policy  which  his  message  may  develop  will  furnish  suitable 
topics  of  comment  and  criticism.  He  has  before  him  a  career  of  difficulty, 
doubt  and  peril.  May  he  so  guide  the  bark  of  state  that  the  mariners 
shall  have  reason  to  rejoice  in  their  helmsman  : 

"  Each  petty  hand 

Can  steer  a  ship  becalm'd  ;  but  he  that  will 
Govern,  and  carry  her  to  her  ends,  must  know 
His  tide,  his  currents,  how  to  shift  his  sails  ; 
What  she  will  bear  in  foul,  what  in  fair  weather  ; 
Where  her  springs  are,  her  leaks,  and  how  to  stop  'em  ; 
What  sands,  what  shelves,  what  rocks  do  threaten  her  ; 
The  forces  and  the  natures  of  all  winds, 
Gusts,  storms  and  tempests  ;  when  her  keel  ploughs  hell, 
And  deck  knocks  heaven  :  then  to  manage  her 
Becomes  the  name  and  office  of  a  PILOT  ! " 


347 
LIVES   OF  THE  SIGNERS, 


SAMUEL    ADAMS. 

THE  memories  of  few  men  will  perhaps  be  cherished,  by  their  posterity 
with  a  more  jealous  and  grateful  admiration  than  those  of  the  patriotic 
individuals,  who  first  signed  the  political  independence  of  our  country. 
They  hazarded  by  the  deed  not  only  their  lands  and  possessions,  but  their 
personal  freedom  and  their  lives ;  and  when  it  is  considered  that  most 
of  them  were  in  the  vigor  of  existence,  gifted  with  considerable  fortunes, 
and  with  all  the  offices  and  emoluments  at  the  disposal  of  royalty  within 
their  reach,  the  sacrifice  which  they  risked  appears  magnified,  and  their 
disinterested  patriotism  more  worthy  of  remembrance.  Although  many 
of  them  can  rest  their  sole  claim  to  lasting  distinction  upon  the  one  great 
act  with  which  they  were  adventitiously  connected,  still  their  lives  present 
a  valuable  transcript  of  the  times  in  which  they  lived,  and  afford  exam- 
ples of  inflexible  honesty,  heroic  decision,  and  noble  energy  of  mind, 
quite  as  interesting  as  any  records  of  the  eccentricities  of  genius,  or  the 
grasping  efforts  of  ambition. 

Not  one  of  the  least  ardent  and  uncompromising  asserters  of  the  rights 
and  liberties  of  his  country,  was  the  subject  of  our  present  sketch — 
SAMUEL  ADAMS.  This  gentleman,  descended  from  a  respectable  family, 
which  emigrated  to  America  with  the  first  settlers  of  the  land,  was  born 
at  Quincy,  in  Massachusetts,  September  22d,  1722.  In  1736  he  became 
a  member  of  Harvard  College,  and  took  his  degree  of  Master  in  1743. 
On  this  latter  occasion,  he  proposed  the  following  question,  in  which  he 
maintained  the  affirmative  :  "  Whether  it  be  lawful  to  resist  the  supreme 
magistrate,  if  the  commonwealth  cannot  be  otherwise  preserved  ?"  . 

On  quitting  the  university,  he  commenced  the  study  of  the  law ;  but  soon 
afterwards,  at  the  request  of  his  mother,  became  a  clerk  in  the  counting- 
house  of  Thomas  Gushing,  at  that  time  an  eminent  merchant.  The 
genius  of  Adams  was  not  suited  to  commercial  pursuits.  His  devotion 
to  politics,  and  his  interest  in  the  welfare  of  his  country,  diverted  his 
attention  from  his  own  business  concerns  ;  and  he  retired  from  his  mer- 
cantile connexions  poorer  by  far  than  when  he  entered  into  them.  In 
1763,  when  a  committee  was  appointed  by  the  people  of  Boston  to 
remonstrate  against  the  taxation  of  the  colonies  by  the  British  ministry, 
the  instructions  of  that  committee  were  drawn  by  Mr.  Adams,  and  gave 
a  powerful  proof  of  his  ability  and  zeal.  He  soon  became  an  influential 
leader  in  the  popular  assemblies,  and  was  bold  in  denouncing  the  oppres- 
sive acts  of  the  mother  country. 

In  1765,  he  was  chosen  a  representative  to  the  General  Court  of  the 
State,  from  the  town  of  Boston.  Here  he  soon  made  himself  conspicuous, 
and  became  clerk  of  the  legislative  body.  About  this  time  he  was  the 
author  of  several  spirited  essays,  and  plans  of  resistance  to  the  exactions 


348  SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

of  the  British  ministry.  He  suggested  the  first  Congress  at  New  York, 
which  was  a  step  to  the  establishment  of  a  Continental  Congress,  tea 
years  after. 

In  1770,  two  regiments  of  troops  were  quartered  in  the  town  of  Bos- 
ton, apparently  to  superintend  the  conduct  of  the  inhabitants.  This 
measure  roused  the  public  indignation  to  the  utmost,  and  soon  gave 
occasion  to  a  quarrel  between  a  party  of  soldiers  and  citizens,  in  which 
eleven  of  the  latter  were  killed  or  wounded,  by  a  guard,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Captain  Preston.  This  rencontre,  which  is  well  known  under 
the  name  of  the  "  Boston  Massacre,"  and  will  long  remain  memorable  as 
the  first  instance  of  bloodshed  between  the  British  and  Americans,  did 
not  tend  to  allay  the  excitement  caused  by  the  presence  of  the  troops. 
On  the  following  morning  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  was  called,  and 
Samuel  Adams  first  rose  to  address  the  assembly.  His  style  of  eloquence 
was  bold  and  impressive,  and  few  could  exercise  a  more  absolute  control 
over  the  passions  of  a  multitude.  A  committee,  of  which  he  was  one, 
was  chosen  to  wait  upon  Governor  Hutchinson,  with  a  request  that  the 
troops  might  be  instantly  removed.  The  Governor  replied  that  the  troops 
were  not  under  his  command :  but  Adams,  with  his  usual  intrepidity, 
would  brook  no  prevarication  or  excuse,  and  declared  that  if  he  permitted 
them  to  remain,  it  would  be  at  his  peril.  The  Governor,  alarmed  at  the 
personal  danger  which  threatened  him,  finally  consented  to  the  demand, 
and  further  hostilities  were,  for  a  time,  suspended. 

The  injudicious  management  of  his  private  affairs  rendered  Mr.  Adams 
poor.  When  this  was  known  in  England  it  was  proposed  to  bribe  him, 
by  the  gift  of  some  lucrative  office.  A  suggestion  of  the  kind  being 
made  to  Governor  Hutchinson,  he  replied,  that  "such  was  the  ob- 
stinacy and  inflexible  disposition  of  the  man,  that  he  could  never  be 
conciliated  by  any  office  or  gift  whatever."  A  higher  compliment  could 
not  have  been  paid  him.  The  offer  however  was  made,  it  is  said,  and 
rejected.  About  the  year  1773,  Governor  Gage  renewed  the  experiment. 
Colonel  Fenton  waited  upon  Mr.  Adams,  with  the  assurance  of  Governor 
Gage,  that  any  benefit  he  might  ask  would  be  conferred  on  him,  on  con- 
dition that  he  would  forsake  the  popular  faction ;  while,  at  the  same  time, 
significant  threats  were  thrown  out  of  the  consequences  which  might 
ensue,  if  he  persisted  in  his  opposition  to  the  measures  of  the  ministry. 
The  reply  of  the  undaunted  patriot  was  characteristic :  "  Go  tell  Governor 
Gage,"  said  he,  "  that  my  peace  has  long  since  been  made  with  the  King 
of  kings ;  and  that  it  is  the  advice  of  Samuel  Adams  to  him,  no  longer 
to  insult  the  feelings  of  an  aljeady  exasperated  people." 

Under  the  irritation  produced  by  this  answer,  Governor  Gage  issued  a 
proclamation,  which  comprehended  the  following  language :  "  I  do  hereby, 
in  his  majesty's  name,  offer  and  promise  his  most  gracious  pardon  to  all 
persons,  who  shall  forthwith  lay  down  their  arms,  and  return  to  the  duties 
of  peaceable  subjects  :  excepting  only  from  the  benefits  of  such  pardon, 
SAMUEL  ADAMS,  and  JOHN  HANCOCK,  whose  offences  are  of  too  flagitious 
a  nature  to  admit  of  any  other  consideration  but  that  of  condign  punish- 
ment." 

Mr.  Adams  was  a  member  of  the  first  Continental  Congress,  which 


JOSIAH  BARTLETT.  349 

assembled  in  Philadelphia,  in  1774 ;  and  he  remained  an  active  member  of 
that  body  until  the  year  1781.  During  this  period,  he  was  one  of  the 
warmest  advocates  for  the  declaration  of  American  independence.  After 
that  declaration  had  been  irrevocably  adopted,  and  when  the  subsequent 
gloom  which  overspread  the  land  had  depressed  the  spirits  of  the  most  ar- 
dent advocates  of  liberty,  the  firmness  and  enthusiasm  of  Mr.  Adams  were 
unchanged.  His  example  contributed  in  a  high  degree  to  inspire  his  coun- 
trymen with  a  confidence  of  their  final  success.  The  following  encomium 
upon  him  is  from  a  work  upon  the  American  rebellion,  by  Mr.  Galloway, 
published  in  England,  in  1780  :  "  He  eats  little,  drinks  little,  sleeps  little, 
thinks  much,  and  is  most  indefatigable  in  the  pursuit  of  his  object.  It  was 
this  man,  who,  by  his  superior  application,  managed  at  once  the  factions 
in  Congress  at  Philadelphia,  and  the  factions  of  New  England." 

In  1781,  Mr.  Adams  retired  from  Congress :  but  having  already  been 
a  member  of  the  Convention  which  formed  the  Constitution  of  his  native 
State,  he  was  placed  in  the  Senate,  and  for  several  years  presided  over 
that  body.  In  1789,  he  was  elected  Lieutenant-Governor,  in  which  office 
he  continued  till  1794 ;  when,  upon  the  death  of  Hancock,  he  was  chosen 
Governor,  and  was  annually  re-elected  till  1797,  when  he  retired  from 
public  life.  He  died  October  2d,  1803,  at  the  advanced  age  of  eighty- 
two. 

In  his  person,  Mr.  Adams  was  only  of  the  middle  size,  but  his  counte- 
nance indicated  great  decision  of  purpose  and  an  energetic  mind.  He 
was  a  sincere  and  practical  Christian ;  and  the  last  production  of  his 
pen  was  in  favor  of  Christian  truth.  His  writings  were  voluminous, 
but  as  they  chiefly  related  to  the  temporary  politics  of  the  day,  few  of 
them  remain.  He  always  manifested  a  singular  indifference  to  pecuniary 
considerations.  He  was  poor  while  he  lived ;  and,  it  has  been  said,  that 
had  not  the  death  of  an  only  son  relieved  the  poverty  of  his  latter  days, 
Samuel  Adams  would  have  had  to  claim  a  burial  from  private  charity, 
or  at  the  public  expense. 


JOSIAH    BARTLETT. 

JOSIAH  BARTLETT,  Governor  of  New  Hampshire,  and  the  first  frc  rn 
that  State  who  signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  was  born  in  Ames- 
bury,  Massachusetts,  in  1729.  Without  the  advantages  of  a  collegiate 
education,  but  possessing  a  competent  knowledge  of  the  Greek  and  Latin 
languages,  he  commenced  the  study  of  medicine  at  the  age  of  sixteen. 
After  devoting  himself  for  five  years  to  the  acquisition  of  the  necessary 
knowledge  and  experience,  he  commenced  the  practice  of  his  profession 
at  Kingston,  in  the  year  1750.  Here  he  soon  obtained  very  considerable 
reputation,  and  introduced  many  efficacious  changes  in  the  treatment  of 
several  diseases. 

In  the  year  1765,  Doctor  Bartlett  was  elected  to  the  Legislature  of  the 
province  of  New  Hampshire)  from  the  town  of  Kingston,  In  his  legis- 


350  JOSIAH  BARTLETT. 

lative  capacity,  he  was  a  determined  opposer  of  the  mercenary  views  of 
the  royal  Governor,  John  Wentworth,  who,  desiring  to  conciliate  him  to 
his  interest,  appointed  him  justice  of  the  peace.  This,  though  a  trivial 
distinction,  was  a  token  of  the  Governor's  respect  for  his  talents  and 
influence.  Doctor  Bartlett  accepted  the  appointment,  but  continued  firm 
in  his  opposition.  His  attachment  to  the  patriotic  side,  and  the  spirit 
with  which  he  resisted  the  royal  exactions,  soon  afterwards  produced  his 
dismissal  from  the  commission  of  justice  of  the  peace,  as  also  from  a 
command  which  he  held  in  the  militia. 

In  1774,  a  Convention  was  convoked  at  Exeter,  for  the  purpose  of 
choosing  deputies  to  the  Continental  Congress,  which  was  to  meet  at 
Philadelphia.  In  this  Convention,  Doctor  Bartlett,  and  John  Pickering, 
a  lawyer  of  Portsmouth,  were  appointed  delegates  to  Congress ;  but  the 
former,  having  a  little  previously  lost  his  house  by  fire,  was  obliged  to 
decline  the  honor.  The  latter  gentleman  wishing  likewise  to  be  excused, 
others  were  chosen  in  their  stead.  From  this  time  the  political  difficul- 
ties in  New  Hampshire  increased.  At  length  Governor  Wentworth  found 
it  expedient  to  retire  on  board  a  man  of  war  then  lying  in  the  harbor  of 
Portsmouth  ;  and  soon  after  issued  his  proclamation,  adjourning  the  State 
Assembly  till  the  following  April.  This  act,  however,  was  disregarded, 
and  soon  terminated  the  royal  government  in  New  Hampshire,  after  it 
had  existed  there  for  a  period  of  ninety  years. 

In  September,  1775,  Doctor  Bartlett,  who  had  been  elected  to  the  Con- 
tinental Congress,  took  his  seat  in  that  body.  Here  having  largely 
participated  in  an  unwearied  devotion  to  business,  his  health  was  conside- 
rably impaired :  but  in  a  second  election,  the  ensuing  year,  he  was  again 
chosen  a  delegate  to  the  same  body.  He  was  present  on  the  memorable 
occasion  of  taking  the  vote  on  the  question  of  a  declaration  of  indepen- 
dence. On  putting  the  question,  it  was  agreed  to  begin  with  the 
northernmost  colony.  Doctor  Bartlett,  therefore,  had  the  honor  of  being 
the  first  to  vote  for,  and  the  first  after  the  President,  to  sign  the  Declaration 
of  Independence. 

In  August,  1778,  a  new  election  taking  place,  Doctor  Bartlett  was 
again  chosen  a  delegate  to  Congress.  He  continued  at  Philadelphia, 
however,  but  a  small  part  of  the  session ;  and  his  domestic  concerns 
requiring  his  attention,  he  resided  the  remaining  part  of  his  life  in  New 
Hampshire.  In  1779,  he  was  appointed  Chief  Justice  of  the  Court  of 
Common  Pleas.  In  1782,  he  became  an  Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  in  1788,  was  advanced  to  the  head  of  the  bench.  Doctor  Bart- 
lett was  a  member  of  the  Convention  which  adopted  the  present  Consti- 
tution of  the  State ;  and  by  his  zeal  greatly  aided  its  ratification.  In 
1789,  he  was  elected  a  Senator  to  Congress ;  but  his  age  and  infirmities 
induced  him  to  decline  the  honor.  In  1793  he  was  elected  first  Governor 
of  the  State,  which  office  he  filled  with  his  usual  fidelity  and  good  sense, 
until  the  infirm  state  of  his  health  obliged  him  to  resign,  and  retire  wholly 
from  public  life.  He  did  not  remain  long,  however,  to  enjoy  the  repose 
which  he  coveted ;  but  died  on  the  19th  of  May,  1795,  in  the  sixty-sixth 
year  of  his  age. 

The  patriotism  of  this  eminent  man  was  of  a  pure  and  highly  disinte- 


CARTER  BRAXTON.  351 

rested  nature.  He  rose  to  distinction  unaided  by  family  influence  or 
party  connexions ;  and  maintained  through  life  a  reputation  for  strict 
integrity,  great  penetration  of  mind,  and  considerable  abilities. 


CARTER    BRAXTON. 

CARTER  BRAXTON  was  born  in  Newington,  Virginia,  on  the  10th  of 
September,  1736.  His  father  was  a  wealthy  planter,  and  his  mother 
the  daughter  of  Robert  Carter,  who  was  for  some  time  a  member,  and 
the  President  of  the  King's  council. 

Carter  Braxton  was  liberally  educated  at  the  college  of  William  and 
Mary ;  and  on  his  father's  death,  he  became  possessed  of  a  considerable 
fortune,  consisting  principally  of  land  and  slaves.  At  the  early  age  of 
nineteen,  he  received  a  large  accession  to  his  estate  by  marriage.  But 
having  the  misfortune  to  lose  his  wife,  he  soon  after  embarked  for  Eng- 
land, with  the  view  of  improving  himself  by  travel.  He  returned  to 
America  in  1760 ;  and  the  following  year  was  married  to  a  daughter  of 
Richard  Corbin,  of  Lannerville,  by  whom  he  had  sixteen  children.  Mr. 
Braxton  did  not  study  any  profession,  but  became  a  gentleman  planter, 
and  lived  in  a  style  of  hospitality  and  splendor,  which  was  not  incom- 
mensurate with  his  means.  Upon  his  return  from  Europe,  he  was  called 
to  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Burgesses,  where  he  was  characterized  for  his 
patriotic  zeal  and  firmness,  in  all  the  duties  which  he  was  called  upon  to 
discharge. 

In  1775,  Mr.  Braxton  was  elected  a  delegate  to  Congress.  In  that 
body  he  soon  after  took  his  seat,  and  was  present  on  the  occasion  of 
signing  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  In  June,  1776,  the  Conven- 
tion of  Virginia  reduced  the  number  of  their  delegates  in  Congress,  and, 
in  consequence,  he  was  omitted.  Mr.  Braxton  was  a  member  of  the 
first  General  Assembly,  under  the  republican  Constitution,  which  met  at 
Williamsburg.  Here  he  had  the  honor  of  receiving,  in  connexion  with 
Thomas  Jefferson,  an  expression  of  the  public  thanks  for  the  "  diligence, 
ability,  and  integrity,  with  which  they  executed  the  important  trust 
reposed  in  them,  as  delegates  in  the  general  Congress." 

In  1786,  he  became  a  member  of  the  Council  of  State,  which  office 
he  held  until  the  30th  of  March,  1791.  After  an  interval  of  a  few 
years,  during  which  he  occupied  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Delegates,  he 
was  re-elected  into  the  Executive  Council.  He  died  on  the  10th  of 
October,  1797,  by  means  of  an  attack  of  paralysis. 

Mr.  Braxton  was  a  gentleman  of  a  polished  mind,  of  considerable 
conversational  powers,  and  respectable  talents.  His  latter  days  were 
unfortunately  clouded  by  pecuniary  embarrassments,  caused  by  the 
miscarriage  of  his  commercial  speculations,  and  by  several  vexatious 
lawsuits.  Of  his  numerous  family,  but  one  daughter,  it  is  believed, 
survives. 


352 


CHARLES   CARROLL. 

CHARLES  CARROLL  was  a  descendant  of  Daniel  Carroll,  an  Irish  gen- 
tleman, who  emigrated  from  England  to  America  about  the  year  1689. 
He  settled  in  the  province  of  Maryland,  where,  a  few  years  after,  he 
received  the  appointment  of  Judge,  and  Register  of  the  land  office,  and 
became  agent  for  Lord  Baltimore. 

Charles  Carroll,  the  father  of  the  subject  of  the  present  sketch,  was 
born  in  1702.  His  son,  Charles  Carroll,  surnamed  of  Carrollton,  was 
born  September  8,  1737,  0.  S.  at  Annapolis,  in  the  province  of  Mary- 
land. 

At  the  age  of  eight  years,  he  was  sent  to  France  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  an  education.  He  was  placed  at  a  college  of  English  Jesuits, 
at  St.  Omer's,  where  he  remained  for  six  years.  Afterwards  he  staid 
some  time  at  Rheims,  whence  he  was  removed  to  the  college  of  Louis 
le  Grand.  On  leaving  college,  he  entered  upon  the  study  of  the  civil 
law,  at  Bourges ;  from  which  place  he  returned  to  Paris,  where  he  re- 
mained till  1757,  in  which  year  he  removed  to  London,  and  commenced 
the  study  of  law.  He  returned  to  America  in  1764,  an  accomplished 
scholar,  and  an  accomplished  man.  Although  he  had  lived  abroad,  and 
might  naturally  be  supposed  to  have  imbibed  a  predilection  for  the  mo- 
narchical institutions  of  Europe,  he  entered  with  great  spirit  into  the 
controversy  between  the  colonies  and  Great  Britain,  which,  about  the 
time  of  his  arrival,  was  beginning  to  assume  a  most  serious  aspect. 

A  few  years  following  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act,  the  violent  ex- 
citement occasioned  by  that  measure,  in  a  degree  subsided  tlnoughout 
all  the  colonies.  In  this  calmer  state  of  things  the  people  of  Maryland 
participated.  But  about  the  year  1771,  great  commotion  was  excited  in 
that  province,  in  consequence  of  the  arbitrary  conduct  of  Governor  Eden 
and  his  council,  touching  the  fees  of  the  civil  officers  of  the  Colonial 
Government. 

The  controversy  which  grew  out  of  this,  became  exceedingly  spirited. 
It  involved  the  great  principles  of  the  revolution.  Several  writers  of 
distinguished  character  enlisted  themselves  on  different  sides  of  the 
question.  Among  these  writers,  no  one  was  more  conspicuous  than  Mr. 
Carroll.  The  natural  consequence  of  his  firmness  in  defence  of  the 
rights  of  the  people  was,  that  great  confidence  was  reposed  in  him  on 
their  part,  and  he  was  looked  up  to  as  one  who  was  eminently  qualified 
to  lead  in  the  great  struggle  which  was  approaching  between  the  colo- 
nies and  the  parent  country. 

An  anecdote  is  related  of  Mr.  Carroll,  which  will  illustrate  his  influ- 
ence with  the  people  of  Maryland.  By  a  resolution  of  the  delegates  of 
Maryland,  on  the  22d  day  of  June,  1774,  the  importation  of  tea  was 
prohibited.  Sometime  after,  however,  a  vessel  arrived  at  Annapolis, 
having  a  quantity  of  this  article  on  board.  This  becoming  known,  the 
people  assembled  in  great  multitudes,  to  take  effectual  measures  to  pre- 
vent its  being  landed.  At  length  the  excitement  became  so  high,  that 
the  personal  safety  of  the  captain  of  the  vessel  became  endangered.  In 


CHARLES   CARROLL.  353 

this  state  of  things,  the  friends  of  the  captain  made  application  to  Mr. 
Carroll,  to  interpose  his  influence  with  the  people  in  his  behalf.  The 
public  indignation  was  too  great  to  be  easily  allayed.  This  Mr.  Carroll 
perceived,  and  advised  the  captain  and  his  friends,  as  the  only  probable 
means  of  safety  to  himself,  to  set  fire  to  the  vessel,  and  burn  it  to  the 
water's  edge.  This  alternative  was  indeed  severe ;  but,  as  it  was  ob- 
viously a  measure  of  necessity,  the  vessel  was  drawn  out,  her  sails  were 
set,  her  colors  unfurled,  in  which  attitude  the  fire  was  applied  to  her, 
and,  in  the  presence  of  an  immense  concourse  of  people,  she  was  con- 
sumed. This  atonement  was  deemed  satisfactory,  and  the  captain  was 
no  farther  molested. 

In  the  early  part  of  1776,  Mr.  Carroll,  whose  distinguished  exertions 
in  Maryland  had  become  extensively  known,  was  appointed  by  Congress, 
in  connexion  with  Dr.  Franklin  and  Samuel  Chase,  on  a  commission  to 
proceed  to  Canada,  to  persuade  the  people  of  that  province  to  relinquish 
their  allegiance  to  the  crown  of  England,  and  unite  with  the  Americans 
in  their  struggle  for  independence. 

In  the  discharge  of  their  duties,  the  commissioners  met  with  unexpect- 
ed difficulties.  The  defeat  and  death  of  Montgomery,  together  with  the 
compulsion  which  the  American  troops  found  it  necessary  to  exercise,  in 
obtaining  the  means  of  support  in  that  province,  conspired  to  diminish 
the  ardor  of  the  Canadians  in  favor  of  a  union  with  the  colonies,  and 
even,  at  length,  to  render  them  hostile  to  the  measure.  To  conciliate 
their  affections,  and  to  bring  to  a  favorable  result  the  object  of  their  mis- 
sion, the  commissioners  employed  their  utmost  ingenuity  and  influence. 
They  issued  their  proclamations,  in  which  they  assured  the  people  of  the 
disposition  of  Congress  to  remedy  the'  temporary  evils,  which  the  inhabi- 
tants suffered  in  consequence  of  the  presence  of  the  American  troops,  so 
soon  as  it  should  be  in  their  power  to  provide  specie,  and  clothing,  and 
provisions.  A  strong  tide,  however,  was  now  setting  against  the  Ameri- 
can colonies,  the  strength  of  which  was  much  increased  by  the  Roman 
Catholic  priests,  who,  as  a  body,  had  always  been  opposed  to  any  con- 
nexion with  the  United  Colonies.  Despairing  of  accomplishing  the 
wishes  of  Congress,  the  commissioners  at  length  abandoned  the  object, 
and  returned  to  Philadelphia. 

The  great  subject  of  independence  was,  at  this  time,  undergoing  a  dis- 
cussion in  the  hall  of  Congress.  The  Maryland  delegation,  in  that  body, 
had  been  instructed  by  their  Convention  to  refuse  their  assent  to  a  declara- 
tion of  independence.  On  returning  to  Maryland,  Mr.  Carroll  resumed 
his  seat  in  the  Convention,  and,  with  the  advocates  of  a  declaration  of 
independence,  urged  the  withdrawal  of  the  above  instructions,  and  the 
granting  of  power  to  their  delegates  to  unite  in  such  a  declaration.  The 
friends  of  the  measure  had  at  length  the  happiness,  on  the  28th  of  June, 
of  procuring  a  new  set  of  instructions,  which  secured  the  vote  of  the 
important  province  of  Maryland  in  favor  of  the  independence  of 
America. 

On  the  same  day  on  which  the  great  question  was  decided  in  Congress, 
in  favor  of  a  declaration  of  independence,  Mr.  Carroll  was  elected  a  dele- 
45 


354  CHARLES    CARROLL. 

gate  to  that  body  from  Maryland,  and  accordingly  took  his  seat  on  the 
eighteenth  of  the  same  month. 

Although  not  a  member  of  Congress  at  the  time  the  question  of  a  de- 
claration of  independence  was  settled,  Mr.  Carroll  had  the  honor  of 
greatly  contributing  to  a  measure  so  auspicious  to  the  interests  of  his 
country,  by  assisting  in  procuring  the  withdrawal  of  the  prohibiting  in- 
structions, and  the  adoption  of  a  new  set,  by  which  the  Maryland  dele- 
gates found  themselves  authorized  to  vote  for  independence.  He  had 
the  honor,  also,  of  affixing  his  signature  to  the  declaration  on  the  second 
of  August,  at  which  time  the  members  generally  signed  an  engrossed 
copy,  which  had  been  prepared  for  that  purpose. 

A  signature  to  the  declaration,  was  an  important  step  for  every  in- 
dividual member  of  Congress.  It  exposed  the  signers  of  it  to  the  con- 
fiscation of  their  estates,  and  the  loss  of  life,  should  the  British  arms 
prove  victorious.  Few  men  had  more  at  stake  in  respect  to  property 
than  Mr.  Carroll,  he  being  considered  the  richest  individual  in  the  colo- 
nies. But  wealth  was  of  secondary  value  in  his  estimation,  in  com- 
parison with  the  rights  and  liberties  of  his  country.  When  asked 
whether  he  would  annex  his  name,  he  replied,  "most  willingly,"  and 
seizing  a  pen,  instantly  subscribed  "  to  this  record  of  glory."  "  There 
go  a  few  millions,"  said  some  one  who  watched  the  pen  as  it  traced  the 
name  of  "Charles  Carroll,  of  Carrollton,"  on  the  parchment.  Millions 
would  indeed  have  gone,  for  his  fortune  was  princely,  had  not  success 
crowned  the  American  arms,  in  the  long  fought  contest. 

Mr.  Carroll  was  continued  a  member  of  Congress  until  1778,  at  which 
time  he  resigned  his  seat  in  that  body,  and  devoted  himself  more  par- 
ticularly to  the  interests  of  his  native  State.  He  had  served  in  her  Con- 
vention in  1776,  in  the  latter  part  of  which  year  he  had  assisted  in  draft- 
ing her  Constitution.  Soon  after,  the  new  Constitution  went  into  opera- 
tion, and  Mr.  Carroll  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  Senate  of  Maryland. 
In  1781  he  was  re-elected  to  the  same  station,  and  in  1788,  on  the 
adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  was  chosen  to  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States. 

In  1791,  Mr.  Carroll  relinquished  his  seat  in  the  National  Senate,  and 
was  again  called  to  the  Senate  of  his  native  State.  This  office  he  con- 
tinued to  hold  until  1804,  at  which  time  the  democratic  party  was  suc- 
cessful in  electing  their  candidate,  to  the  exclusion  of  this  long  tried  and 
faithful  patriot.  At  this  time,  Mr.  Carroll  took  leave  of  public  life,  and 
sought  in  retirement  the  quiet  enjoyment  of  his  family  circle. 

Since  the  date  of  his  retirement  from  public  office,  few  incidents  have 
occurred  in  the  life  of  this  worthy  man,  which  demand  particular  notice. 
Like  a  peaceful  stream,  his  days  glided  along,  and  continued  to  be 
lengthened  out,  till  the  generation  of  illustrious  men,  with  whom  he 
acted  on  the  memorable  fourth  of  July,  1776,  had  all  descended  to  the 
tomb.  He  died  in  1832. 

"  These  last  thirty  years  of  his  life,"  says  a  recent  writer,  "  have  passed 
away  in  serenity  and  happiness,  almost  unparalleled  in  the  history  of 
man.  He  has  enjoyed,  as  it  were,  an  Indian  summer  of  existence,  a 
tranquil  and  lovely  period,  when  the  leaves  of  the  forest  are  richly  va- 


CHARLES  CARROLL.  355 

negated,  but  not  yet  seared ;  when  the  parent  bird  and  the  spring  nest- 
ling are  of  the  same  flock,  and  move  on  equal  wing  ;  when  the  day  of 
increase  and  the  day  of  the  necessity  of  provisions  are  gone  ;  when  the 
fruits  of  the  earth  are  abundant,  and"  the  lakes  of  the  woods  are  smooth 
and  joyous  as  if  reflecting  the  bowers  of  Eden.  Such  an  Indian  summer 
has  this  patriot  enjoyed  :  his  life  has  been  thrice,  yea,  four  times  blessed  ; 
blessed  in  his  birth  and  education,  in  his  health,  in  his  basket,  and  in  his 
store ;  blessed  in  his  numerous  and  honorable  progeny,  which  extend  to 
several  generations  ;  blessed  in  the  protracted  measure  of  his  days,  in 
which  have  been  crowded  the  events  of  many  centuries  ;  and  blessed  in 
the  wonderful  prosperity  of  his  country,  whose  population  has  since  his 
birth  increased  from  nine  hundred  thousand  souls  to  more  than  twelve 
millions,  enjoying  the  blessings  of  freemen.  It  is,  perhaps,  from  the 
fact,  that  the  world  think  it  quite  enough  for  one  mortal  that  he  should 
be  virtuous,  prosperous,  and  enjoy  a  green  old  age,  that  an  analysis  of 
his  intellectual  powers,  or  a  description  of  his  rare  attainments,  has  sel- 
dom been  attempted  ;  but  talents  and  attainments  he  had,  that  made  him 
one  of  the  most  successful  of  the  business  men  of  the  momentous  period 
in  which  he  lived — a  period  when  that  which  the  head  conceived  the 
hands  were  ready  to  execute.  There  were  too  few  at  that  time,  and 
those  too  zealous,  to  make  the  proper  division  of  labor.  The  senator 
armed  for  the  field,  and  the  soldier  met  with  the  Conscript  Fathers." 

"  Mr.  Carroll  was  an  orator.  His  eloquence  was  of  the  smooth,  gentle, 
satisfactory  kind,  delighting  all,  and  convincing  many.  It  is  not  pre- 
tended that,  like  John  Adams,  he  came  down  upon  his  hearers  as  with 
the  thunder-blast  from  Sinai,  raising  the  tables  of  independence  on  high, 
and  threatening  in  his  wrath  to  break  them  if  they  were  not  received  by 
the  people  ;  nor  that,  like  Dickinson,  he  exhausted  rhetoric  and  metaphy- 
sics to  gain  his  end,  and  was  forever  striving  to  be  heard ;  but  Carroll 
came  to  his  subject  well  informed,  thoroughly  imbued  with  its  spirit,  and 
with  happy  conceptions  and  graceful  delivery,  and  with  chaste  and  deli- 
cate language,  he,  without  violence,  conquered  the  understandings,  and 
led  captive  the  senses  of  his  hearers.  All  was  natural,  yet  sweet  and 
polished  as  education  could  make  it.  He  never  seemed  fatigued  with 
his  labors,  nor  faint  with  his  exertions.  His  blood  and  judgment  were 
so  well  commingled,  that  his  highest  efforts  were  as  easy  and  natural  as 
if  he  had  been  engaged  in  the  course  of  ordinary  duties.  This  happy 
faculty  still  continues  with  the  patriarch,  for  his  conversation  has  now 
that  elegant  vivacity  and  delicacy  that  characterized  the  sage  Nestor  of 
elder  times,  whose  words  fell  like  vernal  snows,  as  he  spake  to  the 
people. 

"  His  serenity,  and  in  no  small  degree,  perhaps,  his  longevity,  may  be 
owing  to  the  permanency  of  his  principles.  In  early  life  he  founded  his 
political  creed  on  the  rights  of  man,  and  reposing  his  faith  in  the  religion 
of  his  fathers,  he  has  felt  none  of  those  vacillations  and  changes  so  com- 
mon in  times  of  political  or  religious  agitations.  It  were  good  for  the 
nation  that  he  should  long  continue  among  us,  for  in  his  presence  all 
party  feuds  are  hushed ;  and  the  demagogue,  accustomed  to  vociferate 
elsowhere,  in  his  vanity  to  be  heard,  talks  not  above  his  breath  when  the 


356  CHARLES   CARROLL. 

aged  patriot  is  near.  In  a  republic  where  titles  are  not  known,  we  ought 
to  make  a  peerage  of  talents,  virtues,  patriotism,  and  age,  that  every 
youth  may  learn  to  admire,  respect,  and  imitate  the  wise  and  good. 
With  all  our  wishes  for  his  stay  here  on  earth,  the  patriarch  must  soon 
be  gathered  to  his  fathers,  and  his  name  given  to  the  historian  and  the 
poet.  The  bard  shall  then  strike  his  harp  and  sing,  '  in  strains  not  light 
nor  melancholy,'  but  with  admiration,  touched  with  religious  hope. 

'  Full  of  years  and  honors,  through  the  gate 
Of  painless  slumber  he  retired. 
And  as  a  river  pure 

Meets  in  its  course  a  subterraneous  void, 
Then  dips  his  silver  head,  again  to  rise, 
And  rising  glides  through  fields  and  meadows  new, 
So  hath  Oileus  in  those  happy  climes, 
Where  joys  ne'er  fade,  nor  the  soul's  powers  decay, 
But  youth  and  spring  eternal  bloom." 

The  name  of  Carroll  is  the  only  one  on  the  Declaration  to  which  the 
residence  of  the  signer  is  appended.  The  reason  why  it  was  done  in 
this  case,  is  understood  to  be  as  follows : — The  patriots  who  signed  that 
document,  did  it,  almost  literally,  with  ropes  about  their  necks,  it  being 
generally  supposed  that  they  would,  if  unsuccessful,  be  hung  as  rebels. 
When  Carroll  had  signed  his  name,  some  one  at  his  elbow  remarked, 
"  You'll  get  clear — there  are  several  of  that  name — they  will  not  know 
which  to  take."  "  Not  so,"  replied  he,  and  immediately  added,  "  of  Car- 
rollton." 

In  1827,  the  Editor  of  the  Philadelphia  National  Gazette  published  a 
biography  of  Mr.  Carroll,  which  appeared  in  the  American  Quarterly 
Review.  He  records  the  following  fact : 

In  1825,  one  of  Mr.  Carroll's  grand-daughters  was  married  to  the  Mar- 
quis of  Wellesley,  then  Viceroy  of  Ireland ;  and  it  is  a  singular  circum- 
stance that  one  hundred  and  forty  years  after  the  first  emigration  of  her 
ancestors  to  America,  this  lady  should  become  vice-queen  of  the  country 
from  which  they  fled,  at  the  summit  of  a  system  which  a  more  immedi- 
ate ancestor  had  risked  every  thing  to  destroy ;  or,  in  the  energetic  and 
poetical  language  of  Bishop  England,  "  that  in  the  land  from  which 
his  father's  father  fled  in  fear,  his  daughter's  daughter  now  reigns  as 
queen." 

From  the  same  publication,  it  appears  that  Mr.  Carroll,  some  years 
before  our  revolutionary  war,  wrote  to  a  member  of  the  British  Parlia- 
ment as  follows : 

"  Your  thousands  of  soldiers  may  come,  but  they  will  be  masters  of 
the  spot  only  on  which  they  encamp.  They  will  find  nought  but  ene- 
mies before  and  around  them.  If  we  are  beaten  on  the  plains,  we  will 
retreat  to  the  mountains  and  defy  them.  Our  resources  will  increase 
with  our  difficulties.  Necessity  will  force  us  to  exertion  :  until  tired  of 
combating  in  vain,  against  a  spirit  which  victory  cannot  subdue,  your 
armies  will  evacuate  our  soil,  and  your  country  retire,  an  immense  loser, 
from  the  contest.  No,  sir — we  have  made  up  our  minds  to  abide  the 
issue  of  the  approaching  struggle ;  and  though  much  blood  may  be  spil- 
led, we  have  no  doubt  of  our  ultimate  success." 


CHARLES    CARROLL.  357 

His  whole  career,  says  Mr.  Walsh,  public  and  private,  suited  the  dig- 
nity of  his  distinctive  appellation — the  Surviving  Signer.  He  was 
always  a  model  of  regularity  in  conduct  and  sedateness  in  judgment. 
In  natural  sagacity,  in  refinement  of  tastes  and  pleasures,  in  unaffected 
habitual  courtesy,  in  vigilant  observation,  vivacity  of  spirit  and  tone, 
susceptibility  of  domestic  and  social  happiness  in  the  best  forms,  he  had 
but  few  equals  during  the  greater  part  of  his  bright  and  long  existence. 
The  mind  of  Mr.  Carroll  was  highly  cultivated ;  he  fully  improved  the 
advantages  of  an  excellent  classical  education  and  extensive  foreign 
travel ;  he  read  much  of  ancient  and  modern  literature,  and  gave  the 
keenest  attention  to  contemporary  events  and  characters.  His  patriotism 
never  lost  its  earnestness  and  elevation.  It  was  our  good  fortune,  in  our 
youth,  to  pass  months  at  a  time  under  his  roof,  and  we  never  left  his 
mansion  without  additional  impressions  of  peculiar  respect  for  the  singu- 
lar felicity  of  temperament  and  perfection  of  self-discipline,  from  which 
it  resulted  that  no  one,  neither  kindred,  domestic  nor  guest,  could  feel 
his  presence  and  society  as  in  the  least  oppressive  or  irksome — exact 
and  systematic,  opulent  and  honored,  enlightened  and  heedful  though  he 
was. 

The  announcement  of  the  death  of  Charles  Carroll,  was  made  as  fol- 
lows in  one  of  the  Baltimore  papers  of  the  date : 

"  It  becomes  our  painful  duty  to  announce  to  our  readers  the  demise  of 
the  last  surviving  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Charles 
Carroll  of  Carrollton  is  no  more !  He  expired  at  4  o'clock  yesterday 
morning.  Thus,  one  after  another,  the  luminaries  of  the  Revolution  are 
leaving  this  stage  of  action,  and  soon  the  whole  of  the  bright  galaxy, 
which  in  those  dark  days  adorned  the  land,  must  be  numbered  with  the 
silent  dead,  and  live  only  in  the  grateful  recollection  of  those  for  whom 
they  have  purchased  liberty,  independence,  prosperity  and  happiness. — 
Here  and  there  a  solitary  star  remains,  to  attract  the  eye  and  warm  the 
hearts  of  those  who  love  and  admire  them  for  their  virtues  and  their  ser- 
vices. Mr.  Carroll  had  reached  a  good  old  age ;  and  had  the  happiness 
to  see  this  young  republic,  which  he  had  performed  so  prominent  a  part 
in  aiding  to  establish,  emerge  from  obscurity,  and  take  a  station  among 
the  most  powerful  of  the  nations  of  the  earth.  He  had  lived  to  see  her 
pass  triumphantly  through  a  second  war  with  the  mistress  of  the  seas,  as 
England  has  been  long  denominated,  in  which  the  proud  lion  was  a 
second  time  compelled  to  cower  beneath  the  power  of  the  Eagle  ;  to  see 
her  banner  waving  over  every  sea,  and  her  prowess  acknowledged  and 
feared  in  every  land.  He  has  lived  to  witness  the  anomaly  in  the  re- 
cords of  the  world,  of  a  powerful  people  almost  entirely  clear  of  debt,  and 
without  any  dangerous  or  distracting  controversy  subsisting  with  any 
foreign  power,  which  can  be  thought  likely  to  require  the  expenditure  of 
money  for  the  maintenance  of  her  rights.  He  saw  the  people  for  whom 
he  had  toiled,  and  pledged  his  life,  his  fortune,  and  his  sacred  honor, 
united,  prosperous  and  happy,  and  lived  to  see  a  worthy  fellow  citizen 
elected  a  second  time  to  the  Chief  Magistracy  of  the  nation  by  an  al- 
most unanimous  voice,  embracing  a  large  portion  of  every  section  of  the 
Union ;  thus  evincing  that  there  is  no  reason  to  apprehend  any  danger 


358  SAMUEL  CHASE. 

of  a  severance  of  this  happy  Union.  In  casting  a  retrospective  glance 
over  the  path  he  had  trodden  in  the  course  of  his  eventful  life,  how  it 
warmed  and  animated  his  heart !  It  was  a  subject  upon  which  he  always 
delighted  to  dwell ;  and  whenever  it  was  touched  upon,  it  caused  him 
almost  to  forget  his  age  and  to  put  on  the  vigor  and  fire  of  youth. 

"  In  his  own  immediate  neighborhood,  in  the  place  of  a  small  and  ob- 
scure village,  he  lived  to  see  a  large  and  populous  city  spring  up,  and 
assume  a  station  the  third  only  in  the  Union  in  point  of  extent,  wealth, 
and  commercial  enterprise,  and  inhabited  by  a  virtuous  and  gallant  peo- 
ple, partaking  of  his  feelings,  and  following  his  bright  and  glorious  ex- 
ample. What  more  could  a  mortal  desire  to  witness  ?  The  cup  of  hap- 
piness with  him  was  full  to  overflowing.  He  has  fought  a  good  fight, 
and  his  triumph  has  been  complete.  He  has  now  run  his  race,  and  his 
remains  repose  in  silence,  and  his  grateful  countrymen  are  showering 
their  benedictions  upon  him.  Peace  to  his  ashes  ! — May  his  brilliant 
example  long  serve  to  animate  the  hearts  and  nerve  the  arms  of  his 
countrymen." 


SAMUEL   CHASE. 

SAMTTEL  CHASE  was  born  in  Somerset  county,  Maryland,  in  1771. 
He  was  educated  by  his  father,  a  distinguished  clergyman,  who  had 
emigrated  to  America,  and  whose  attainments  in  classical  literature  were 
of  a  very  superior  order.  Under  such  instruction,  the  son  soon  outstripped 
most  of  his  compeers,  and  at  the  age  of  eighteen  was  sent  to  Annapolis 
to  commence  the  study  of  the  law.  He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  that 
town  at  the  age  of  twenty,  and  soon  after  connected  himself  in  marriage 
with  a  lady,  by  whom  he  had  two  sons  and  two  daughters. 

The  political  career  of  Mr.  Chase  may  be  dated  from  the  year  1744, 
when  he  was  sent  to  the  Congress  of  Philadelphia,  as  a  delegate  from 
his  native  State.  This  station  he  continued  to  occupy  for  several  years. 
In  1776,  he  was  appointed,  in  conjunction  with  Benjamin  Franklin  and 
Charles  Carroll,  to  proceed  to  Canada,  for  the  purpose  of  inducing  the 
inhabitants  to  cancel  their  allegiance  to  Great  Britain,  and  join  the 
American  Confederacy.  Although  the  expedition  proved  unsuccessful, 
the  zeal  and  ability  of  the  commissioners  were  never,  for  a  moment, 
brought  into  question. 

On  his  return  to  Philadelphia,  Mr.  Chase  found  the  question  of  in- 
dependence in  agifation,  in  Congress.  The  situation  of  the  Maryland 
delegation,  at  this  juncture,  was  embarrassing.  They  had  been  express- 
ly prohibited,  by  their  constituents,  from  voting  in  favor  of  a  Declaration 
of  Independence ;  and  as  they  had  accepted  their  appointments  under 
this  restriction,  they  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  give  their  active  support  to 
such  a  measure.  It  was  not  compatible  with  the  spirit  of  Mr.  Chase, 
quietly  to  endure  such  a  situation.  He  left  Congress,  and  proceeded  to 
Maryland.  He  traversed  the  province,  and,  assisted  by  his  colleagues, 


SAMUEL    CHASE.  359 

awakened  the  people  to  a  sense  of  patriotism  and  liberty,  and  persuaded 
them  to  send  addresses  to  the  Convention,  then  sitting  at  Annapolis,  in 
favor  of  Independence.  Such  an  expression  of  popular  feeling  the  Con- 
Tention  could  not  resist,  and  at  length  gave  an  unanimous  vote  for  the 
measure  of  Independence.  With  this  vote,  Mr.  Chase  hastened  to  Phila- 
delphia, where  he  arrived  in  time  to  take  his  seat  on  Monday  morning, 
having  rode,  on  the  two  previous  days,  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles.  On 
the  day  of  his  arrival,  the  resolution  to  issue  a  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence, came  before  the  house,  and  he  had  the  privilege  of  uniting  with 
a  majority  in  favor  of  it.  Mr.  Chase  continued  a  bold,  eloquent  and 
efficient  member  of  Congress  throughout  the  war,  when  he  returned  to 
the  practice  of  his  profession. 

In  1783,  Mr.  Chase  visited  England,  on  behalf  of  the  State  of  Mary- 
land, for  the  purpose  of  reclaiming  a  large  amount  of  property,  which, 
while  a  Colony,  she  had  entrusted  to  the  Bank  of  England.  He  con- 
tinued in  England  about  a  year,  during  which  time  he  became  acquainted 
with  many  of  the  most  distinguished  men  of  that  country,  among  whom 
were  Burke,  Pitt,  and  Fox.  While  in  England,  he  was  married  to  his 
second  wife,  the  daughter  of  Dr.  Samuel  Giles,  of  Kentbury,  with  whom, 
in  1784,  he  returned  to  America.  In  the  year  1786,  at  the  invitation  of 
his  friend,  Colonel  Howard,  who  had  generously  presented  him  with  a 
portion  of  land  in  Baltimore,  he  removed  to  that  city.  On  this  occasion, 
the  corporation  of  Annapolis  tendered  to  Mr.  Chase  the  expressions  of 
their  respect  in  a  flattering  address,  to  which  he  made  a  suitable  reply. 
In  1791,  he  accepted  the  appointment  of  Chief  Justice  of  the  General 
Court  of  Maryland. 

In  the  year  1794,  a  circumstance  took  place  in  Baltimore,  in  which 
Judge  Chase  evinced  considerable  firmness  and  energy  of  character. 
Two  men  had  been  tarred  and  feathered  in  the  public  streets,  on  an  occa- 
sion of  some  popular  excitement.  The  investigation  of  the  case  was 
undertaken  by  him,  in  the  issue  of  which  he  caused  two  respectable  and 
influential  individuals  to  be  arrested  as  ringleaders.  On  being  arraigned 
before  the  court,  they  refused  to  give  bail.  Upon  this  the  Judge  inform- 
ed them  that  they  must  go  to  jail.  Accordingly,  he  directed  the  sheriff 
to  take  one  of  the  prisoners  to  jail.  This  the  sheriff  declared  he  could 
not  do,  as  he  apprehended  resistance.  "  Summon  the  posse  comitatus 
then,"  exclaimed  the  judge.  "  Sir,"  said  the  sheriff,  "  no  one  will 
serve."  "  Summon  me  then,"  said  Judge  Chase,  in  a  tone  of  lofty 
indignation,  "  I  will  be  the  posse  comitatus,  and  I  will  take  him  to 
jail." 

In  1796,  Judge  Chase  was  appointed  by  Washington  an  associate 
Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  a  station  which  he 
occupied  for  fifteen  years,  and  which  he  supported  with  great  dignity  and 
ability.  It  was  his  ill  fortune,  however,  to  have  his  latter  days  embitter- 
ed by  an  impeachment  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  at  Washington. 
This  impeachment  originated  in  political  animosities,  from  the  offence 
which  his  conduct  in  the  Circuit  Court  had  given  to  the  democratic  par- 
ty. The  articles  of  impeachment  originally  reported  were  six  in  num- 
ber, to  which  two  others  were  afterwards  added.  Or  five  of  the;  charges 


360  ABRAHAM  CLARK. 

a  majority  of  the  Senate  acquitted  him.  On  the  others  a  majority  was 
against  him  ;  but  as  a  vote  of  two  thirds  is  necessary  to  conviction,  he 
was  acquitted  of  the  whole.  This  celebrated  trial  commenced  on  the 
second  of  January,  and  ended  on  the  fifth  of  March,  1805. 

Judge  Chase  continued  to  exercise  his  judicial  functions  till  1811, 
when  his  health  failed  him,  and  he  expired  on  the  nineteenth  of  June  in 
that  year.  In  his  dying  hour  he  appeared  calm  and  resigned.  He  was 
a  firm  believer  in  Christianity,  and  partook  of  the  sacrament  but  a  short 
time  before  his  death,  declaring  himself  to  be  in  peace  with  all  mankind. 
In  his  will,  he  directed  that  no  mourning  should  be  worn  for  him,  and 
requested  that  only  his  name,  with  the  dates  of  his  birth  and  death, 
should  be  inscribed  upon  his  tomb.  He  was  a  sincere  patriot,  and, 
though  of  an  irascible  temperament,  was  a  man  of  high  intellect  and 
undaunted  courage. 


ABRAHAM    CLARK. 

THE  quiet  and  unobtrusive  course  of  life,  which  Mr.  CLARK  pursued, 
furnishes  few  materials  for  biography.  He  was  born  in  Elizabethtown, 
New  Jersey,  on  the  15th  of  February,  1726.  He  was  an  only  child,  and 
his  early  education,  although  confined  to  English  branches  of  study,  was 
respectable.  For  the  mathematics  and  the  civil  law,  he  discovered  an 
early  predilection.  He  was  bred  a  farmer,  but  not  being  of  a  robust 
constitution,  he  turned  his  attention  to  surveying,  conveyancing,  and 
imparting  legal  advice.  As  he  performed  the  latter  service  gratuitously, 
he  was  called  "the  poor  man's  counsellor." 

Mr.  Clark's  habits  of  life  and  generosity  of  character  soon  rendered 
him  popular,  and  on  the  commencement  of  the  troubles  with  the  mother 
country,  he  was  chosen  one  of  the  New  Jersey  delegation  to  the  Conti- 
nental Congress.  Of  this  body  he  was  a  member  for  a  considerable 
period,  and  was  conspicuous  for  his  sound  patriotism  and  his  unwavering 
decision.  A  few  days  after  he  took  his  seat  for  the  first  time,  as  a  mem- 
ber of  Congress,  he  was  called  upon  to  vote  for,  or  against,  the  proclama- 
tion of  independence.  But  he  was  at  no  loss  on  which  side  to  throw  his 
influence,  and  readily  signed  the  Declaration,  which  placed  in  peril  his 
fortune  and  individual  safety. 

Mr.  Clark  frequently  after  this  time  represented  New  Jersey  in  the 
national  councils ;  and  was  also  often  a  member  of  the  State  Legislature. 
He  was  elected  a  representative  in  the  second  Congress,  under  the  Federal 
Constitution  ;  an  appointment  which  he  held  until  a  short  time  previous 
to  his  death.  Two  or  three  of  the  sons  of  Mr.  Clark  were  officers  in 
the  army,  during  the  revolutionary  struggle.  Unfortunately  they  were 
captured  by  the  enemy.  During  a  part  of  their  captivity,  their  sufferings 
were  extreme,  being  confined  in  the  notorious  prison-ship,  Jersey.  Pain- 
ful as  was  the  condition  of  his  sons,  Mr.  Clark  scrupulously  avoided 
calling  the  attention  of  Congress  to  the  subject,  excepting  in  a  single 


GEORGE   CLYMER.  061 

instance.  One  of  his  sons,  a  captain  of  artillery,  had  been  cast  into  a 
dungeon,  where  he  received  no  other  food  than  that  which  was  conveyed 
lo  him  by  his  fellow  prisoners  through  a  key-hole.  On  a  representation 
of  these  facts  to  Congress,  that  body  immediately  directed  a  course  of 
retaliation  on  a  British  officer.  This  had  the  desired  effect,  and  Captain 
Clark's  condition  was  improved. 

On  the  adjournment  of  Congress  in  June,  1794,  Mr.  Clark  retired 
from  public  life.  He  did  not  live  long,  however,  to  enjoy  the  limited 
comforts  he  possessed.  In  the  autumn  of  the  same  year,  a  stroke  of  the 
sun  put  an  end  to  his  existence,  after  it  had  been  lengthened  out  to  sixty- 
nine  years.  The  church  at  Rahway  contains  his  mortal  remains,  and  a 
marble  slab  marks  the  spot  where  they  are  deposited.  It  bears  the  fol- 
'ovving  inscription  : 

Firm  and  decided  as  a  patriot, 
Zealous  and  faithful  as  a  friend  to  the  public, 

he  loved  his  country 

and  adhered  to  her  cause 

in  the  darkest  hour  of  her  struggles 

against  oppression. 


GEORGE    CLYMER. 

GEORGE  CLYMER  was  born  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  in  1739.  His 
father  emigrated  from  Bristol,  in  England,  and  became  connected  by 
marriage  with  a  lady  of  Philadelphia.  Young  Clymer  was  left  an 
orphan  at  the  age  of  seven  years,  and  after  the  completion  of  his 
studies  he  entered  the  counting-house  of  his  maternal  uncle.  At  a  sub- 
sequent period,  he  established  himself  in  business,  in  connexion  with 
Mr.  Robert  Ritchie,  and  afterwards  with  a  father  and  son  of  the  name 
of  Meredith,  a  daughter  of  the  former  of  whom  he  married. 

Although  engaged  in  mercantile  pursuits  for  many  years,  Mr.  Clymer 
was  never  warmly  attached  to  them,  but  devoted  a  great  part  of  his  time 
to  literature  and  the  study  of  the  fine  arts.  He  became  also  well  versed 
in  the  principles  of  law,  history,  and  politics,  and  imbibed  an  early  detes- 
tation of  arbitrary  rule  and  oppression.  When  all  hopes  of  conciliation 
with  the  parent  country  had  failed,  he  was  one  of  the  foremost  to  adopt 
measures  necessary  for  a  successful  opposition.  He  accepted  a  captain's 
commission  in  a  company  of  volunteers,  raised  for  the  defence  of  the 
province,  and  vigorously  opposed,  in  1773,  the  sale  of  the  tea,  which 
tended  indirectly  to  levy  a  tax  upon  the  Americans,  without  their  consent. 
He  was  appointed  chairman  of  a  committee  to  wait  upon  the  consignees 
of  the  offensive  article,  and  request  them  not  to  sell  it.  The  consequence 
was,  that  not  a  single  pound  of  tea  was  offered  for  sale  in  Philadelphia. 

In  1775,  Mr.  Clymer  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  council  of  safety, 

and  one  of  the  first  continental  treasurers.     On  the  20th  of  July,  of  the 

following  year,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Continental  Congress. 

Though  not  present  when  the  vote  was  taken  in  relation  to  a  declaration 

46 


362  GEORGE   CLYMER. 

of  independence,  he  had  the  honor  of  affixing  his  signature  to  that  instru- 
ment in  the  following  month.  In  December,  Congress,  finding  it  neces- 
sary to  adjourn  to  Baltimore,  in  consequence  of  the  advance  of  the  British 
army  towards  Philadelphia,  left  Mr.  Clymer,  Robert  Morris,  and  George 
Walton,  a  committee  to  transact  such  business  as  remained  unfinished,  in 
that  city.  In  1777,  Mr.  Clymer  was  again  a  member  of  Congress  ;  and 
his  labors  during  that  session  being  extremely  arduous,  he  was  obliged 
to  retire  for  a  season,  to  repair  his  health.  In  the  autumn  of  the  same 
year,  his  family,  which  then  resided  in  the  county  of  Chester,  suffered 
severely  from  an  attack  of  the  British ;  escaping  only,  with  the  sacrifice 
of  considerable  property.  Mr.  Clymer  was  then  in  Philadelphia.  On 
the  arrival  of  the  enemy  in  that  place,  they  sought  out  his  place  of  resi- 
dence, and  were  only  diverted  from  razing  it  to  the  ground,  by  learning 
that  it  did  not  belong  to  him.  During  the  same  year,  he  was  sent,  in 
conjunction  with  others,  to  Pittsburg,  to  enlist  warriors  from  the  Shawnese 
and  Delaware  tribes  of  Indians,  on  the  side  of  the  United  States.  While 
residing  at  Pittsburg,  he  narrowly  escaped  death  from  the  tomahawk,  by 
accidentally  turning  from  a  road,  where  he  afterwards  learned  a  party  of 
hostile  savages  lay  encamped. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  establishment  of  a  bank  by  Robert  Morris  and 
other  patriotic  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  for  the  purpose  of  relieving  the 
army,  Mr.  Clymer,  who  gave  his  active  support  to  the  measure,  was 
chosen  director  of  the  institution.  He  was  again  elected  to  Congress  in 
1780,  and  for  two  years  was  a  laborious  member  of  that  body.  In  1782, 
he  removed  with  his  family  to  Princeton,  (N.  J.,)  but  in  1784,  he  was 
summoned  by  the  citizens  of  his  native  State,  to  take  a  part  in  their 
General  Assembly.  He  afterwards  represented  Pennsylvania  in  Con- 
gress for  two  years  ;  when,  declining  a  re-election,  he  closed  his  long  and 
able  legislative  career. 

In  1791,  Congress  passed  a  bill  imposing  a  duty  on  spirits  distilled  in 
the  United  States.  To  the  southern  and  western  part  of  the  country, 
this  measure  proved  very  offensive.  Mr.  Clymer  was  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  excise  department  in  the  State  of  Philadelphia ;  but  he  was  soon 
induced  to  resign  the  disagreeable  office.  In  1796,  he  was  appointed, 
with  Colonel  Hawkins  and  Colonel  Pickins,  to  negociate  a  treaty  with 
the  Cherokee  and  Creek  Indians,  in  Georgia.  He  sailed  for  Savannah, 
accompanied  by  his  wife.  The  voyage  proved  extremely  unpleasant 
and  perilous ;  but  having  completed  the  business  of  the  mis?'on,  they 
returned  to  Philadelphia.  Mr.  Clymer  was  afterwards  called  to  preside 
over  the  Philadelphia  bank,  and  the  Academy  of  Fine  Arts.  He 
held  these  offices  till  the  period  of  his  death,  which  took  place  on  the 
23d  of  January,  1813,  in  the  seventy-fourth  year  of  his  age.  He  was 
of  a  studious  and  contemplative  cast  of  mind,  and  eager  to  promote 
every  scheme  for  the  improvement  of  his  country.  His  intellect  was 
strong  and  cultivated,  his  character  amiable  and  pure,  and  his  integrity 
inviolable.  He  was  singularly  punctual  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties, 
and  was  a  man  of  extensive  information  and  the  smallest  pretensions. 


363 


WILLIAM    ELLERY. 

WILLIAM  ELLERY  was  born  in  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  December  22d, 
1727.  He  was  graduated  at  Harvard  College,  in  his  twentieth  year,  and 
entered  upon  the  practice  of  the  law  at  Newport,  after  the  usual  prepara- 
tory course.  He  acquired  a  competent  fortune  from  his  profession,  and 
received  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  his  fellow  citizens. 

Mr.  Ellery  was  elected  a  delegate  to  the  Congress  of  1776,  and  took 
his  seat  in  that  body,  on  the  17th  of  May.  Here  he  soon  became  an 
efficient  and  influential  member,  and  during  the  session  signed  the  De- 
claration of  Independence.  Of  this  transaction  he  frequently  spoke. 
He  relates  his  having  placed  himself  beside  secretary  Thompson,  that  he 
might  observe  how  the  members  looked,  as  they  put  their  names  to  their 
death  warrant.  He  tasked  his  powers  of  penetration,  but  could  discover 
no  symptom  of  fear  among  them,  though  all  seemed  impressed  with  the 
solemnity  of  the  occasion.  In  1777,  Mr.  Ellery  was  appointed  one  of 
the  marine  committee  of  Congress,  and  is  supposed  to  have  first  recom- 
mended the  plan  of  preparing  fireships,  and  sending  them  out  from  the 
State  of  Rhode  Island.  He  shared  considerably  in  the  common  loss  of 
property,  which  was  sustained  by  the  inhabitants  of  Newport,  on  the 
occasion  of  the  British  taking  possession  of  that  town. 

Mr.  Ellery  continued  a  member  of  Congress  until  the  year  1785,  when 
he  retired  to  his  native  State.  He  was  successively  a  commissioner  of 
the  continental  loan  office,  a  Chief  Justice  of  the  Superior  Court  of 
Rhode  Island,  and  collector  of  the  customs  for  the  town  of  Newport. 
He  retained  the  latter  office  till  the  day  of  his  death,  which  occurred  on 
the  15th  of  February,  1820,  at  the  advanced  age  of  ninety  years.  The 
springs  of  existence  seemed  to  have  worn  out  by  gradual  and  impercep- 
tible degrees.  On  the  day  of  his  death,  he  had  risen,  as  usual,  and 
rested  in  his  chair,  employed  in  reading  "  Cicero  de  Officiis."  While 
thus  engaged,  his  family  physician  called  to  see  him.  On  feeling  his 
pulse,  he  found  that  it  had  ceased  to  beat.  A  draught  of  wine  and  water 
quickened  it  into  motion,  however,  once  more,  and  being  placed  and 
supported  on  the  bed,  he  continued  reading,  until  his  bodily  functions  no 
longer  afforded  a  tenement  to  the  immortal  spirit,  and  discontinued  their 
operations. 

Mr.  Ellery  was  a  man  of  much  humility  of  spirit,  and  manifested  an 
uncommon  disregard  of  the  applause  of  men.  He  looked  upon  the  world 
and  its  convulsions  with  religious  serenity,  and  in  times  of  trouble  and 
alarm,  consoled  himself  and  others,  with  the  pious  reflection  of  the 
Psalmist,  "  The  Lord  reigneth." 


364 


WILLIAM    FLOYD. 

WILLIAM  FLOYD  was  born  on  Long  Island,  December  17th,  1734.  His 
father  died  while  he  was  yet  young,  and  left  him  heir  to  a  large  estate. 
His  education  was  somewhat  limited,  but  his  native  powers  being  respec- 
table, he  improved  himself  by  his  intercourse  with  the  opulent  and  intel- 
ligent families  of  his  neighborhood. 

At  an  early  period  of  the  controversy  between  the  colonies  and  mother 
country,  Mr.  Floyd  warmly  interested  himself  in  the  cause  of  the  latter. 
His  devotion  to  the  popular  side  led  to  his  appointment  as  a  delegate  from 
New  York  to  the  first  Continental  Congress.  In  the  measures  adopted  by 
that  body  he  most  heartily  concurred.  He  was  re-elected  a  delegate  the 
following  year,  and  continued  a  member  of  Congress  until  after  the  declara- 
tion of  Independence.  On  that  occasion,  he  affixed  his  signature  to  the 
instrument,  which  gave  such  a  momentous  direction  to  the  fate  of  a 
growing  nation.  He  likewise  served  on  numerous  important  committees, 
and  rendered  essential  service  to  the  patriotic  cause. 

Mr.  Floyd  suffered  severely  from  the  destructive  effects  of  the  war 
upon  his  property,  and  for  nearly  seven  years,  his  family  were  refugees 
from  their  habitation,  nor  did  he  derive  any  benefit  from  his  landed  estate. 
In  1777,  General  Floyd  (he  received  this  appellation  from  his  having 
commanded  the  militia  on  Long  Island)  was  appointed  a  Senator  of  the 
State  of  New  York.  In  1778,  he  was  again  chosen  to  represent  his 
native  State  in  the  Continental  Congress.  From  this  time,  until  tne 
expiration  of  the  first  Congress,  under  the  Federal  Constitution,  General 
Floyd  was  either  a  member  of  the  National  Assembly,  or  of  the  Senate 
of  New  York.  In  1784,  he  purchased  an  uninhabited  tract  of  land  on 
the  Mohawk  river.  To  the  improvement  of  this  tract,  he  devoted  the 
leisure  of  several  successive  summers ;  and  hither  he  removed  his  resi- 
dence, in  1803.  He  continued  to  enjoy  unusal  health,  until  a  few  days 
previous  to  his  decease,  when  a  general  debility  fell  upon  him,  and  he 
died  August  4th,  1821,  at  the  age  of  eighty-seven  years.  General  Floyd 
was  uniform  and  independent  in  his  conduct ;  and  if  public  estimation 
be  a  just  criterion  of  his  merit,  he  was  excelled  by  few,  since,  for  more 
than  fifty  years,  he  was  honored  with  offices  of  trust  and  responsibility, 
by  his  feilow  citizens. 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN,  the  statesman  and  philosopher,  was  born  in 
Boston,  on  the  17th  of  January,  1706.  His  father  emigrated  from  Eng- 
land, and  had  recourse  for  a  livelihood  to  the  business  of  a  chandler 
and  soap  boiler.  His  mother  was  a  native  of  Boston,  and  belonged  to  a 
respectable  family  of  the  name  of  Folger. 

Young  Franklin  was  placed  at  a  grammar  school  at  an  early  age,  but 


BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN.  365 

at  the  expiration  of  a  year,  was  taken  home  to  assist  his  father  in  his 
business.  In  this  occupation,  he  continued  two  years,  when  he  be- 
came heartily  tired  of  cutting  wicks  for  candles,  filling  moulds,  and 
running  errands.  He  resolved  to  embark  on  a  seafaring  life ;  but  his 
parents  objected,  having  already  lost  a  son  at  sea.  Having  a  passionate 
fondness  for  books,  he  was  finally  apprenticed  as  a  printer  to  his  brother, 
who  at  that  time  published  a  newspaper  in  Boston.  It  was  while  he  was  in 
this  situation,  that  he  began  to  try  his  powers  of  literary  composition. 
Street  ballads  and  articles  in  a  newspaper  were  his  first  efforts.  Many 
of  his  essays,  which  were  inserted  anonymously,  were  highly  commended 
by  people  of  taste.  Dissatisfied  with  the  manner  in  which  he  was  treated 
by  his  relative,  he,  at  the  age  of  seventeen,  privately  quitted  him,  and 
went  to  Philadelphia.  The  day  following  his  arrival,  he  wandered 
through  the  streets  of  that  city  with  an  appearance  little  short  of  a  beggar. 
His  pockets  were  distended  by  his  clothes,  which  were  crowded  into  them ; 
and,  provided  with  a  roll  of  bread  under  each  arm,  he  proceeded  through 
the  principal  streets  of  the  city.  His  ludicrous  appearance  attracted  the 
notice  of  several  of  the  citizens,  and  among  others  of  Miss  Reed,  the 
lady  whom  he  afterwards  married.  He  soon  obtained  employment  as  a 
printer,  and  was  exemplary  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties.  Deluded  by 
a  promise  of  patronage  from  the  Governor,  Sir  William  Keith,  Franklin 
yisited  England  to  procure  the  necessary  materials  for  establishing  a 
printing-office  in  Philadelphia.  He  was  accompanied  by  his  friend 
Ralph,  one  of  his  literary  associates.  On  their  arrival  in  London,  Frank- 
lin found  that  he  had  been  deceived ;  and  he  was  obliged  to  work  as  a 
journeyman  for  eighteen  months.  In  the  British  metropolis,  the  morals 
of  neither  of  our  adventurers  were  improved.  Ralph  conducted  as  if 
he  had  forgotten  that  he  had  a  wife  and  child  across  the  Atlantic ;  and 
Franklin  was  equally  unmindful  of  his  pledges  to  Miss  Reed.  About 
this  period  he  published  "  A  Dissertation  on  Liberty  and  Necessity, 
Pleasure  and  Pain." 

In  1726,  Franklin  returned  to  Philadelphia ;  not  long  after  which  he 
entered  into  business  as  a  printer  and  stationer,  and,  in  1728,  established 
a  newspaper.  In  1730,  he  married  the  lady  to  whom  he  was  engaged 
previous  to  his  leaving  America.  In  1732,  he  began  to  publish  "  Poor 
Richard's  Almanac,"  a  work  which  was  continued  for  twenty-five  years, 
and  which,  besides  answering  the  purposes  of  a  calendar,  contained  many 
excellent  prudential  maxims,  which  rendered  it  very  useful  and  popular. 
Ten  thousand  copies  of  this  almanac  were  published  every  year  in  Ame- 
rica, and  the  maxims  contained  in  it  were  often  translated  into  the 
languages  of  Europe. 

The  political  career  of  Franklin  commenced  in  1736,  when  he  was 
appointed  clerk  to  the  General  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania.  His  next 
office  was  the  valuable  one  of  postmaster ;  and  he  was  subsequently 
chosen  as  a  representative.  He  assisted  in  the  establishment  of  the 
American  Philosophical  Society,  and  of  a  college,  which  now  exists 
under  the  title  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania.  Chiefly  by  his  exer- 
tions, a  public  library,  a  fire-preventing  company,  an  insurance  company, 
and  a  voluntary  association  for  defence,  were  established  at  Philadelphia 


366  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

He  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  Provincial  Assembly,  to  which  body  he  was 
annually  re-elected  for  ten  years.  Philosophy  now  began  to  attract  his 
attention,  and,  in  1749,  he  made  those  inquiries  into  the  nature  of  electri- 
city, the  results  of  which  placed  him  high  among  the  men  of  science  of  the 
age.  The  experiment  of  the  kite  is  well  known.  He  had  conceived  the 
idea  of  explaining  the  phenomena  of  lightning  upon  electrical  principles. 
While  waiting  for  the  erection  of  a  spire  for  the  trial  of  his  theory,  it  occur- 
red to  him  that  he  might  have  more  ready  access  to  the  region  of  clouds  by 
means  of  a  common  kite.  He  accordingly  prepared  one  for  the  purpose, 
affixing  to  the  upright  stick  an  iron  "point.  The  string  was,  as  usual,  of 
hemp,  except  the  lower  end,  which  was  silk,  and  where  the  hempen  part 
terminated,  a  key  was  fastened.  With  this  simple  apparatus,  on  the  ap- 
pearance of  a  thunder  cloud,  he  went  into  the  fields,  accompanied  by  his 
son,  to  whom  alone  he  communicated  his  intentions,  dreading  probably  the 
ridicule  which  frequently  attends  unsuccessful  attempts  in  experimental 
philosophy.  For  some  time  no  sign  of  electricity  presented  itself;  he  was 
beginning  to  despair  of  success,  when  he  suddenly  observed  the  loose 
fibres  of  the  string  to  start  forward  in  an  erect  position.  He  now  pre- 
sented his  knuckle  to  the  key,  and  received  a  strong  spark.  On  this 
depended  the  fate  of  his  theory :  repeated  sparks  were  drawn  from  the 
key,  a  phial  was  charged,  a  shock  given,  and  all  the  experiments  made, 
which  are  usually  performed  with  electricity.  This  great  discovery  he 
applied  to  the  securing  of  buildings  from  the  effects  of  lightning. 

In  1753,  Dr.  Franklin  was  appointed  deputy  postmaster  general  of 
British  America.  In  this  station,  he  rendered  important  services  to 
General  Braddock,  in  his  expedition  against  Fort  Du  Quesne,  and  march- 
ed at  the  head  of  a  company  of  volunteers  to  the  protection  of  the  frontier. 
He  visited  England  in  1757  as  agent  fof  the  State  of  Philadelphia ;  and 
was  also  intrusted  by  the  other  colonies  with  important  business.  While 
in  London,  he  wrote  a  pamphlet,  pointing  out  the  advantages  of  a  con- 
quest of  Canada  by  the  English  ;  and  his  arguments  are  believed  to  have 
conduced  considerably  to  that  event.  About  this  period,  his  talents  as  a 
philosopher  were  duly  appreciated  in  various  parts  of  Europe.  He  was 
admitted  a  fellow  of  the  Royal  Society  of  London,  and  the  degree  of 
Doctor  of  Laws  was  conferred  upon  him  at  St.  Andrews,  Edinburgh,  and 
at  Oxford. 

In  1762  he  returned  to  America,  and  in  1764  was  again  appointed  the 
agent  of  Philadelphia,  to  manage  her  concerns  in  England,  in  which 
country  he  arrived  in  the  month  of  December.  About  this  period  the  stamp 
act  was  exciting  violent  commotions  in  America.  To  this  measure  Doc- 
tor Franklin  was  strongly  opposed,  and  he  presented  a  petition  against 
it,  which,  at  his  suggestion,  had  been  drawn  up  by  the  Pennsylvania 
Assembly.  Among  others,  he  was  summoned  before  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, where  he  underwent  a  long  examination.  His  answers  were 
fearless  and  decisive,  and  to  his  representations  the  repeal  of  the  act 
was,  no  doubt,  in  a  great  measure,  attributable.  In  the  year  1766 — 67, 
he  made  an  excursion  to  Holland,  Germany,  and  France,  where  he  met 
with  a  most  flattering  reception.  He  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  French 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN.  367 

Academy  of  Sciences,  and  received  diplomas  from  many  other  learned 
societies. 

Certain  letters  had  been  written  by  Governor  Hutchinson,  addressed  to 
his  friends  in  England,  which  reflected  in  the  severest  manner  upon  the 
people  of  America.  These  letters  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Doctor 
Franklin,  and  by  hirn  had  been  transmitted  to  America,  where  they  were 
at  length  inserted  in  the  public  journals.  For  a  time,  no  one  in  England 
knew  through  what  channel  the  letters  had  been  conveyed  to  America. 
In  1773,  Franklin  publicly  avowed  himself  to  be  the  person  who  obtained 
the  letters  and  transmitted  them  to  America.  This  produced  a  violent 
clamor  against  him,  and  upon  his  attending  before  the  privy  council,  in 
the  following  January,  to  present  a  petition  from  the  colony  of  Massachu- 
setts, for  the  dismissal  of  Governor  Hutchinson,  a  most  abusive  invective 
was  pronounced  against  him,  by  Mr.  Weddeburne,  afterwards  Lord 
Loughborough.  Among  other  epithets,  the  honorable  member  called 
Franklin  a  coward,  a  murderer,  and  a  thief.  During  the  whole  of  this 
insulting  harangue,  Franklin  sat  with  a  composed  and  unaverted  aspect, 
"  as  if  his  countenance  had  been  made  of  wood."  Throughout  this 
personal  and  public  outrage,  the  whole  assembly  seemed  greatly  amused 
at  Doctor  Franklin's  expense.  The  President  even  laughed  aloud. 
There  was  a  single  person  present,  however,  Lord  North,  who,  to  his  honor 
be  it  recorded,  expressed  great  disapprobation  of  the  indecent  conduct  of 
the  assembly.  The  intended  insult,  however,  was  entirely  lost.  The 
coolness  and  dignity  of  Franklin  soon  discomposed  his  enemies,  who 
were  compelled  to  feel  the  superiority  of  his  character.  Their  animosity 
caused  him  to  be  removed  from  the  office  of  postmaster  general,  inter- 
rupted the  payment  of  his  salary  as  agent  for  the  colonies,  and  finally 
instituted  against  him  a  suit  in  chancery  concerning  the  letters  of 
Hutchinson. 

Despairing  of  restoring  harmony  between  the  colonies  and  mother 
country,  Doctor  Franklin  embarked  for  America,  where  he  arrived  in 
1775.  He  was  received  with  every  mark  of  esteem  and  admiration. 
He  was  immediately  elected  a  delegate  to  the  general  Congress,  and 
signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  In  1776,  he  was  deputed  with 
others  to  proceed  to  Canada,  to  persuade  the  people  of  that  province  to 
throw  off  the  British  yoke ;  but  the  inhabitants  of  Canada  had  been  so 
much  disgusted  with  the  zeal  of  the  people  of  New  England,  who  had 
burnt  some  of  their,  chapels,  that  they  refused  to  listen  to  the  proposals 
made  to  them  by  Franklin  and  his  associates.  In  1778,  he  was  dispatched 
by  Congress,  as  ambassador  to  France.  The  treaty  of  alliance  with  the 
French  government,  and  the  treaties  of  peace,  in  1782  and  1783,  as  well 
as  treaties  with  Sweden  and  Prussia,  were  signed  by  him.  On  his 
reaching  Philadelphia,  in  September,  1785,  his  arrival  was  hailed  by 
applauding  thousands  of  his  countrymen,  who  conducted  him  in  triumph, 
to  his  residence.  This  was  a  period  of  which  he  always  spoke  with 
peculiar  pleasure.  In  1788,  he  withdrew  from  public  life,  and  on  the 
17th  of  April,  1790,  he  expired  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  in  the  eighty- 
fourth  year  of  his  age.  Congress  directed  a  general  mourning  for  him, 
throughout  the  United  States ;  and  the  National  Assembly  of  France 


368  ELBRIDGE   GERRY. 

decreed  that  each  member  should  wear  mourning  for  three  days.  Doctor 
Franklin  lies  buried  in  the  north-west  corner  of  Christ  Church-yard,  in 
Philadelphia.  In  his  will  he  directed  that  no  monumental  ornaments 
should  mark  his  grave.  A  small  marble  slab  points  out  the  spot  where 
he  lies. 

Doctor  Franklin  had  two  children,  a  son  and  a  daughter.  The  son, 
under  the  British  government,  was  appointed  Governor  of  New  Jersey. 
On  the  breaking  out  of  the  revolution,  he  took  up  his  residence  in  Eng- 
land, where  he  spent  the  remainder  of  his  days.  The  daughter  was 
respectably  married  in  Philadelphia,  to  Mr.  William  Bache,  whose 
descendants  still  reside  in  that  city. 

In  stature,  Dr.  Franklin  was  above  the  middle  size.  He  possessed  a 
sound  constitution,  and  his  countenance  indicated  a  placid  state  of  mind, 
great  depth  of  thought,  and  an  inflexible  resolution.  In  youth  he  took 
a  sceptical  turn  with  regard  to  religion,  but  his  strength  of  mind  led  him 
to  fortify  himself  against  vice  by  such  moral  principles  as  directed  him 
to  the  most  valuable  ends,  by  honorable  means.  According  to  the  testi- 
mony of  his  most  intimate  friend,  Doctor  William  Smith,  he  became  in 
maturer  years  a  believer  in  divine  revelation.  The  following  epitaph  on 
himself  was  written  by  Doctor  Franklin,  many  years  previously  to  his 
death : 

The  body  of 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN,  PRINTER, 
like  the  cover  of  an  old  book, 

its  contents  torn  out, 
and  stript  of  its  lettering  and  gilding 

lies  here  food  for  worms. 

Yet  the  work  itself  shall  not  be  lost ; 

for  it  will  (as  he  believed)  appear  once  more 

in  a  new 

and  more  beautiful  edition, 

corrected  and  amended 

by  the  Author. 


ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 

ELBRIDGE  GERRY  was  born  at  Marblehead,  in  the  State  of  Massachu- 
setts, July  17th,  1744.  He  became  a  member  of  Harvard  college  before 
his  fourteenth  year,  and  on  leaving  the  university,  engaged  in  commer- 
cial pursuits  at  Marblehead,  under  the  direction  of  his  father.  His 
inclination  would  have  led  him  to  the  study  of  medicine ;  but  great 
success  attended  his  mercantile  enterprise,  and,  in  a  few  years,  he, found 
himself  in  the  enjoyment  of  a  competent  fortune. 

In  May,  1772,  Mr.  Gerry  was  chosen  a  representative  to  the  General 
Court  of  Massachusetts,  to  which  office  he  was  re-elected  the  following 
year.  During  this  year  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  committee  of  cor- 
respondence and  inquiry.  In  June,  the  celebrated  letters  of  Governor 
Hutchinson  to  persons  in  England  were  laid  before  the  House  by  Mr. 


ELB RIDGE   GERRY.  369 

Adams.  In  the  debates  on  this  disclosure,  Mr.  Gerry  highly  distinguished 
himself.  He  was  also  particularly  active  in  the  scenes  of  1774.  He 
was  a  member  of  the  Provincial  Congress  which  met  at  Concord,  and 
powerfully  contributed  to  the  measures  of  opposition,  which  led  to  the 
Revolution.  In  1775,  the  new  Provincial  Congress,  of  which  he  was  one, 
assembled  at  Cambridge.  In  this  body,  he  evinced  a  degree  of  patriotic 
intrepidity,  which  was  surpassed  by  none. 

A  committee  of  Congress,  among  whom  were  Mr.  Gerry,  Colonel 
Orne,  and  Colonel  Hancock,  had  been  in  session  in  the  village  of  Meno- 
tomy,  then  part  of  the  township  of  Cambridge.  The  latter  gentleman, 
after  the  close  of  the  session,  had  gone  to  Lexington.  Mr.  Gerry  and 
Mr.  Orne  remained  at  the  village ;  the  other  members  of  the  committee 
had  dispersed.  Some  officers  of  the  royal  army  had  passed  through  the 
villages  just  before  dusk,  and  the  circumstance  so  far  attracted  the  atten- 
tion of  Mr.  Gerry,  that  he  dispatched  an  express  to  Colonel  Hancock, 
who,  with  Samuel  Adams,  was  at  Lexington.  Mr.  Gerry  and  Colonel 
Orne  retired  to  rest,  without  taking  the  least  precaution  against  personal 
exposure,  and  they  remained  quietly  in  their  beds,  until  the  British 
advance  were  within  view  of  the  dwelling-house.  It  was  a  beautiful 
night,  and  the  polished  arms  of  the  soldiers  glittered  in  the  moon-beams, 
as  they  moved  on  in  silence.  The  front  passed  on.  When  the  centre 
were  opposite  the  house,  occupied  by  the  committee,  an  officer  and  file 
of  men  were  detached  by  signal,  and  marched  towards  it.  The  inmates, 
for  whom  they  were  in  search,  found  means  to  escape,  half  dressed,  into 
an  adjoining  cornfield,  where  they  remained  concealed  until  the  troops 
were  withdrawn.  Every  part  of  the  house  was  searched  "  for  the  mem- 
bers of  the  rebel  Congress  ;"  even  the  beds  in  which  they  had  lain  were ' 
examined.  But  their  property,  and,  among  other  things,  a  valuable  watch 
of  Mr.  Gerry's,  which  was  under  his  pillow,  were  undisturbed. 

On  the  17th  day  of  June,  the  memorable  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  was 
fought.  The  Provincial  Congress  was  at  that  time  in  session  at  Water- 
town.  Before  the  battle,  Doctor  Joseph  Warren,  President  of  the 
Congress,  who  was  the  companion  and  room-mate  of  Mr.  Gerry,  commu- 
nicated to  him  his  intention  of  mingling  in  the  approaching  contest. 
The  night  preceding  the  Doctor's  departure  to  the  scene  of  battle,  he  is 
said  to  have  lodged  in  the  same  bed  with  Mr.  Gerry.  In  the  morning, 
in  reply  to  the  admonitions  of  his  friend,  he  uttered  the  well  known 
words,  "  Dulce  et  decorum  est,  pro  patria  mori."^  The  sweetness  and 
the  glory,  h>?  but  too  truly  experienced,  and  died  one  of  the  earliest 
victims  to  thi^  cause  of  his  country's  freedom. 

In  1775,  Mr.  Gerry  proposed  a  law  in  the  Provincial  Congress  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, to  encourage  the  fitting  out  of  armed  vessels,  and  to  provide 
for  the  adjudication  of  prizes.  This  important  measure  was  passed,  and 
under  its  sanction,  several  of  the  enemy's  vessels,  with  valuable  cargoes, 
were  captured.  In  1776,  Mr.  Gerry  was  chosen  a  delegate  to  the  Conti- 
nental Congress,  in  which  body  he  shortly  after  took  his  seat.  His 
services  in  this  capacity  were  numerous  and  important.  Having  married 

*  It  is  sweet  and  glorious  to  die  for  one's  country. 
47 


370  ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 

in  New  York,  he  returned  to  his  native  State,  and  fixed  his  residence  at 
Cambridge,  a  few  miles  from  Boston.  In  1787,  Mr.  Gerry  was  chosen 
a  delegate  to  the  Convention  which  assembled  at  Philadelphia,  to  revise 
the  articles  of  confederation.  To  him  there  appeared  strong  objections 
to  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  he  declined  affixing  his  signature  to  the 
instrument.  But  when  that  Constitution  had  gone  into  effect,  and  he 
was  chosen  a  representative  to  Congress,  he  cheerfully  united  in  its  sup- 
port, since  it  had  received  the  sanction  of  the  country. 

In  1797,  Mr.  Gerry  was  appointed  to  accompany  General  Pinckney 
and  Mr.  Marshall  on  a  special  mission  to  France.  On  their  arrival  in 
Paris,  the  tools  of  the  government  made  the  extraordinary  demand  of  a 
large  sum  of  money,  as  the  condition  of  any  negociation.  This  being 
refused,  the  ridiculous  attempt  was  made  by  the  Directory,  to  excite  their 
fears  for  themselves  and  their  country.  In  the  spring  of  1798,  two  of 
the  envoys,  Messrs.  Pinckney  and  Marshall,  were  ordered  to  quit  the 
territories  of  France,  while  Mr.  Gerry  was  invited  to  remain,  and  resume 
the  negociation  which  had  been  suspended.  He  accepted  the  invitation 
to  remain,  but  resolutely  refused  to  resume  the  negociation.  His  object 
•  in  remaining  was  to  prevent  an  immediate  rupture  with  France,  which, 
it  was  feared,  would  result  from  his  departure.  His  continuance  seems 
to  have  eventuated  in  the  good  of  his  country.  "  He  finally  saved  the 
peace  of  the  nation,"  said  the  late  President  Adams,  "  for  he  alone  dis- 
covered and  furnished  the  evidence  that  X.  Y.  and  Z.  were  employed 
by  Talleyrand;  and  he  alone  brought  home  the  direct,  formal,  and  official 
assurances  upon  which  the  subsequent  commission  proceeded,  and  peace 
was  made." 

k  Mr.  Gerry  returned  to  America  in  1798,  and  in  1805  was  elected  by 
the  republican  party,  Governor  of  Massachusetts.  In  the  following  year 
he  retired,  but  in  1810  was  again  chosen  Chief  Magistrate  of  that  com- 
monwealth, which  office  he  held  for  the  two  succeeding  years.  In  1812, 
he  was  elected  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  into  which  office  he 
was  inaugurated  on  the  4th  of  March,  1813.  While  attending  to  his 
duties  at  Washington,  he  was  suddenly  summoned  from  the  scene  of  his 
earthly  labors.  A  beautiful  monument,  erected  at  the  national  expense, 
bears  the  following  inscription  : 

THE   TOMB   OF 

ELBRIDGE  GERRY, 

Vice-President  of  the  United  States, 

who  died  suddenly,  in  this  city,  on  his  way  to  th« 

Capitol,  as  President  of  the  Senate, 

November  23d,  1814. 

Aged  70. 


371 


BUTTON    GWINNETT. 

BUTTON  GWINNETT  was  born  in  England,  about  the  year  1732,  and  on 
coming  of  age  became  a  merchant  in  the  city  of  Bristol.  Some  time  af- 
ter his  marriage  in  his  native  country,  he  removed  to  Charleston,  South 
Carolina,  and  having  continued  there  two  years,  he  purchased  a  large 
tract  of  land  in  Georgia,  where  he  became  extensively  engaged  in  agri- 
cultural pursuits. 

Mr.  Gwinnett  had  long  taken  a  deep  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the 
colonies ;  but  he  despaired  of  a  successful  resistance  to  Great  Britain. 
His  sentiments  on  this  point,  however,  underwent  a  great  change,  and 
he  became  a  warm  advocate  for  opposing  the  unjust  exactions  of  the 
mother  country.  In  1776,  he  was  elected  a  representative  of  the  pro- 
vince of  Georgia,  in  Congress.  He  accordingly  repaired  to  Philadelphia, 
and  took  his  seat  in  the  National  Council,  to  which  he  was  re-elected 
the  ensuing  year.  He  was  afterwards  a  member  of  the  Convention  held 
at  Savannah,  to  frame  a  Constitution  for  the  State,  and  is  said  to  have  fur- 
nished the  outlines  of  the  Constitution,  which  was  finally  adopted.  On 
the  death  of  the  President  of  the  Provincial  Council,  Mr.  Gwinnett  was 
elected  to  the  vacant  station.  In  this  situation  he  seems  to  have  in- 
dulged in  an  unbecoming  hostility  towards  an  old  political  rival,  Colonel 
M'Intosh ;  adopting  several  expedients  to  mortify  his  adversary,  and 
never  divesting  himself  of  his  embittered  hatred  towards  him.  In  an 
expedition  which  he  had  projected  against  East  Florida,  Mr.  Gwinnett 
designed  to  command  the  continental  troops  and  militia  of  Georgia  him- 
self, thereby  excluding  Colonel  M'Intosh  from  the  command  even  of  his 
own  brigade. 

Just  at  this  period,  it  became  necessary  to  convene  the  Legislature. 
In  consequence  of  his  official  duties,  Mr.  Gwinnett  was  prevented  from 
proceeding  on  the  expedition.  He  therefore  appointed  to  the  command 
a  subordinate  officer  of  M'Intosh's  brigade.  The  expedition  failed  en- 
tirely, and  contributed  to  defeat  the  election  of  Mr.  Gwinnett  as  Governor 
of  the  State.  This  failure  blasted  his  hopes,  and  brought  his  political 
career  to  a  close.  M'Intosh  was  foolish  enough  to  exult  in  the  mortifi- 
cation of  his  adversary.  The  consequence  was,  that  Mr.  Gwinnett  pre- 
sented him  a  challenge.  They  fought  at  the  distance  of  only  twelve 
feet.  Both  were  severely  wounded.  The  wound  of  Mr.  Gwinnett 
proved  fatal.  He  expired  on  the  27th  of  May,  1777,  in  the  forty-fifth 
year  of  his  age, — a  melancholy  instance  of  the  misery  produced  by  har- 
boring in  the  heart  the  absorbing  passion  of  rancorous  envy. 

In  person  Mr.  Gwinnett  was  tall,  and  of  a  noble  appearance.  In  his 
temper  he  was  irritable;  but  in  his  manners,  courteous,  graceful,  and 
polite. 


372 


LYMAN    HALL, 

HALL  was  born  in  Connecticut,  about  the  year  1731.  After 
receiving  a  collegiate  education,  and  acquiring  a  competent  knowledge 
of  medicine,  he  removed  to  Georgia,  where  he  established  himself  in  his 
profession,  in  Sunbury,  in  the  district  of  Medway.  On  the  commence- 
ment of  the  struggle  with  Great  Britain,  he  accepted  of  a  situation  in 
the  parish  of  St.  John,  which  was  a  frontier  settlement,  and  exposed  to 
incursions  of  the  Creek  Indians,  and  of  the  royalists  of  Florida.  The 
parish  of  St.  John,  at  an  early  period,  entered  with  spirit  into  the  oppo- 
sition to  the  mother  country,  while  the  rest  of  Georgia,  generally,  main- 
tained different  sentiments.  So  widely  opposite  were  the  feelings  of 
this  patriotic  parish  to  those  of  the  other  inhabitants  of  the  province, 
that  an  almost  total  alienation  took  place  between  them. 

In  1774,  the  liberal  party  held  a  general  meeting,  at  Savannah,  where 
Dr.  Hall  appeared  as  a  representative  of  the  parish  of  St.  John.  The 
measures  adopted,  however,  fell  far  short  of  his  wishes,  and  those  of  his 
constituents.  At  a  subsequent  meeting,  it  was  agreed  to  petition  the 
King  for  a  redress  of  grievances. 

The  parish  of  St.  John,  dissatisfied  with  the  half-way  measures  of  the 
Savannah  Convention,  endeavored  to  negociate  an  alliance  with  the  com- 
mittee of  correspondence  in  Charleston,  South  Carolina.  But  this  being 
impracticable,  the  inhabitants  of  St.  John  resolved  to  cut  off  all  com- 
mercial intercourse  with  Savannah  and  the  surrounding  parishes.  Hav- 
ing taken  this  independent  stand,  they  next  made  an  unanimous  choice 
of  Dr.  Hall  as  their  representative  to  Congress.  In  the  following  May, 
Dr.  Hall  appeared  in  the  Hall  of  Congress,  and  by  that  body  was  unani- 
mously admitted  to  a  seat :  but  as  he  did  not  represent  the  whole  of  Geor- 
gia, it  was  resolved  to  reserve  the  question,  as  to  his  right  to  vote,  for 
further  deliberation.  Fortunately,  however,  on  the  15th  of  July,  Georgia 
acceded  to  the  general  confederacy,  and  proceeded  to  the  appointment  of 
five  delegates  to  Congress,  three  of  whom  attended  at  the  adjourned 
meeting  of  that  body  in  1775. 

Among  these  delegates,  Dr.  Hall  was  one.  He  was  annually  re- 
elected  until  1780,  when  he  retired  from  the  National  Legislature.  On 
the  possession  of  Georgia  by  the  British,  his  property  was  confiscated, 
and  he  obliged  to  leave  Ihe  State.  He  returned  in  1782,  and  the  follow- 
ing year  was  elected  to  the  Chief  Magistracy  of  Georgia.  After  holding 
this  office  for  some  time,  he  retired  from  public  life,  and  died  at  his  resi- 
dence, in  Burke  county,  about  the  sixtieth  year  of  his  age. 


373 


JOHN    HANCOCK. 

JOHN  HANCOCK  was  born  in  Quincy,  Massachusetts,  in  the  year  1737. 
Both  his  father  and  grandfather  were  clergymen.  Having  lost  the  for- 
mer relative  while  yet  a  child,  he  was  adopted  by  a  paternal  uncle, 
Thomas  Hancock,  "  the  most  opulent  merchant  in  Boston,  and  the  most 
enterprising  man  in  New  England."  A  professorship  had  been  founded 
in  Harvard  College  by  his  liberality,  and  to  the  library  of  that  institu- 
tion he  was  a  principal  benefactor. 

Under  the  patronage  of  his  uncle,  the  nephew  received  a  liberal  edu- 
cation in  the  above  university,  where  he  was  graduated  in  1754.  On 
leaving  college,  he  was  employed  as  a  clerk  in  the  counting-house  of  his 
uncle,  where  he  continued  till  1760,  when  he  visited  England  for  the 
purpose  of  extending  his  information  and  correspondence.  He  returned 
to  America  in  1764;  shortly  after  which,  his  uncle  died,  leaving  him  the 
direction  of  his  enormous  business,  and  a  fortune  the  largest  in  the  pro- 
vince. Hancock  became  neither  haughty  nor  profligate  by  this  sudden 
accession  of  wealth.  He  was  kind  and  liberal  to  the  numerous  persons 
dependent  upon  him  for  employment ;  and  maintained  a  character  for 
integrity  and  ability  in  the  management  of  his  vast  and  complicated  con- 
cerns. His  princely  estate,  added  to  his  honorable  and  generous  charac- 
ter, soon  gave  him  influence,  and  ever  rendered  him  popular. 

In  1760,  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  Legislature  of  Massachu- 

'  setts,  and  thus  became  intimately  associated  with  James  Otis,  Samuel 

Adams,  and  other  distinguished  patriots.     In  this  assembly,  his  genius 

rapidly  developed  itself,  and  he  became  conspicuous  for  the  purity  of  his 

principles,  and  the  excellence  of  his  abilities. 

The  arrival  of  a  vessel  belonging  to  Mr.  Hancock,  in  1768,  which 
was  said  to  be  loaded  contrary  to  the  revenue  laws,  produced' a  violent 
ebullition  of  popular  feeling.  This  vessel  was  seized  by  the  custom- 
house officers,  and  placed  under  the  guns  of  the  Romney,  at  that  time 
in  the  harbor,  for  security.  This  seizure  greatly  exasperated  the  people, 
and,  in  their  excitement,  they  assaulted  the  revenue  officers,  and  com- 
pelled them  to  seek  safety  on  board  the  armed  vessel,  or  in  the  neigh- 
boring Castle.  The  boat  of  the  collector  was  destroyed,  and  several  of 
the  houses  of  his  partisans  were  razed  to  the  ground.  Mr.  Hancock, 
although  in  no  wise  concerned  in  this  transaction,  received  from  it  a  con- 
siderable accession  of  popularity. 

A  few  days  after  the  affray,  which  is  usually  termed  "  the  Boston 
Massacre,"  and  to  which  we  have  briefly  adverted  in  the  sketch  of  Sa- 
muel Adams,  Mr.  Hancock  was  appointed  to  deliver  an  address  in  com- 
memoration of  the  event.  After  speaking  of  his  attachment  to  a  just 
government,  and  his  detestation  of  tyranny,  he  proceeded  to  describe  the 
profligacy  and  abandoned  life  of  the  troops  quartered  amongst  them. 
Not  satisfied  with  their  own  shameful  debauchery,  they  strove  to  vitiate 
the  morals  of  the  citizens,  and  "  thereby  render  them  worthy  of  destruc- 
tion." He  spoke  in  terms  of  unmeasured  indignation  of  the  massacre  of 
the  inhabitants;  and  in  appalling  language  forewarned  the  perpetrators  of 


374  JOHN    HANCOCK. 

the  deed,  of  the  vengeance  which  would  overtake  them  hereafter,  "  if  the 
laboring  earth  did  not  expand  her  jaws ;  if  the  air  they  breathed  were 
not  commissioned  to  be  the  immediate  minister  of  death."  He  pro- 
ceeded in  the  following  spirited  strain : 

"  But  I  gladly  quit  this  theme  of  death.  I  would  not  dwell  too  long 
upon  the  horrid  effects,  which  have  already  followed  from  quartering 
regular  troops  in  this  town ;  let  our  misfortunes  instruct  posterity  to 
guard  against  these  evils.  Standing  armies  are  sometimes,  (I  would  by 
no  means  say  generally,  much  less  universally,)  composed  of  persons 
who  have  rendered  themselves  unfit  to  live  in  civil  society ;  who  are 
equally  indifferent  to  the  glory  of  a  George,  or  a  Louis ;  who,  for  the 
addition  of  one  penny  a  day  to  their  wages,  would  desert  from  the  Chris- 
tian cross,  and  fight  under  the  crescent  of  the  Turkish  Sultan ;  from 
such  men  as  these  what  has  not  a  State  to  fear  ?  With  such  as  these, 
usurping  Caesar  passed  the  Rubicon ;  with  such  as  these  he  humbled 
mighty  Koine,  and  forced  the  mistress  of  the  world  to  own  a  master  in  a 
traitor.  These  are  the  men  whom  sceptred  robbers  now  employ  to  frus- 
trate the  designs  of  God,  and  render  vain  the  bounties  which  his  gra- 
cious hand  pours  indiscriminately  upon  his  creatures." 

The  intrepid  style  of  this  address  removed  all  doubts  as  to  the  devot- 
ed patriotism  of  Mr.  Hancock.  His  manners  and  habits  had  spread 
an  opinion  unfavorable  to  his  republican  principles.  His  mansion  rival- 
ed the  magnificence  of  an  European  palace.  Gold  and  silver  embroi- 
dery adorned  his  garments;  and  his  carriage,  horses,  and  servants  in 
livery,  emulated  the  splendor  of  the  English  nobility.  But  the  senti- 
ments expressed  by  him  in  the  above  address  were  so  public,  and  explicit, 
as  to  cause  a  complete  renovation  of  his  popularity.  From  this  time,  he 
became  odious  to  the  Governor  and  his  adherents.  Efforts  were  made  to 
get  possession  of  his  person,  and  he,  with  Samuel  Adams,  was  excluded 
from  the  general  pardon  offered  by  Governor  Gage,  to  all  who  would 
manifest  a  proper  penitence  for  their  opposition  to  the  royal  authority. 

In  1774,  Hancock  was  unanimously  elected  to  the  presidential  chair 
of  the  Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts.  The  following  year,  the 
honor  of  the  presidency  of  the  Continental  Congress  was  conferred  upon 
him.  His  recent  proscription  by  Governor  Gage,  no  doubt,  contributed 
to  his  popularity  in  that  body.  In  this  station  Hancock  continued  till 
October,  1777 ;  when  his  infirm  health  induced  him  to  resign  his  office. 
He  was  afterwards  a  member  of  the  Convention  appointed  to  frame  a 
Constitution  for  Massachusetts,  and  in  1780  was  chosen  first  Governor  of 
the  Commonwealth,  to  which  station  he  was  annually  elected,  until  the 
year  1785,  when  he  resigned.  After  an  interval  of  two  years,  he  was 
re-elected  to  the  same  office.  He  continued  in  it  till  the  time  of  his 
death,  which  took  place  on  the  8th  of  October,  1793,  in  the  fifty-fifth 
year  of  his  age. 

Mr.  Hancock  was  a  firm  and  energetic  patriot,  and  though  possessed 
of  immense  wealth,  devoted  himself  to  the  laborious  service  of  his 
country.  It  has  been  remarked,  that  by  the  force  with  which  he  inscribed 
his  name  on  the  parchment,  which  bears  the  declaration  of  independence, 
he  seems  to  have  determined  that  his  name  should  never  be  erased. 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON.  375 

His  liberality  was  great,  and  hundreds  of  families,  in  times  of  distress, 
were  daily  fed  from  his  munificence.  He  has  been  accused  by  his 
enemies  of  a  passion  for  popularity,  but  whatever  may  have  been  the 
truth  of  the  charge,  a  fondness  for  being  beloved  can  be  hardly  reckoned 
among  the  bad  traits  of  a  man's  character.  A  noble  instance  of  his 
contempt  of  wealth,  in  comparison  with  public  expediency,  is  recorded. 

At  the  time  the  American  army  was  besieging  Boston  to  expel  the 
British,  who  held  possession  of  the  town,  the  entire  destruction  of  the 
city  was  proposed  by  the  American  officers.  By  the  execution  of  such 
a  plan,  the  whole  fortune  of  Mr.  Hancock  would  have  been  sacrificed. 
Yet  he  readily  acceded  to  the  measure,  declaring  his  willingness  to  sur- 
render his  all,  whenever  the  liberties  of  his  country  should  require  it. 


BENJAMIN    HARRISON. 

BENJAMIN  HARRISON  was  born  in  Berkley,  Virginia.  He  was  the 
descendant  of  a  family  distinguished  in  the  history  of  the  State,  and  was 
a  student  in  the  College  of  William  and  Mary,  at  the  time  of  his  father's 
death.  In  consequence  of  a  misunderstanding  with  an  officer  of  that 
institution,  he  left  it  before  the  regular  period  of  graduation,  and  returned 
home. 

The  management  of  his  father's  estate  now  devolved  upon  him,  and 
he  displayed  an  unusual  degree  of  prudence  and  ability  in  the  discharge 
of  his  trust.  He  was  summoned  at  an  early  date,  even  before  he  had 
attained  the  age  required  by  law,  to  sustain  the  reputation  acquired  by 
his  ancestors,  in  state  affairs.  He  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  Legisla- 
ture about  the  year  1764,  a  station  which  he  may  be  said  to  have  held 
through  life,  since  he  was  always  elected  to  a  seat,  whenever  his  other 
political  avocations  admitted  of  his  occupying  it.  His  fortune  being 
ample,  and  his  influence  as  a  political  leader  very  considerable,  the  royal 
government  proposed  to  create  him  a  member  of  the  executive  council 
of  Virginia.  Mr.  Harrison  was  not  to  be  seduced,  however,  by  the  attrac- 
tions of  rank  and  power.  Though  young,  he  was  ardently  devoted  to  the 
cause  of  the  people,  and  remained  steadfast  in  his  opposition  to  royal  ' 
oppression. 

Mr.  Harrison  was  a  member  of  the  Congress  of  1774,  and  from  that 
period,  during  nearly  every  session,  represented  his  native  State  in 
that  assembly.  In  this  situation  he  was  characterized  for  great  firmness, 
good  sense,  and  a  peculiar  sagacity  in  difficult  and  critical  junctures. 
He  was  likewise  extremely  popular  as  chairman  of  the  committee  of  the 
whole  House.  An  anecdote  is  related  of  him  on  the  occasion  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  While  signing  the  instrument,  he  noticed 
Mr.  Gerry,  of  Massachusetts,  standing  beside  him.  Mr.  Harrison  him- 
self was  quite  corpulent ;  Mr.  Gerry  was  slender  and  spare.  As  the 
former  raised  his  hand,  having  inscribed  his  name  on  the  roll,  he  turned 
to  Mr.  Gerry,  and  facetiously  observed,  that  when  the  time  of  hanging 


376  JOHN  HART. 

should  come,  he  should  have  the  advantage  over  him.  "  It  will  be  over 
with  me,"  said  he,  "  in  a  minute ;  but  you  will  be  kicking  in  the  air  half 
an  hour  after  I  am  gone." 

Towards  the  close  of  1777,  Mr.  Harrison  resigned  his  seat  in  Congress, 
and  returned  to  Virginia.  In  1782,  he  was  chosen  Governor  of  the 
State,  to  which  office  he  was  twice  re-elected ;  when  he  become  ineligi- 
ble by  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution.  In  1788,  when  the  new  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States  was  submitted  to  Virginia,  he  was  returned 
a  member  of  her  Convention.  In  1790,  he  was  again  proposed  as  a 
candidate  for  the  executive  chair ;  but  declined  in  favor  of  his  friend, 
Beverly  Randolph.  In  the  spring  of  1791,  Mr.  Harrison  was  attacked 
by  a  severe  fit  of  the  gout,  a  recurrence  of  which  malady  shortly  after 
put  a  period  to  his  life. 

Mr.  Harrison  became  connected  by  marriage  with  Miss  Bassett,  a  niece 
to  the  sister  of  Mrs.  Washington.  He  had  many  children  ;  and  several 
of  his  sons  became  men  of  distinction.  His  third  son,  William  Henry 
Harrison,  has  honorably  served  his  country,  in  various  official  capacities. 


JOHN    HART. 

JOHN  HART  was  the  son  of  Edward  Hart,  of  Hope  well,  in  the  county 
of  Hunterdon,  in  New  Jersey.  He  inherited  from  his  father  a  conside- 
rable estate,  and  having  married,  devoted  himself  to  agricultural  pursuits, 
and  became  a  worthy  and  respectable  farmer. 

The  reputation  which  he  acquired  for  integrity,  discrimination,  and 
enlightened  prudence,  soon  brought  him  into  notice,  and  he  was  often 
chosen  a  member  of  the  Colonial  Assembly.  Although  one  of  the  most 
gentle  and  unobtrusive  of  men,  he  could  not  suppress  his  abhorrence  of 
the  aggressions  of  the  British  ministry.  He  maintained  a  fearless  and 
uniform  opinion  with  regard  to  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  and  did  not 
hesitate  to  express  it  when  occasion  invited  him.  On  the  meeting  of  the 
Congress  of  1774,  Mr.  Hart  appeared  and  took  his  seat ;  having  been 
elected  by  a  conference  of  committees  from  several  parts  of  the  colony. 
During  several  succeeding  sessions,  he  continued  to  represent  the  people 
of  New  Jersey,  in  the  same  assembly.  When  the  question  of  a  Decla- 
ration of  Independence  was  brought  forward,  he  was  at  his  post,  and 
voted  for  the  measure  with  unusual  zeal. 

In  1776,  New  Jersey  became  the  theatre  of  war,  and  Mr.  Hart  sus- 
tained severe  losses,  by  the  destruction  of  his  property.  His  children 
were  compelled  to  flee,  his  farm  was  pillaged,  and  great  exertions  were 
made  to  secure  him  as  a  prisoner.  For  some  time  he  was  hunted  with 
untiring  perseverance.  He  was  reduced  to  the  most  distressing  shifts 
to  elude  his  enemies ;  being  often  severely  pressed  by  hunger,  and 
destitute  of  a  place  of  repose  for  the  night.  In  one  instance,  he  was 
obliged  to  conceal  himself  in  the  usual  resting-place  of  a  large  dog,  who 
was  his  companion  for  the  time. 


JOSEPH   HEWES.  377 

The  battles  of  Trenton  and  Princeton  led  to  the  evacuation  of  New 
Jersey  by  the  British.  On  this  event,  Mr.  Hart  again  collected  his  family 
around  him,  and  began  to  repair  the  desolation  of  his  farm.  His  constitu- 
tion, however,  had  sustained  a  shock,  which  was  irreparable.  His  health 
gradually  failed  him ;  and  though  he  lived  to  see  the  prospects  of  his 
country  brighten,  he  died  before  the  conflict  was  so  gloriously  terminated. 
He  expired  in  the  year  1780.  The  best  praise  that  can  be  awarded  to 
Mr.  Hart,  is,  that  he  was  beloved  by  all  who  knew  him.  He  was  very 
liberal  to  the  Baptist  church  of  Hopewell,  to  which  community  he 
belonged ;  and  his  memory  was  hallowed  by  the  esteem  and  regret  of  a 
large  circle  of  friends. 


JOSEPH    HEWES. 

JOSEPH  HEWES  was  born  near  Kingston,  in  New  Jersey,  in  the  year 
1730.  His  parents  were  Quakers,  who  removed  from  Connecticut,  on 
account  of  the  existing  prejudices  against  them  among  the  Puritans,  and 
of  the  hostilities  of  the  Indians. 

At  a  suitable  age,  Joseph  Hewes  became  a  member  of  Princeton 
College ;  and  after  having  graduated  in  due  course,  he  was  placed  in  the 
counting-house  of  a  gentleman  at  Philadelphia,  to  be  educated  as  a 
merchant.  On  leaving  this  situation,  he  entered  into  business  for  him- 
self, and  was  highly  successful  in  his  commercial  transactions.  At  the 
age  of  thirty  he  removed  to  North  Carolina,  and  settled  in  the  village  of 
Edenton.  Prosperity  continued  to  attend  him  here,  and  he  soon  acquired 
a  handsome  fortune.  By  his  probity  and  liberal  dealings,  he  also  gained 
the  esteem  of  the  people  among  whom  he  lived,  and  was  called  to  repre- 
sent them  in  the  Colonial  Legislature  of  the  province.  This  distinction 
was  conferred  upon  him  for  several  successive  years,  during  which  he 
increased  in  popularity  with  his  constituents. 

In  1774,  Mr.  Hewes  was  chosen  one  of  the  three  delegates  from  North 
Carolina  to  the  Continental  Congress.  No  members  of  that  body  brought 
with  them  credentials  of  a  bolder  stamp  than  the  delegates  from  North 
Carolina.  They  were  invested  with  such  powers  as  might  "  make  any 
acts  done  by  them,  or  consent  given  in  behalf  of  this  province,  obligatory 
in  honor  upon  any  inhabitant  thereof,  who  is  not  an  alien  to  his  country's 
good,  and  an  apostate  to  the  liberties  of  America."  On  the  meeting  of 
this  Congress,  Mr.  Hewes  was  nominated  one  of  the  committee  appointed 
to  "  state  the  rights  of  the  colonies  in  general,  the  several  instances  in 
which  those  rights  had  been  violated  or  infringed,  and  the  means  most 
proper  to  be  pursued  for  obtaining  a  restoration  of  them."  He  also 
assisted  in  preparing  their  celebrated  report,  which  was  drawn  up  as 
follows : 

"  1.  That  they  are  entitled  to  life,  liberty,  and  property ;  and  they  have 
never  ceded  to  any  sovereign  power  whatever  a  right  to  dispose  of  either, 
without  their  consent. 
48 


378  JOSEPH  HEWES. 

"  2.  That  our  ancestors,  who  first  settled  these  colonies,  were,  at  the 
time  of  their  emigration  from  the  mother  country,  entitled  to  all  the 
rights,  liberties,  and  immunities  of  free  and  natural  born  subjects,  within 
the  realm  of  England. 

"  3.  That  by  such  emigration  they  by  no  means  forfeited,  surrendered, 
or  lost,  any  of  those  rights ;  but  that  they  were,  and  their  descendants 
now  are,  entitled  to  the  exercise  and  enjoyment  of  all  such  of  them  as 
their  local  and  other  circumstances  enable  them  to  exercise  and  enjoy. 

"  4.  That  the  foundation  of  English  liberty,  and  of  free  government, 
is  a  right  in  the  people  to  participate  in  their  legislative  council ;  and  as 
the  English  colonists  are  not  represented,  and,  from  their  local  and  other 
circumstances,  cannot  properly  be  represented  in  the  British  Parliament, 
they  are  entitled  to  a  free  and  exclusive  power  of  legislation  in  their 
several  Provincial  Legislatures,  where  their  right  of  representation  can 
alone  be  pursued  in  all  cases  of  taxation  and  internal  polity,  subject  only 
to  the  negative  of  their  sovereign,  in  such  manner  as  has  been  heretofore 
used  and  accustomed ;  but  if,  from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  and  a  regard 
to  the  mutual  interests  of  both  countries,  we  cheerfully  consent  to  the 
operation  of  such  acts  of  the  British  Parliament  as  are  bona  fide  restrain- 
ed to  the  regulation  of  our  external  commerce,  for  the  purpose  of  securing 
the  commercial  advantages  of  the  whole  empire  to  the  mother  country, 
and  the  commercial  benefit  of  its  respective  members  ;  excluding  every 
idea  of  taxation,  internal  or  external,  for  raising  a  revenue  on  the  subjects 
in  America,  without  their  consent. 

"  5.  That  the  respective  colonies  are  entitled  to  the  common  law  of 
England,  and,  more  especially,  to  the  great  and  inestimable  privilege  of 
being  tried  by  their  peers  of  the  vicinage,  according  to  the  course  of  that 
law. 

"  6.  That  they  are  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  such  of  the  English 
statutes  as  existed  at  the  time  of  their  colonization,  and  which  they  have, 
by  experience,  respectively  found  applicable  to  their  several  local  and 
other  circumstances. 

"  7.  That  these  his  Majesty's  colonies  are  likewise  entitled  to  all  the 
immunities  and  privileges  granted  and  confirmed  to  them  by  royal  char- 
ters, or  secured  by  their  several  codes  of  provincial  laws. 

"  8.  That  they  have  a  right  peaceably  to  assemble,  consider  of  their 
grievances,  and  petition  the  King ;  and  that  all  prosecutions,  prohibitory 
proclamations,  and  commitments  for  the  same,  are  illegal. 

"  9.  That  the  keeping  a  standing  army  in  these  colonies  in  times  of 
peace,  without  consent  of  the  Legislature  of  that  colony  in  which  such 
army  is  kept,  is  against  the  law. 

"  10.  It  is  indispensably  necessary  to  good  government,  and  rendered 
essential  by  the  English  Constitution,  that  the  constituent  branches  of  the 
Legislature  be  independent  of  each  other ;  and  therefore  the  exercise  of 
legislative  power  in  several  colonies  by  a  council  appointed  during  plea- 
sure by  the  crown,  is  unconstitutional,  dangerous,  and  destructive  to  the 
freedom  of  American  legislation. 

"  All  and  each  of  which  the  aforesaid  deputies,  in  behalf  of  themselves 
and  their  constituents,  do  claim,  demand,  and  insist  on,  as  their  indispu- 


THOMAS   HEYWARD.  379 

table  rights  and  liberties,  which  cannot  be  legally  taken  from  them,  alter- 
ed, or  abridged,  by  any  power  whatever,  without  their  consent,  by  their 
representatives  in  their  several  Provincial  Legislatures." 

To  the  above  declaration  of  rights  was  added  an  enumeration  of  the 
wrongs  already  sustained  by  the  colonies ;  after  stating  which,  the  report 
concluded  as  follows  : 

"  To  these  grievous  acts  and  measures,  Americans  cannot  submit ;  but 
in  hopes  their  fellow  subjects  in  Great  Britain  will,  on  a  revision  of  them, 
restore  us  to  that  state  in  which  both  countries  found  happiness  and 
prosperity,  we  have,  for  the  present,  only  resolved  to  pursue  the  following 
peaceable  measures  :  1.  To  enter  into  a  non-importation,  non-consump- 
tion, and  non-exportation  agreement,  or  association.  2.  To  prepare  an 
address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  and  a  memorial  to  the  inhabitants 
of  British  America.  And,  3.  to  prepare  a  loyal  address  to  his  majesty, 
agreeably  to  resolutions  already  entered  into." 

Although  engaged  in  extensive  commercial  transactions,  Mr.  Hewes, 
about  this  time,  assisted  in  forming  the  plan  of  the  non-importation 
association,  and  readily  became  a  member  of  it.  He  was  again  elect- 
ed to  Congress  by  the  people  of  North  Carolina  in  1775,  and  remained 
in  Philadelphia  until  the  adjournment  of  that  assembly  in  July.  He 
continued  to  represent  the  same  State,  almost  without  intermission,  for 
four  succeeding  years,  and  gave  very  general  satisfaction.  The  last  time 
that  he  appeared  in  Congress  was  on  the  29th  of  October,  1799.  After 
this  date,  an  indisposition,  under  which  he  had  labored  for  some  time, 
confined  him  to  his  chamber,  and  at  length,  on  the  10th  of  November, 
terminated  his  life,  in  the  fiftieth  year  of  his  age.  His  funeral  was 
numerously  attended,  and  in  testimony  of  their  respect  to  his  memory, 
Congress  resolved  to  wear  crape  round  the  left  arm  for  the  space  of  one 
month.  Mr.  Hewes  left  a  large  fortune,  but  no  children  to  inherit  it. 


THOMAS    HEYWARD. 

THOMAS  HEYWARD  was  born  in  St.  Luke's  parish,  in  South  Carolina, 
in  the  year  1746.  His  father  was  a  planter  of  fortune,  and  young  Hey- 
ward  received  the  best  education  that  the  province  could  afford.  Having 
finished  his  scholastic  studies,  he  entered  upon  those  of  the  law,  and  after 
the  usual  term  of  application,  was  sent  to  England  to  complete  himself 
in  his  profession.  He  was  enrolled  as  a  student  in  one  of  the  Inns  of 
Court,  and  devoted  himself  with  great  ardor  to  the  acquirement  of  legal 
knowledge. 

On  completing  his  studies  in  England,  he  commenced  the  tour  of  Eu- 
rope, which  occupied  him  several  years.  After  enjoying  the  advantages 
of  foreign  travel,  he  returned  to  his  native  country,  and  devoted  himself, 
with  great  zeal  for  a  man  of  fortune,  to  the  labors  of  the  law.  In  1775, 
Mr.  Heyward  was  elected  to  supply  a  vacancy  in  Congress ;  and  arrived 
it  Philadelphia  in  season  to  join  in  the  discussion  of  the  great  question 


380  WILLIAM    HOOPER 

of  Independence.  In  1778,  he  was  prompted  by  a  sense  of  duty  to  accept 
of  an  appointment  as  Judge  of  the  Criminal  Court  of  the  new  Govern- 
ment. Soon  after  his  elevation  to  the  bench,  he  was  called  upon  to  pre- 
side at  the  trial  and  condemnation  of  several  persons  charged  with  a 
treasonable  correspondence  with  the  enemy.  The  conviction  of  these 
individuals  was  followed  by  their  execution,  which  took  place  within 
view  of  the  British  army,  to  whom  it  rendered  the  Judge  particularly 
obnoxious. 

In  the  spring  of  1780,  the  city  of  Charleston  was  taken  possession  of 
by  General  Clinton.  Judge  Heyward,  at  that  time,  had  command  of  a 
battalion.  On  the  reduction  of  the  place,  he  became  a  prisoner  of  war, 
and  was  transported,  with  some  others,  to  St.  Augustine.  During  his 
absence,  he  suffered  greatly  in  respect  to  his  property.  His  plantation  was 
much  injured,  and  his  slaves  were  seized  and  carried  away.  He  at 
length  had  leave  to  return  to  Philadelphia.  On  his  passage  thither,  he 
narrowly  escaped  a  watery  grave.  By  some  accident  he  fell  overboard  ; 
but,  fortunately,  he  kept  himself  from  sinking,  by  holding  to  the  rudder 
of  the  ship,  until  assistance  could  be  rendered  him.  On  his  return  to 
Carolina,  he  resumed  his  judicial  duties ;  in  the  exercise  of  which,  he 
continued  till  1798.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Convention  for  forming 
the  State  Constitution,  in  1790;  and  was  conspicuous  for  his  sound 
judgment  and  unchanging  patriotism.  Having  retired  from  the  most 
arduous  of  his  public  labors  and  cares,  he  died  in  March,  1809,  in  the 
sixty-fourth  year  of  his  age.  Mr.  Heyward  was  twice  married,  and  was 
the  father  of  several  children.  He  was  estimable  for  his  amiable  dispo- 
sition, his  virtuous  principles,  and  his  extensive  acquaintance  with  men 
and  things. 


WILLIAM    HOOPER. 

WILLIAM  HOOPER  was  born  in  Boston,  on  the  17th  of  June,  1742. 
He  entered  Harvard  University  at  the  age  of  fifteen,  and  was  graduated 
in  1760.  His  father,  who  was  pastor  of  Trinity  Church,  in  Boston,  had 
destined  his  son  for  the  ministerial  profession ;  but  the  latter  having  an 
inclination  for  the  law,  he  was  placed  in  the  office  of  the  celebrated 
James  Otis,  to  pursue  the  study  of  his  choice.  On  being  qualified  for 
the  bar,  young  Hooper  removed  to  North  Carolina,  and  having  married, 
finally  established  himself  in  the  practice  of  his  profession  at  Wil- 
mington. 

He  was  soon  placed,  by  his  talents,  among  the  foremost  advocates  of 
the  province,  and  was  chosen  to  represent  the  town  of  Wilmington,  in 
the  General  Assembly.  He  was  elected  to  a  seat  in  the  same  body  the 
following  year,  and  was  always  one  of  the  boldest  opposers  of  the  tyran- 
nical encroachments  of  the  British  Government.  In  1774,  Mr.  Hooper 
was  chosen  a  delegate  to  the  memorable  Congress,  which  met  at  Phila- 
delphia. He  took  an  important  share  in  the  discussions  of  this  Assem- 


STEPHEN   HOPKINS.  381 

bly,  and  was  remarkable  for  his  fluent  and  animated  elocution.  He  was 
a  member  of  the  same  body  the  following  year,  and  during  the  session, 
drew  up,  as  chairman  of  different  committees,  several  able  addresses  and 
reports.  In  1776,  the  private  affairs  of  Mr.  Hooper  requiring  his  atten- 
tion in  North  Carolina,  he  did  not,  for  some  time,  attend  upon  the  sitting 
of  Congress.  He  returned,  however,  in  season  to  share  in  the  honor 
and  danger  of  signing  the  imperishable  instrument  which  declared  the 
Colonies  of  North  America  free  and  independent.  Having  been  elected 
to  Congress  a  third  time,  Mr.  Hooper  was  obliged  to  resign  his  seat  in 
February,  1777,  and  return  to  the  adjustment  of  his  own  embarrassed 
affairs. 

In  1786  he  was  appointed,  by  Congress,  one  of  the  Judges  of  a  Fede- 
ral Court,  formed  for  the  purpose  of  settling  a  controversy  which  existed 
between  the  States  of  New  York  and  Massachusetts,  in  regard  to  cer- 
tain lands.  In  the  following  year,  his  health  being  considerably  im- 
paired, he  sought  to  restore  it  by  private  retirement.  This,  however,  he 
did  not  live  long  to  enjoy.  He  died  in  October,  1790,  at  the  age  of  forty- 
eight  years,  leaving  a  wife  and  three  children.  Mr.  Hooper  was  dis- 
tinguished for  his  conversational  powers,  his  good  taste,  and  his  devotion 
to  his  profession.  As  a  politician,  he  was  constant,  judicious,  and  en- 
thusiastic. He  never  gave  way  to  despondency ;  possessing  an  unshak- 
en confidence  that  Heaven  would  defend  the  right. 


STEPHEN   HOPKINS. 

STEPHEN  HOPKINS  was  born  near  Providence,  (R.  I.)  in  a  place  now 
called  Scituate,  on  the  7th  of  March,  1707.  He  was  of  respectable  pa- 
rentage, being  a  descendant  of  Benedict  Arnold,  the  first  Governor  of 
Rhode  Island.  His  early  education  was  limited,  but  he  is  said  to  have 
excelled  in  penmanship,  and  in  the  practical  branches  of  mathematics. 

For  several  years  he  followed  the  profession  of  a  farmer.  He  was 
afterwards  chosen  Town  Clerk  of  Scituate,  and  a  Representative  to  the 
General  Assembly.  He  was  subsequently  appointed  a  Justice  of  the 
Peace,  and  a  Justice  of  one  of  the  Courts  of  Common  Pleas.  In  1733, 
he  became  Chief  Justice  of  that  court.  In  1742,  he  removed  to  Provi- 
dence, where  he  entered  into  commerce,  and  was  extensively  engaged  in 
building  and  fitting  out  vessels.  He  was  chosen  a  Representative  from 
that  town  to  the  General  Assembly,  and  became  Speaker  of  the  House 
of  Representatives.  In  1751,  he  was  made  Chief  Justice  of  the  Superior 
Court,  and  held  that  office  till  the  year  1754,  when  he  was  appointed  a 
Commissioner  to  the  celebrated  Albany  Convention.  The  object  of  this 
Convention  was  the  securing  of  the  friendship  of  the  five  great  Indian 
nations,  in  the  approaching  French  war,  and  an  union  between  the 
several  colonies  of  America. 

In  1756,  Mr.  Hopkins  was  elected  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  colony  of 
Rhode  Island,  This  office  he  continued  to  hold,  almost  without  inter- 


382  FRANCIS    HOPKINSON. 

mission,  until  1767  ;  discharging  its  duties  in  an  efficient  and  highly 
satisfactory  manner.  He  resolutely  espoused  the  cause  of  the  colonies, 
and  in  a  pamphlet  entitled,  "  The  rights  of  colonies  examined,"  proved 
the  injustice  of  the  Stamp  Act,  and  other  measures  of  the  British  minis- 
try. In  1774,  Mr.  Hopkins  received  the  appointment  of  Delegate  from 
Rhode  Island  to  the  Continental  Congress.  In  this  assembly  he  took 
his  seat  on  the  first  day  of  the  session,  and  became  one  of  the  most 
zealous  advocates  of  the  measures  adopted  by  that  illustrious  body  of 
men.  In  the  year  1775  and  1776,  he  again  represented  Rhode  Island  in 
Congress.  In  this  latter  year,  he  affixed  his  name  to  the  Declaration  of 
Independence.  His  signature  was  the  only  one  upon  the  roll,  which 
gave  indications  of  a  trembling  hand  ;  but  it  was  not  the  tremulousness 
of  fear.  Mr.  Hopkins  had  for  some  time  been  afflicted  with  a  paralytic 
affection,  which  compelled  him,  when  he  wrote,  to  guide  his  right  hand 
with  his  left. 

In  1778,  Mr.  Hopkins  was  a  Delegate  to  Congress  for  the  last  time  : 
but  for  several  years  afterwards,  he  was  a  member  of  the  General  As- 
sembly of  Rhode  Island.  He  closed  his  useful  and  honorable  life  on  the 
13th  of  July,  1785,  in  the  seventy-eighth  year  of  his  age.  Mr.  Hopkins 
was  enabled  by  the  vigor  of  his  understanding  to  surmount  his  early 
deficiencies,  and  rise  to  the  most  distinguished  offices  in  the  gift  of  his 
fellow  citizens.  He  possessed  considerable  fondness  for  literature,  and 
greatly  excelled  as  a  mathematician.  He  was  an  unshaken  friend  of 
his  country,  and  an  enemy  to  civil  and  religious  intolerance,  distinguish- 
ed for  his  liberality,  and  for  the  correct  and  honorable  discharge  of  his 
various  duties. 


FRANCIS    HOPKINSON. 

FRANCIS  HOPKINSON  was  born  in  Philadelphia,  in  the  year  1737.  His 
father  was  an  Englishman,  who,  a  short  time  previous  to  his  emigration 
to  America,  married  a  niece  of  the  Bishop  of  Worcester.  He  was  a 
man  of  a  cultivated  mind  and  considerable  literary  accomplishments ; 
and  became  intimate  with  Benjamin  Franklin,  by  whom  he  was  held  in 
high,  estimation.  Upon  the  death  of  Mr.  Hopkinson,  which  occurred 
while  he  was  in  the  prime  of  life,  the  care  of  his  family  devolved  upon 
his  widow,  who  was  eminently  qualified  for  the  task.  She  was  a 
woman  of  a  superior  mind  ;  and  discovering  early  indications  of  talent  in 
her  son,  she  resolved  to  make  every  sacrifice,  to  furnish  him  with  a  good 
education.  She  placed  him  at  the  college  of  Philadelphia,  and  lived 
to  see  him  graduate  with  reputation,  and  attain  a  high  eminence  at  the 
bar. 

In  1766,  Francis  Hopkinson  embarked  for  England,  and  received, 
upon  the  occasion,  a  public  expression  of  respect  and  affection  from  the 
Board  of  Trustees  of  the  College  of  Philadelphia.  After  a  residence  of 
more  than  two  years  in  the  land  of  his  forefathers,  he  returned  to  Ameri- 


SAMUEL   HUNTTNGTON.  383 

ca.  He  soon  after  married  Miss  Borden,  of  Bordentown,  in  New  Jer- 
sey, where  he  took  up  his  residence,  and  was  appointed  collector  of  the 
customs  and  executive  counsellor.  These  offices  he  did  not  long  enjoy, 
having  sacrificed  them  to  his  attachment  to  the  liberties  of  his  country. 
He  enlisted  himself  warmly  in  the  cause  of  the  people,  and  in  1776  was 
appointed  a  delegate  from  New  Jersey  to  the  Continental  Congress.  He 
voted  for  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  affixed  his  signature  to 
the  engrossed  copy  of  that  instrument.  In  1779,  he  was  appointed 
Judge  of  the  Admiralty  Court  of  Pennsylvania,  and  for  ten  years  con- 
tinued to  discharge  with  fidelity  the  duties  of  that  office. 

Soon  after  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  Mr.  Hopkinson 
received  from  Washington  the  appointment  of  Judge  of  the  United  States 
for  the  district  of  Pennsylvania.  In  this  station,  he  conscientiously 
avoided  mingling  in  party  politics.  His  life  was  suddenly  terminated, 
while  in  the  midst  of  his  usefulness,  on  the  8th  of  May,  1791.  He  died 
of  an  apoplectic  fit,  which,  in  two  hours  after  the  attack,  put  a  period  to 
his  existence. 

Mr.  Hopkinson  was  endued  with  considerable  powers  of  humor  and 
satire,  which  he  employed  effectually  in  rousing  the  feelings  of  the  peo- 
ple, during  the  war  of  the  Revolution.  He  was  the  author  of  several 
fugitive  pieces,  whicn  were  very  popular  in  their  day.  His  well  known 
ballad,  called  "  The  Battle  of  the  Kegs,"  gives  evidence  of  a  rich  and 
exhaustless  fund  of  humor,  and  will  probably  last  the  wear  of  centuries. 
He  excelled  in  music,  and  had  some  knowledge  of  painting.  His  library 
was  extensive,  and  his  stock  of  knowledge  constantly  accumulating.  In 
stature,  Mr.  Hopkinson  was  below  the  common  size.  His  countenance 
was  animated,  his  speech  fluent ;  and  his  motions  were  unusually  rapid. 
Few  men  were  kinder  in  their  dispositions,  or  more  benevolent  in  their 
lives.  He  left,  at  his  decease,  a  widow  and  five  children.  The  eldest 
of  these,  Joseph  Hopkinson,  occupies  an  eminent  rank  among  the  advo- 
cates of  the  American  bar. 


SAMUEL    HUNTINGTON. 

SAMUEL  HUNTINGTON  was  born  in  Windham,  Connecticut,  on  the  2d 
of  July,  1732.  Being  the  eldest  son,  his  father  required  his  assistance 
on  the  farm,  and  his  opportunities  for  study  were  accordingly  brief  and 
extremely  rare.  He  possessed,  however,  a  vigorous  understanding,  and 
supplied  his  deficiencies  of  instruction  by  an  assiduous  and  a  persevering 
devotion  to  the  acquisition  of  knowledge.  At  the  age  of  twenty-one 
years,  he  was  probably  equal,  in  point  of  literary  attainments,  to  most  of 
those  who  had  received  a  collegiate  education. 

Conceiving  a  fondness  for  legal  pursuits,  he  abandoned  his  occupation 
of  husbandry,  and  resolved  to  enter  alone  and  unaided  upon  the  study  of 
the  law.  He  soon  obtained  a  competent  knowledge  of  the  principles  of  the 
profession,  to  commence  the  practice  of  an  attorney  in  his  native  town  • 


384  FRANCIS   LIGHTFOOT  LEE. 

but  in  1760,  he  removed  to  Norwich,  where  a  wider  field  presented  itself 
for  the  exercise  of  his  talents.  Here  he  soon  became  distinguished  ^ 
his  ability,  his  integrity,  and  his  strict  attention  to  business.  In  1764, 
Mr.  Huntington  represented  the  town  of  Norwich  in  the  General  Assem- 
bly ;  and  the  following  year  was  appointed  to  the  office  of  King's  Attor* 
ney.  In  1774,  he  became  an  Associate  Judge  in  the  Superior  Court, 
and  soon  after  an  assistant  in  the  Council  of  Connecticut. 

His  talents  and  patriotism  recommending  him  to  public  confidence,  he 
was  elected  in  1775  a  Delegate  to  the  Continental  Congress.  In  the 
subsequent  July,  he  voted  in  favor  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
Mr.  Huntington  continued  a  member  of  Congress  until  the  year  1781, 
when  ill  health  induced  him  to  resign.  On  the  departure  of  Mr.  Jay  as 
Minister  to  Spain,  he  had  been  appointed  to  the  presidency  of  the  Congress, 
and  had  served  in  that  honorable  station  with  distinguished  ability  and 
dignity.  In  testimony  of  their  approbation  of  his  conduct  in  the  chair, 
and  in  the  execution  of  public  business,  Congress,  soon  after  his  retire- 
ment, accorded  to  Mr.  Huntington  the  expression  of  their  public  thanks. 
On  his  return  to  his  native  State,  he  resumed  his  judicial  functions,  and 
in  1782  was  re-elected  to  Congress.  He  did  not  attend,  however,  until 
the  following  year,  when  he  resumed  his  seat.  He  continued  a  con- 
spicuous member,  until  November,  at  which  time  ne  finally  retired  from 
the  National  Assembly. 

Soon  after  his  return  to  Connecticut,  he  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
Superior  Court,  and  the  following  year  was  chosen  Lieutenant-Governor 
of  the  State.  In  1786,  he  succeeded  Governor  Griswoldin  the  office  of 
Chief  Magistrate,  and  was  annually  re-elected  to  that  station  during  the 
remainder  of  his  life.  His  death  took  place  on  the  5th  of  January,  1796, 
in  the  sixty-fourth  year  of  his  age.  Mr.  Huntington  was  a  sincere 
Christian,  and  few  men  possessed  a  greater  share  of  mildness  and  equa- 
nimity of  temper.  He  rose  from  the  humble  situation  of  a  ploughboy 
by  his  own  industry  and  perseverance,  and  without  the  advantage  of 
family  patronage  or  influence.  He  married  in  the  thirtieth  year  of  his 
age ;  but  having  no  children,  he  adopted  a  son  and  daughter  of  his 
brother,  the  Reverend  Joseph  Huntington. 


FRANCIS    LIGHTFOOT    LEE. 

FRANCIS  LIGHTFOOT  LEE  was  born  in  Virginia  in  1734.  He  was  the 
fourth  son  of  Thomas  Lee,  who  for  several  years  held  the  office  of  Presi- 
dent of  the  King's  Council. 

Francis  Lightfoot  did  not  receive  the  advantage  enjoyed  by  his  elder 
brothers,  of  an  education  at  the  English  Universities.  He  was  placed, 
however,  under  the  care  of  an  accomplished  domestic  tutor  of  the  name 
of  Craig,  and  acquired  an  early  fondness  for  literature.  He  became  well 
versed  in  the  most  important  branches  of  science,  and  probably  obtained 
as  good  an  education  as  the  country  could  then  afford.  The  fortune 


FRANCIS   LIGHTFOOT  LEE.  385 

bequeathed  him  hy  his  father  rendered  the  study  of  a  profession  unne- 
cessary, and  he  accordingly  surrendered  himself,  for  several  years,  to  the 
enjoyment  of  literary  ease  and  social  intercourse.  He  possessed,  however, 
an  active  mind,  and  warmly  interested  himself  in  the  advancement  of 
his  country.  In  1765,  he  was  returned  a  member  of  the  House  of  Bur- 
gesses from  the  county  of  Loudon,  where  his  estate  was  situated.  He 
was  annually  re-elected  to  this  office  until  1772,  when,  having  married  a 
lady  of  Richmond  county,  he  removed  thither,  and  was  soon  after  chosen 
by  the  citizens  of  that  place  to  the  same  station. 

In  1775,  Mr.  Lee  was  appointed  by  the  Virginia  Convention  a  delegate 
to  the  Continental  Congress.  He  took  his  seat  in  this  assembly  ;  and, 
though  he  seldom  engaged  in  the  public  discussions,  was  surpassed  by 
none  in  his  zeal  to  forward  the  interests  of  the  colonies.  His  brother, 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  had  the  high  honor  of  bringing  forward  the  momen- 
tous question  of  independence,  but  no  one  was  perhaps  a  warmer  friend 
of  the  measure  than  Francis  Lightfoot. 

Mr.  Lee  retired  from  Congress  in  1779.  He  was  fondly  attached  to 
the  pleasures  of  home,  and  eagerly  sought  an  opportunity  when  his 
services  were  not  essentially  needed  by  his  country,  to  resume  the  undis- 
turbed quiet  of  his  former  life.  He  was  not  long  permitted  to  enjoy  his 
seclusion.  He  reluctantly  obeyed  the  summons  of  his  fellow  citizens  t6 
represent  them  once  more  in  the  Legislature  of  Virginia.  His  duties 
were  most  faithfully  discharged  while  a  member  of  this  body ;  but  he 
soon  became  weary  of  the  bustle  and  vexations  of  public  life,  and  relin- 
quished them  for  the  pleasures  of  retirement.  In  the  latter  period  of  his 
life,  he  found  an  unfailing  source  of  happiness  to  himself,  in  contributing 
largely  to  the  enjoyment  of  others.  His  benevolence  and  the  urbanity 
of  his  manners  rendered  him  beloved  by  all.  He  was  a  practical  friend 
to  the  poor,  and  a  companion  to  the  young  or  the  aged,  the  lighthearted 
or  the  broken  in  spirit.  Having  no  children,  he  devoted  his  time  chiefly 
to  reading,  farming,  and  company.  His  death  was  occasioned  by  a  pleu- 
risy, which  disease  also  terminated  the  life  of  his  wife  a  few  days  after 
his  own  departure.  He  died  in  the  consoling  belief  of  the  Gospel,  and 
in  peace  with  all  mankind  and  his  own  conscience. 

The  brothers  of  Mr.  Lee  were  all  eminently  distinguished  for  their 
talents  and  for  their  services  to  their  country,  Philip  Ludwell,  a  member 
of  the  King's  Council ;  Thomas  Ludwell,  a  member  of  the  Virginia 
Assembly  ;  Richard  Henry,  as  the  champion  of  American  freedom ; 
William,  as  a  sheriff  and  alderman  of  London,  and  afterwards  a  Com- 
missioner of  the  Continental  Congress  at  the  courts  of  Berlin  and  Vienna ; 
and  Arthur  as  a  scholar,  a  politician,  and  diplomatist. 


49 


386 


RICHARD    HENRY    LEE. 

RICHARD  HENRY  LEE,  a  brother  of  the  foregoing,  was  born  at  Stratford, 
ir.  Westmoreland  county,  Virginia,  on  the  20th  of  January,  1732.  He 
received  his  education  in  England,  where  his  acquisitions  were  conside- 
rable in  scientific  and  classical  knowledge.  He  returned  to  his  native 
country  when  in  his  nineteenth  year,  and  devoted  himself  to  the  general 
study  of  history,  politics,  law,  and  polite  literature,  without  engaging  in 
any  particular  profession. 

About  the  year  1757,  he  was  chosen  a  Delegate  to  the  House  of  Bur- 
gesses, where  a  natural  diffidence  for  some  time  prevented  him  from 
displaying  the  full  extent  of  his  powers  and  resources.  This  impediment, 
however,  was  gradually  removed,  and  he  rapidly  rose  into  notice  as  a 
persuasive  and  eloquent  speaker.  In  1764,  he  was  appointed  to  draught  an 
address  to  the  King,  and  a  memorial  to  the  House  of  Lords,  which  are 
among  the  best  state  papers  of  the  period.  Some  years  afterwards,  he 
brought  forward  his  celebrated  plan  for  the  formation  of  a  committee  of 
correspondence,  whose  object  was  "  to  watch  the  conduct  of  the  British 
Parliament ;  to  spread  more  widely  correct  information  on  topics  con- 
nected with  the  interests  of  the  colonies,  and  to  form  a  chosen  union  of 
the  men  of  influence  in  each."  This  plan  was  originated  about  the  same 
time  in  Massachusetts,  by  Samuel  Adams. 

The  efforts  of  Mr.  Lee  in  resisting  the  various  encroachments  of  the 
British  government  were  indefatigable,  and  in  1774  he  attended  the  first 
General  Congress  at  Philadelphia,  as  a  delegate  from  Virginia.  He  was 
a  member  of  most  of  the  important  committees  of  this  body,  and  labored 
with  unceasing  vigilance  and  energy.  The  memorial  of  Congress  to  the 
people  of  British  America,  and  the  second  address  of  Congress  to  the 
people  of  Great  Britain,  were  both  from  his  pen.  The  following  year, 
he  was  again  deputed  to  represent  Virginia  in  the  same  assembly,  and 
his  exertions  were  equally  zealous  and  successful.  Among  other  respon- 
sible duties,  he  was  appointed,  as  chairman  of  a  committee,  to  furnish 
General  Washington,  who  had  been  summoned  to  the  command  of  the 
American  armies,  with  hi£  commission  and  instructions. 

On  the  7th  of  June,  1776,  Mr.  Lee  introduced  the  measure,  which 
declared,  "  That  these  united  colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free 
and  independent  States ;  that  they  are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to 
the  British  crown ;  and  that  all  political  connexion  between  them  and  the 
State  of  Great  Britain  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved."  This  im- 
portant motion  he  supported  by  a  speech  of  the  most  brilliant  eloquence. 
"  Why  then,  Sir,"  said  he,  in  conclusion,  "  why  do  we  longer  delay  ? 
Why  still  deliberate  ?  Let  this  happy  day  give  birth  to  an  American 
republic.  Let  her  arise,  not  to  devastate  and  to  conquer,  but  to  re-estab- 
lish the  reign  of  peace  and  of  law.  The  eyes  of  Europe  are  fixed  upon 
us ;  she  demands  of  us  a  living  example  of  freedom,  that  may  exhibit  a 
contrast  in  the  felicity  of  the  citizen  to  the  ever  increasing  tyranny  which 
desuates  her  polluted  shores.  She  invites  us  to  prepare  an  asylum, 
where  the  unhappy  may  find  solace,  and  the  persecuted  repose.  She 


RICHARD    HENRY    LEE.  387 

invites  us  to  cultivate  a  propitious  soil,  where  that  generous  plant  which 
first  sprung  up  and  grew  in  England,  but  is  now  withered  by  the  poisonous 
blasts  of  Scottish  tyranny,  may  revive  and  flourish,  sheltering  under  its 
salubrious  and  interminable  shade,  all  the  unfortunate  of  the  human  race. 
If  we  are  not  this  day  wanting  in  our  duty,  the  names  of  the  American 
legislators  of  1776  will  be  placed  by  posterity  at  the  side  of  Theseus, 
Lycurgus,  and  Romulus,  of  the  three  Williams  of  Nassau,  and  of  all 
those  whose  memory  has  been,  and  ever  will  be,  dear  to  virtuous  men 
and  good  citizens." 

The  debate  on  the  above  motion  of  Mr.  Lee,  was  protracted  until 
the  tenth  of  June,  when  Congress  resolved :  "  that  the  consideration  of 
the  resolution  respecting  Independence,  be  postponed  till  the  first  Mon- 
lay  in  Jury  next ;  and  in  the  meanwhile,  that  no  time  may  be  lost,  in 
case  the  Congress  agree  thereto,  that  a  committee  be  appointed  to  pre- 
pare a  declaration  to  the  effect  of  the  said  resolution." 

As  the  mover  of  the  original  resolution  for  Independence,  it  would,  ac- 
cording to  parliamentary  usage,  have  devolved  upon  Mr.  Lee  to  have  been 
appointed  chairman  of  the  Committee  selected  to  prepare  a  declaration, 
and,  as  chairman,  to  have  furnished  that  important  document.  But  on 
the  day  on  which  the  resolution  was  taken,  Mr.  Lee  was  unexpectedly 
summoned  to  attend  upon  his  family  in  Virginia,  some  of  the  members 
of  which  were  dangerously  ill ;  and  Mr.  Jefferson  was  appointed  chair- 
man in  his  place. 

Mr.  Lee  continued  to  hold  a  seat  in  Congress  till  June,  1777,  when  he 
solicited  leave  of  absence,  on  account  of  the  delicate  state  of  his  health. 
in  August,  of  the  next  year,  he  was  again  elected  to  Congress,  and  conti- 
nued in  that  body  till  1780,  when  he  declined  a  re-election,  believing  that  he 
would  be  more  useful  to  his  native  State  by  holding  a  seat  in  her  Assem- 
bly. In  1784,  however,  he  again  accepted  an  appointment  as  represen- 
tative to  Congress,  of  which  body  he  was  unanimously  elected  President. 
In  this  exalted  station,  he  presided  with  great  ability ;  and  on  his  retire- 
ment, received  the  acknowledgments  of  Congress. 

Mr.  Lee  was  opposed  to  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
without  amendment.  Its  tendency,  he  believed,  was  to  consolidation. 
To  guard  against  this,  it  was  his  wish  that  the  respective  States 
should  impart  to  the  Federal  Head  only  so  much  power  as  was  neces- 
sary for  mutual  safety  and  happiness.  He  was  appointed  a  Senator 
from  Virginia,  under  the  new  Constitution. 

About  the  year  1792,  Mr.  Lee  was  compelled,  by  his  bodily  debility 
and  infirmities,  to  retire  wholly  from  public  business.  Not  long  after, 
he  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  from  the  Legislature  of  his  native  State, 
an  unanimous  vote  of  thanks  for  his  public  services,  and  of  sympathy 
for  the  impaired  condition  of  his  health.  He  died  on  the  19th  of  June, 
1794,  at  the  age  of  sixty-three  years. 

In  private  life,  Mr.  Lee  was  the  delight  of  all  who  knew  him.  He 
had  a  numerous  family  of  children,  the  offspring  of  two  marriages,  who 
were  tenderly  devoted  to  their  father.  As  an  orator,  he  exercised  an  un- 
common sway  over  the  minds  of  men.  His  gesture  was  graceful  and 
highly  finished,  and  his  language  perfectly  chaste.  He  reasoned  well. 


388  FRANCIS    LEWIS. 

and  declaimed  freely  and  splendidly ;  and  such  was  his  promptitude, 
that  he  required  no  preparation  for  debate.  He  was  well  acquainted  with 
classical  literature,  and  possessed  a  rich  store  of  political  knowledge. 
Few  men  have  passed  through  life  in  a  more  honorable  and  brilliant 
manner,  or  left  behind  them  a  more  desirable  reputation,  than  Richard 
Henry  Lee. 


FRANCIS    LEWIS. 

FRANCIS  LEWIS  was  a  native  of  Landaff,  in  South  Wales,  where  he  was 
born  in  the  year  1713.  Being  left  an  orphan  at  the  age  of  four  or  five  years, 
the  care  of  him  devolved  upon  a  maiden  aunt,  who  took  singular  pains 
to  instruct  him  in  the  native  language  of  his  country.  He  was  after- 
wards sent  to  Scotland,  where,  in  the  family  of  a  relation,  he  acquired  a 
knowledge  of  the  Gaelic.  From  this  he  was  transferred  to  the  school 
of  Westminster,  where  he  completed  his  education ;  and  enjoyed  the 
reputation  of  being  a  good  classical  scholar. 

Having  determined  on  the  pursuit  of  commerce,  he  entered  the 
counting-room  of  a  London  merchant,  and  in  few  years  acquired  a  com- 
petent knowledge  of  his  profession.  On  attaining  the  age  of  twenty- 
one  years,  he  converted  the  whole  of  his  property  into  merchandise,  and 
sailed  for  New  York,  where  he  arrived  in  the  spring  of  1735.  Leaving 
a  part  of  his  goods  to  be  disposed  of  by  Mr.  Edward  Ann^ly,  with 
whom  he  had  formed  a  commercial  connexion,  he  transported  the  remain- 
der to  Philadelphia.  After  a  residence  of  two  years  in  the  latter  city, 
he  returned  to  New  York,  and  there  became  extensively  engaged  in  na- 
vigation and  foreign  trade.  He  married  the  sister  of  his  partner,  by 
whom  he  had  several  children. 

Mr.  Lewis  acquired  the  character  of  an  active  and  enterprising  mer- 
chant. In  the  course  of  his  commercial  transactions,  he  visited  several 
of  the  sea-ports  of  Russia,  the  Orkney  and  Shetland  islands,  and  was  twice 
shipwrecked  on  the  Irish  coast. 

During  the  French  or  Canadian  war,  he  was  agent  for  supplying  the 
British  troops,  and  was  present,  in  1756,  at  the  surrender  of  Fort  Oswe- 
go  to  the  French  general,  de  Montcalm.  He  exhibited  great  firmness 
and  ability  on  the  occasion ;  and  his  services  were  held  in  such  conside- 
ration by  the  British  Government,  that  at  the  close  of  the  war  he  received 
a  grant  of  five  thousand  acres  of  land. 

The  conditions  upon  which  the  garrison  at  Fort  Oswego  surrendered, 
were  shamefully  violated  by  de  Montcalm.  He  allowed  the  chief  war- 
rior of  the  Indians,  who  assisted  in  taking  the  fort,  to  select  abou>t  thirty 
of  the  prisoners,  and  do  with  them  as  he  pleased.  Of  this  number  Mr. 
Lewis  was  one.  Thus  placed  at  the  disposal  of  savage  power,  a  speedy 
death  was  one  of  the  least  evils  to  be  expected.  It  has  been  asserted. 
however,  that  Mr.  Lewis  discovered  that  he  was  able  to  converse  with 
the  Indians,  by  reason  of  the  similarity  of  the  ancient  language  of 


PHILIP    LIVINGSTON.  389 

Wales,  which  he  understood,  to  their  dialect.*  His  ability  to  communi- 
cate by  words  with  the  Chief,  so  pleased  the  latter,  that  (he  treated  him 
kindly,  and  on  arriving  at  Montreal,  requested  the  French  Governor  to 
allow  him  to  return  to  his  family  without  ransom.  The  request,  how- 
ever, was  not  granted,  and  Mr.  Lewis  was  sent  as  a  prisoner  to  France, 
from  which  country,  being  some  time  after  exchanged,  he  returned  to 
America. 

Although  Mr.  Lewis  was  not  a  native  of  America,  yet  his  attachment 
to  the  country  was  early  and  devoted.  He  vigorously  opposed  the  op- 
pressive measures  of  Great  Britain,  and  esteemed  liberty  the  choicest 
blessing  that  a  nation  can  enjoy.  His  intellectual  powers,  and  uniform 
nobility  of  sentiment,  commanded  the  respect  of  the  people ;  and  in 
1775,  he  was  unanimously  elected  a  delegate  to  Congress.  He  re- 
mained a  member  of  that  body  through  the  following  year,  1776,  and 
was  among  the  number  who  signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
For  several  subsequent  years,  he  was  appointed  to  represent  New  York 
in  the  National  Assembly ;  and  performed  various  secret  and  important 
services,  with  great  fidelity  and  prudence. 

In  1775,  Mr.  Lewis  removed  his  family,  and  effects,  to  a  country-seat 
which  he  owned  on  Long  Island.  This  proved  an  unfortunate  step.  In 
the  autumn  of  the  following  year,  his  house  was  plundered  by  a  party 
of  British  light-horse.  His  extensive  library  and  valuable  papers  were 
wantonly  destroyed.  His  wife  fell  into  the  power  of  the  enemy,  and 
was  retained  a  prisoner  for  several  months.  During  her  captivity,  she 
experienced  the  most  atrocious  treatment,  being  closely  confined,  and  de- 
prived of  a  bed  and  sufficient  clothing.  By  the  influence  of  Washing- 
ton, she  was  at  length  released ;  but  her  constitution  had  been  so  im- 
paired by  her  sufferings,  that  in  a  year  or  two,  she  sank  into  the  grave. 

The  latter  days  of  Mr.  Lewis  Avere  spent  in  comparative  poverty. 
He  died  on  the  30th  day  of  December,  1803,  in  the  ninetieth  year  of 
his  age. 


PHILIP    LIVINGSTON. 

PHILIP  LIVINGSTON,  was  born  at  Albany,  on  the  15th  of  January,  1716. 
He  was  the  fourth  son  of  Gilbert  Livingston,  and  his  ancestors  were 
highly  respectable,  holding  a  distinguished  rank  in  New  York,  and  pos- 
sessing a  beautiful  tract  of  land  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson.  This 
tract,  since  known  as  the  Manor  of  Livingston,  has  belonged  to  the  fami- 
ly from  that  time  to  the  present. 

Philip  Livingston  received  his  education  at  Yale  College,  where  he  was 
graduated  in  1737.  He  soon  after  engaged  extensively  in  commerce  in 

*  It  is  almost  needless  to  remark,  that  such  an  occurrence  is,  to  say  the  best  of  it, 
extremely  improbable.  There  exists  no  affinity  between  the  ancient  language  of 
Wales  and  that  of  any  of  the  Indian  tribes  known  in  North  America. 


390  PHILIP   LIVINGSTON. 

the  city  of  New  York,  and  was  very  successful  in  his  transactions.  In 
1754,  he  was  elected  an  Alderman,  and  continued  in  the  office  for  nine 
successive  years.  In  1759,  he  was  returned  a  member  to  the  General 
Assembly  of  the  colony,  where  his  talents  and  influence  were  most  use- 
fully employed.  His  views  were  liberal  and  enlightened,  and  he 
did  much  to  improve  the  commercial  and  agricultural  facilities  of  the 
country. 

Previous  to  the  revolution,  it  was  usual  for  the  respective  colonies  to 
have  an  agent  in  England,  to  manage  their  individual  concerns  with  the 
British  Government.  This  agent  was  appointed  by  the  popular  branch 
of  the  Assembly.  In  1770,  the  agent  of  the  colony  of  New  York  dying, 
the  celebrated  Edmund  Burke  was  chosen  in  his  stead,  and  received  for 
the  office  a  salary  of  five  hundred  pounds.  Between  this  gentleman  and 
a  committee  of  the  Colonial  Assembly,  a  correspondence  was  maintained  ; 
and  upon  their  representations,  the  agent  depended  for  a  knowledge  of 
the  state  of  the  colony.  Of  this  committee,  Mr.  Livingston  was  a  mem- 
ber. From  his  communications  and  those  of  his  colleagues,  Mr.  Burke 
doubtless  obtained  that  information  of  the  state  of  the  colonies,  which  he 
sometimes  brought  forward  to  the  perfect  surprise  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, and  upon  which  he  often  founded  arguments,  and  proposed 
measures,  which  were  not  to  be  resisted. 

Mr.  Livingston  regarded  with  patriotic  indignation,  the  measures  by 
which  the  British  ministry  thought  to  humble  the  spirit  of  the  colonies. 
His  avowed  sentiments,  and  the  prominent  part  he  had  always  taken  in 
favor  of  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  caused  him  to  be  elected,  in  1774,  a 
Delegate  to  the  Continental  Congress.  He  was  also  a  member  of  the 
distinguished  Congress  of  1776,  and  was  among  those  whose  names  afre 
enduringly  recorded  on  the  great  charter  of  their  country's  freedom  and 
national  existence.  He  was  re-elected  to  the  same  Assembly  the  follow- 
ing year,  and  was  also  chosen  a  Senator  to  the  State  Legislature,  after 
the  adoption  of  a  new  Constitution.  He  again  took  his  seat  in  Congress, 
in  May,  1778 ;  but  his  health  was  shockingly  impaired,  and  such  was 
the  nature  of  his  disease,  which  was  a  dropsy  in  the  chest,  that  no  ra- 
tional prospect  existed  of  his  recovery.  Before  his  departure  from 
Albany,  he  took  a  final  farewell  of  his  family  and  friends,  and  expressed 
his  conviction  that  he  should  not  live  to  see  them  again.  His  anticipa- 
tions proved  true.  From  the  period  of  his  return  to  Congress,  his  de- 
cline was  rapid ;  and  he  closed  his  valuable  life  on  the  12th  of  June, 
1778.  Suitable  demonstrations  of  respect  to  his  memory  were  paid  by 
Congress ;  and  his  funeral  was  publicly  attended. 

Mr.  Livingston  married  the  daughter  of  Colonel  Dirck  Ten  Broeck, 
by  whom  he  had  several  children.  His  family  has  furnished  many  dis- 
tinguished characters.  Mr.  Livingston  was  amiable  in  his  disposition, 
and  a  firm  believer  in  the  great  truths  of  Christianity.  He  died  respect- 
ed and  esteemed  by  all  who  knew  him. 


391 


THOMAS     LYNCH. 

THOMAS  LYNCH  was  bom  on  the  5th  of  August,  1749,  at  Prince 
George's  Parish,  in  South  Carolina. 

Before  he  had  reached  the  age  of  thirteen  years,  young  Lynch  was 
sent  to  England  for  his  education.  Having  passed  some  time  at  the 
institution  of  Eaton,  he  was  entered  a  member  of  the  University  of  Cam- 
bridge, the  degrees  of  which  college  he  received  in  due  course.  He  left 
Cambridge  with  a  high  reputation  for  classical  attainments,  and  virtues 
of  character  ;  and  entered  his  name  at  the  Temple,  with  a  view  to  the 
profession  of  law.  After  applying  himself  assiduously  to  the  study  of 
jurisprudence,  and  enriching  himself  both  in  mind  and  manners,  with  the 
numberless  accomplishments  of  a  gentleman,  he  returned  to  South  Caro- 
lina, after  an  absence  of  eight  or  nine  years. 

In  1775,  on  the  raising  of  the  first  South  Carolina  regiment  of  provin- 
cial regulars,  Mr.  Lynch  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  a  company. 
Unfortunately,  on  his  march  to  Charleston,  at  the  head  of  his  men,  he 
was  attacked  by  a  violent  fever,  which  greatly  injured  his  constitution, 
and  from  the  effects  of  which,  he  never  afterwards  wholly  recovered. 
He  joined  his  regiment,  but  the  enfeebled  state  of  his  health  prevented 
him  from  performing  the  exertions,  which  he  considered  incumbent  upon 
him.  Added  to  this,  he  received  afflicting  intelligence  of  the  illness  of 
his  father,  at  Philadelphia,  and  resolved  to  make  arrangements  to  depart 
for  that  city.  Upon  applying  for  a  furlough,  however,  he  was  denied 
by  the  commanding  officer,  Colonel  Gadsden.  But  being  opportunely 
elected  to  Congress,  as  the  successor  of  his  father,  he  was'  repaid  for 
his  disappointment,  and  lost  no  time  in  hastening  to  Philadelphia. 

The  health  of  the  younger  Mr.  Lynch,  soon  after  joining  Congress, 
began  to  decline  with  the  most  alarming  rapidity.  He  continued,  how- 
ever, his  attendance  upon  that  body,  until  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence had  been  voted,  and  his  signature  affixed  to  it.  He  then  set  out 
for  Carolina  in  company  with  his  father  ;  but  the  life  of  the  latter  was 
terminated  at  Annapolis,  by  a  second  paralytic  attack. 

Soon  after  this  afflicting  event,  a  change  of  climate  was  recommended 
to  Mr.  Lynch,  as  presenting  the  only  chance  of  his  recovery.  He  em- 
barked with  his  wife,  on  board  a  vessel  proceeding  to  St.  Eustatia,  de- 
signing to  proceed  by  a  circuitous  route  to  the  south  of  France.  From 
the  time  of  their  sailing,  nothing  more  has  been  known  of  their 
fate !  Various  rumors  for  a  time  were  in  circulation,  which  served  to 
keep  their  friends  in  painful  suspense ;  but  the  conclusion  finally  adopt- 
ed was,  that  the  vessel  must  have  foundered  at  sea,  and  the  faithful  pair 
been  consigned  to  a  watery  grave. 


392 


THOMAS    M'KEAN. 

THOMAS  M'KEAN  was  of  Irish  descent,  and  born  in  New-London, 
Chester  county,  Pennsylvania,  on  the  19th  of  March,  1734.  After  com- 
pleting the  regular  course  of  school  instruction,  he  was  entered  as  a 
student  at  law,  in  the  office  of  David  Finney,  who  resided  in  New  Cas- 
tle, in  Delaware.  Before  he  had  attained  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  he 
commenced  the  practice  of  the  law,  in  the  Courts  of  Common  Pleas,  for 
the  counties  of  New-Castle,  Kent,  and  Sussex,  and  also  in  the  Supreme 
Court.  In  1757,  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar  of  the  Supreme  Court  in 
Pennsylvania,  and  was  elected  Clerk  of  the  House  of  Assembly. 

The  political  career  of  Mr.  M'Kean  commenced  in  1762,  at  which 
time  he  was  returned  a  member  of  the  Assembly  from  the  county  of 
New-Castle.  This  county  he  continued  to  represent  in  the  same  body 
for  several  successive  years,  although  the  last  six  years  of  that  period,  he 
spent  ki  Philadelphia. 

A  Congress,  usually  called  the  Stamp  Act  Congress,  assembled  in 
New  York  in  1765,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  a  redress  of  the  grievanc- 
es under  which  the  colonies  then  labored.  Of  this  memorable  body, 
Mr.  M'Kean  was  a  member,  along  with  James  Otis,  and  other  celebrated 
men. 

A  short  time  previous  to  the  meeting  of  the  Congress  of  1774,  Mr. 
M'Kean  took  up  his  permanent  residence  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 
The  people  of  the  lower  counties  on  the  Delaware,  were  desirous  that  he 
should  represent  them  in  that  body,  and  he  was  accordingly  elected  as 
their  Delegate.  On  the  3d  of  September,  he  took  his  seat  in  Congress. 
From  this  time  until  the  1st  of  February,  1783,  a  period  of  eight  years 
and  a  half,  he  was  annually  chosen  a  member  of  the  great  National 
Council.  At  the  same  lime,  Mr.  M'Kean  represented  Delaware  in  Con- 
gress ;  he  was  President  of  it  in  1781,  and  from  July,  1777,  was  the 
Chief  Justice  of  Pennsylvania. 

Mr.  M'Kean  was,  from  the  first,  decidedly  in  favor  of  a  Declaration  of 
Independence.  He  subscribed  his  name  to  th6  original  instrument,  but, 
by  some  mistake,  it  was  omitted  in  the  copy  published  in  the  journals  of 
Congress. 

At  the  time  Congress  passed  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  the 
situation  of  Washington  and  his  army  in  New  Jersey,  was  extremely 
precarious.  On  the  5th  of  July,  it  was  agreed  by  several  public  com- 
mittees in  Philadelphia,  to  dispatch  all  the  associated  militia  of  the  State 
to  the  assistance  of  Washington.  Mr.  M'Kean  was  at  this  time  Colonel 
of  a  regiment  of  associated  militia.  A  few  days  subsequent  to  the  De- 
claration of  Independence,  he  was  on  his  way  to  Perth  Amboy,  in  New 
Jersey,  at  the  head  of  his  battalion. 

The  associate  militia  being  at  length  discharged,  Mr.  M'Kean  returned 
to  Philadelphia,  and  was  present  in  Congress  on  the  2d  of  August,  when 
the  engrossed  copy  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  signed  by 
the  members.  A  few  days  after  this,  receiving  intelligence  of  his  being 
elected  a  member  of  the  Convention  in  Delaware,  assembled  for  the  pur- 


ARTHUR   MIDDLETON.  393 

pose  of  forming  a  Constitution  for  that  State,  he  departed  for  Dover. 
Although  excessively  fatigued,  on  his  arrival,  at  the  request  of  a  committee 
of  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  he  retired  to  his  room  in  the  public  inn, 
where  he  was  employed  the  whole  night  in  preparing  a  Constitution  for 
the  future  government  of  the  State.  This  he  did  without  the  least 
assistance,  and  even  without  the  aid  of  a  book.  At  ten  o'clock  the  next 
morning  it  was  presented  to  the  Convention,  by  whom  it  was  unanimous- 
ly adopted. 

In  1777,  Mr.  M'Kean  was  chosen  President  of  the  State  of  Delaware, 
and  during  the  same  year  was  appointed  Chief  Justice  of  Pennsylvania. 
The  duties  of  the  latter  station  he  discharged  with  great  dignity  and 
impartiality  for  twenty-two  years.  At  the  time  of  his  accepting  these 
offices,  he  was  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Assembly,  and  member  of  Con- 
gress. He  was  chosen  President  of  Congress  in  1781 ;  and  his  conduct 
in  the  chair  was  highly  honorable  and  satisfactory. 

Mr.  M'Kean  was  a  delegate  from  Philadelphia,  in  1787,  to  the  Con- 
vention assembled  to  ratify  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  He 
was  a  principal  leader  in  this  assembly,  and  was  an  able  and  eloquent 
advocate  for  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution ;  declaring  it  to  be,  in  his 
consideration,  "  the  best  the  world  had  yet  seen." 

In  1799  he  was  elected  a  Governor  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
his  administration  continued  for  nine  years.  His  course  was  ultimately 
beneficial  to  the  State ;  but  the  numerous  removals  from  office  of  his 
political  opponents  produced  considerable  excitement,  and  perhaps  placed 
his  character  in  an  unamiable  light.  During  the  years  1807  and  1808, 
an  attempt  was  made  to  impeach  him  of  certain  crimes  and  misdemeanors  ; 
and  an  inquiry  was  instituted  by  the  Legislature  into  his  official  conduct. 
The  result  was  an  honorable  acquittal  from  the  charges  alleged,  and  a 
total  vindication  of  his  character. 

In  1808,  Mr.  M'Kean  retired  from  public  life,  having  discharged  the 
duties  of  a  great  variety  of  offices  with  much  ability  and  reputation. 
He  died  on  the  24th  of  June,  1817,  in  the  eighty-third  year  of  his  age. 

' 


ARTHUR    MIDDLETON. 

ARTHUR  MIDDLETON  was  born  in  the  year  1743,  in  South  Carolina, 
near  the  banks  of  the  Ashley.  At  the  age  of  twelve  years,  he  was  sent 
to  the  school  of  Hackney,  near  London ;  and  two  years  afterwards  was 
sent  to  the  school  of  Westminster.  Here  he  soon  became  a  proficient  in 
classical  literature,  and  gained  the  reputation  of  being  an  excellent  Greek 
scholar.  After  several  years  spent  in  obtaining  his  education,  and  in 
foreign  travel,  Mr.  Middleton  returned  to  South  Carolina. 

Soon  after  his  return  he  married,  and  again  embarked  for  Europe, 
accompanied  by  his  Avife.  He  possessed  a  great  fondness  for  travelling, 
and  during  this  tour  visited  many  places  in  England,  and  the  principal 
50 


394  LEWIS   MORRIS. 

places  of  France  and  Spain.  In  1773,  Mr.  Middleton  again  returned  to 
America,  and  settled  on  the  delightful  banks  of  the  Ashley. 

In  the  spring  of  1775,  Mr.  Arthur  Middleton  was  chosen  one  of  a 
secret  committee,  who  were  authorized  to  place  the  colony  in  a  state  of 
defence ;  and  in  June,  the  Provincial  Assembly  of  South  Carolina  ap- 
pointed him  a  member  of  the  Council  of  Safety.  In  the  following  year 
he  was  chosen  on  a  committee  to  prepare  a  Constitution  for  the  colony. 
Shortly  afterwards  he  was  elected  a  delegate  from  South  Carolina  to  the 
Congress  assembled  at  Philadelphia.  Here  he  had  an  opportunity  of 
inscribing  his  name  on  the  great  charter  of  American  liberty.  At  the 
close  of  the  year  1777,  he  resigned  his  seat,  leaving  behind  a  character 
for  the  purest  patriotism  and  the  most  fearless  decision. 

In  1778,  Mr.  Middleton  was  elected  to  the  chair  of  Governor  of 
South  Carolina,  which  office  had  been  left  vacant  in  consequence  of 
the  resignation  of  John  Rutledge,  who  had  refused  his  assent  to  the 
new  Constitution  formed  by  the  Legislature.  But  candidly  avowing  the 
same  sentiments  with  the  late  Governor,  Mr.  Middleton  conscientiously 
refused  to  accept  the  appointment,  under  the  Constitution  which  had  been 
adopted.  The  Assembly  proceeded  to  another  choice,  and  elected  Mr. 
Lowndes  to  fill  the  vacancy,  who  gave  his  sanction  to  the  new  Constitu- 
tion. 

In  the  year  1779,  many  of  the  southern  plantations  were  ravaged  by 
the  enemy,  and  that  of  Mr.  Middleton  did  not  escape.  His  valuable 
collection  of  paintings  was  much  injured,  but  his  family  were  fortunately 
absent  from  the  place.  On  the  surrender  of  Charleston,  Mr.  Middleton 
was  taken  prisoner,  and,  with  several  others,  was  sent  by  sea  to  St.  Au- 
gustine, in  East  Florida,  where  he  was  kept  in  confinement  for  nearly  a 
year.  At  length,  in  July,  1781,  he  was  exchanged,  and  proceeded  in  a 
cartel  to  Philadelphia.  On  his  arrival  there,  he  was  appointed  a  repre- 
sentative in  Congress,  to  which  office  he  was  also  elected  the  following 
year. 

In  1783,  Mr.  Middleton  declined  accepting  a  seat  in  Congress,  but  was 
afterwards  occasionally  a  member  of  the  State  Legislature.  He  died  on 
the  1st  of  January,  1787. 


LEWIS    MORRIS. 

LEWIS  MORRIS  was  born  at  the  manor  of  Morrisania,  in  the  State  of 
New  York,  in  the  year  1726.  He  was  educated  at  Yale  College,  of  which 
institution  he  received  the  honors.  On  his  return  home,  he  devoted 
himself  to  agriculture.  When  the  dissensions  with  the  mother  country 
began,  he  was  in  a  most  fortunate  condition ;  with  an  ample  estate,  a 
fine  family,  an  excellent  constitution,  literary  taste,  and  general  occupa- 
tions, of  which  he  was  fond.  He  renounced  at  once  all  these  comforts 
and  attractions,  in  order  to  assert  the  rights  of  his  country.  He  was 
elected  a  delegate  from  New  York  to  the  Congress  of  1775,  wherein  he 


ROBERT  MORRIS.  395 

served  on  the  most  important  committees.  He  was  placed  on  a  conmit- 
tee  of  which  Washington  was  chairman,  to  devise  means  to  supply  the 
colonies  with  ammunition ;  and  was  appointed  to  the  artiUous  task  of 
detaching  the  western  Indians  from  a  coalition  with  Great  Britain.  On 
this  errand,  he  repaired  to  Pittsburg,  and  acted  with  great  zeal  and 
address.  In  the  beginning  of  1776,  he  resumed  his  seat  in  Congress, 
where  he  continued  a  laborious  and  very  useful  member. 

When  the  subject  of  independence  began  to  be  openly  talked  of  among 
the  people  of  America,  in  none  of  the  colonies  was  a  greater  unwilling- 
ness to  the  measure  betrayed  than  among  the  inhabitants  of  New  York. 
There  were  many,  however,  who  were  the  determined  opposers  of  all 
farther  attempts  at  compromise ;  and  among  the  latter  was  Mr.  Morris. 
When  he  signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  it  was  at  the  most 
obvious  risk  of  his  rich  and  beautiful  estate,  the  dispersion  of  his  family, 
and  the  ruin  of  his  domestic  enjoyments  and  hopes.  He  manifested  on 
the  occasion  a  degree  of  patriotism  and  disinterestedness,  which  few  had 
it  in  their  power  to  display. 

It  happened  as  was  anticipated.  The  beautiful  manor  of  Morrisania 
was  laid  waste  by  the  hostile  army ;  and  a  tract  of  woodland  of  more 
than  a  thousand  acres  in  extent  was  destroyed.  Few  men  during  the 
Revolution  were  called  to  make  greater  sacrifices  than  Mr.  Morris ;  and 
none  could  make  them  more  cheerfully. 

He  quitted  Congress  in  1777,  and  was  afterwards  a  member  of  the 
State  Legislature,  and  a  Major  General  of  militia.  His  latter  years  were 
devoted  to  the  pursuit  of  agriculture  ;  his  fondness  for  which  was  an  amia- 
ble trait  in  his  character.  He  died,  very  generally  esteemed,  on  his 
paternal  estate,  in  January,  1798,  at  the  age  of  seventy-one  years. 


ROBERT   MORRIS. 

ROBERT  MORRIS,  the  great  financier  of  the  American  Revolution,  was 
born  in  Lancashire,  England,  January,  1733-4,  0.  S.,  of  respecta- 
ble parentage.  His  father  embarked  for  America,  and  caused  him  to 
follow  at  the  age  of  thirteen.  He  received  a  respectable  education,  and 
before  he  reached  his  fifteenth  year,  was  placed  in  the  counting-house  of 
Mr.  Charles  Willing,  at  that  time  one  of  the  first  merchants  at  Philadel- 
phia. His  diligence  and  capacity  gained  him  the  full  confidence  of  Mr. 
Willing,  after  whose  death,  he  entered  into  partnership  with  his  son, 
Thomas  Willing,  subsequently  President  of  the  bank  of  the  United 
States.  This  connexion  lasted  from  the  year  1754  until  1793, — a 
period  of  thirty-nine  years. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  American  Revolution,  Mr.  Morris  was 
more  extensively  engaged  in  commerce  than  any  other  merchant  of  Phi- 
ladelphia. He  zealously  opposed  the  encroachments  of  the  British  Go- 
vernment on  the  liberties  of  the  colonists,  and  embraced  the  popular 
cause,  at  the  imminent  sacrifice  of  his  private  interest  and  wealth.  He 


&96  ROBERT   MORRIS. 

declared  himself  immediately  against  the  stamp  act,  signed,  without  hesi- 
tation, the  non-importation  agreement  of  1765,  and,  in  so  doing,  made  a 
direct  sacrifice  of  trade. 

In  1775,  Mr.  Morris  was  elected,  by  the  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania, 
a  delegate  to  the  second  General  Congress.  He  was  placed  upon  every 
committee  of  ways  and  means,  and  connected  with  all  the  deliberations 
and  arrangements  relative  to  the  navy,  maritime  affairs,  and  financial  in- 
terests. Besides  aiding  his  country  by  his  talents  for  business,  his  judg- 
ment, and  his  knowledge,  he  employed  his  extensive  credit  in  obtaining 
loans,  to  a  large  amount,  for  the  use  of  the  Government. 

In  May,  1777,  he  was  elected  a  third  time  to  Congress,  and  continued 
to  be  the  chief  director  of  the  financial  operations  of  the  Government. 
In  1780,  he  proposed  the  establishment  of  a  bank,  the  chief  object  of 
which  was,  to  supply  the  army  with  provisions.  He  headed  the  list 
with  a  subscription  of  ten  thousand  pounds ;  and  others  followed  to  the 
amount  of  three  hundred  thousand  pounds.  The  institution  was  esta- 
blished, and  continued  until  the  bank  of  North  America  went  into  opera- 
aon  in  the  following  year. 

In  1781,  Mr.  Morris  was  appointed,  by  Congress,  Superintendent  of 
Finance.  The  state  of  the  treasury,  when  he  was  appointed  to  its  su- 
perintendence, was  as  bad  as  possible.  Abroad,  the  public  credit  was 
every  moment  in  danger  of  annihilation.  At  home,  the  greatest  public, 
as  well  as  private  distress,  prevailed.  The  treasury  was  so  much  in 
arrears  to  the  servants  of  the  public  offices,  that  many  of  them  could  not 
without  payment  perform  their  duties,  but  must  have  gone  to  jail  for 
debts  they  had  contracted  to  enable  them  to  live.  It  was  even  asserted, 
by  some  of  the  members  of  the  board  of  war,  that  they  had  not  the 
means  of  sending  an  express  to  the  army.  But  the  wasted  and  prostrate 
skeleton  of  public  credit  sprung  to  life  and  action  at  the  reviving  touch 
of  Robert  Morris.  The  face  of  things  was  suddenly  changed.  Public 
and  private  credit  was  restored ;  and  it  has  been  said,  that  "  the  Ameri- 
cans owe  as  much  acknowledgment  to  the  financial  operations  of  Robert 
Morris,  as  to  the  negociations  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  or  even  the  arms 
of  George  Washington." 

The  establishment  of  the  bank  of  North  America  was  one  of  his  first 
and  most  beneficial  measures  ;  an  institution  which  he  himself  planned, 
and  to  forward  which,  he  pledged  his  personal  credit  to  an  immense 
amount. 

In  1786,  Mr.  Morris  was  chosen  to  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania ; 
and  the  same  year  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Convention  which 
framed  the  Federal  Constitution.  For  the  adoption  of  the  present  sys- 
tem, he  was  one  of  the  most  strenuous  advocates.  In  1788,  the  Gene- 
ral Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  appointed  him  to  represent  the  State  in  the 
first  Senate  of  the  United  States,  which  assembled  in  New  York.  He 
was  a  fluent  and  impressive  speaker;  and  wrote  with  great  ease  and 
power.  His  conversation  was  replete  with  interest  and  instruction. 
When  the  Federal  Government  was  organized,  Washington  offered  him 
tne  post  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  which  he  declined ;  and,  being 
requested  to  designate  a  person  for  it,  he  named  General  Hamilton.  At 


JOHN    MORTON.  39? 

the  conclusion  of  the  war,  he  was  among  the  first  who  engaged  in  tb& 
East  India  and  China  trade.  He  was,  also,  the  first  who  made  an  at- 
tempt to  effect  what  is  termed  an  out  of  season  passage  to  China. 

In  his  latter  days,  Mr.  Morris  embarked  in  vast  land  speculations, 
which  proved  fatal  to  his  fortune.  The  man  who  had  so  immensely  con- 
tributed to  our  national  existence  and  independence,  passed  the  closing 
years  of  his  life  in  a  prison ;  a  beautiful  commentary  upon  those  laws 
which  make  no  distinction  between  guilt  and  misfortune,  and  condemn 
the  honest  debtor  to  the  punishment  of  the  convicted  felon !  He  died  on 
the  8th  of  May,  1806,  in  the  seventy-third  year  of  his  age. 

Until  the  period  of  his  impoverishment,  the  house  of  Mr.  Morris  was 
a  scene  of  the  most  lavish  hospitality.  It  Was  open,  for  nearly  half  a 
century,  to  all  the  respectable  strangers  who  visited  Philadelphia.  He 
was  active  in  the  acquisition  of  money,  but  no  one  more  freely  parted 
with  his  gains.  No  one  pursued  a  more  enlightened  policy,  or  mani- 
fested through  life  a  greater  degree  of  humanity,  virtue,  energy,  and 
gentlemanly  spirit,  than  Robert  Morris. 


JOHN    MORTON, 

JOHN  MORTON  was  born  in  the  county  of  Chester,  (now  De1"-1vare,)  in 
Pennsylvania.  His  ancestors  were  of  Swedish  exf-xction  ;  and  nis  father 
died  a  few  months  previous  to  his  birth. 

About  the  year  1 764,  Mr.  Morton  was  sent  as  a  delegate  to  the  General 
Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  of  which  he  continued  for  several  years  an 
active  and  distinguished  member.  He  was  also  appointed  to  attend  the 
General  Congress  at  New  York.  In  1766,  he  was  made  sheriff  of  the 
county  in  which  he  resided,  and,  shortly  after,  was  elevated  to  a  seat  on 
the  bench,  in  the  Superior  Court  of  Pennsylvania.  He  was  deputed  to 
the  Congress  of  1774 ;  and  continued  to  represent  Pennsylvania  in  that 
assembly  through  the  memorable  session  of  1776.  On  the  question  of 
declaring  independence,  in  the  latter  year,  the  delegation  from  Pennsyl- 
vania being  divided,  Mr.  Morton  gave  his  casting  vote  in  the  affirmative. 
This  was  an  act  of  great  intrepidity,  under  all  the  circumstances  of  the 
case ;  and  placed  upon  him  a  fearful  load  of  responsibility.  But  he  did 
not  hesitate  to  assume  it.  The  enemies  of  the  measure  were  exasperated 
at  his  conduct ;  but  on  his  death-bed,  he  desired  his  attendants  to  tell  his 
revilers,  that  the  hour  would  come,  when  it  would  be  acknowledged,  that 
his  vote  in  favor  of  American  Independence  was  the  most  illustrious  act 
of  his  life.  It  is  needless  to  observe  how  fully  and  comprehensively 
his  prophetic  annunciation  has  been  fulfilled. 

In  1777,  Mr.  Morton  assisted  in  organizing  a  system  of  confederation 
for  the  colonies,  and  was  chairman  of  the  committee  of  the  whole,  at  the 
time  when  it  was  agreed  to.  Dur'ng  the  same  year,  he  was  seized  with  an 
inflammatory  fever.,  and  died  on  the  15th  of  November,  in  the  fifty -fourth 
year  of  his  age.  He  left  behind  a  character  for  piety,  liberality,  and 
patriotism,  which  his  actions  are  sufficient  to  substantiate. 


398 


THOMAS    NELSON,    JUN. 

THOMAS  NELSON  was  born  at  York,  in  Virginia,  on  the  26th  of  Decem- 
ber, 1738.  At  the  age  of  fourteen,  he  was  sent  to  England;  and  placed 
at  a  private  school  in  the  neighborhood  of  London.  He  was  afterwards 
removed  to  the  University  of  Cambridge,  where  he  enjoyed  the  instruc- 
tion of  the  eminent  Doctor  Porteus,  subsequently  Bishop  of  London. 
About  the  close  of  1761,  he  returned  to  his  native  country,  and,  in  the 
following  year,  married  the  daughter  of  Philip  Grymes,  Esq.,  of  Bran- 
don. His  ample  fortune  enabled  him  to  indulge  his  spirit  of  hospitality 
;o  its  fullest  extent,  and  to  live  in  a  style  of  unusual  elegance. 

It  is  not  determined  with  certainty  at  what  period  the  political  career  of 
Mr.  Nelson  commenced.  He  was  a  member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses 
in  1774,  and  during  the  same  year  was  deputed  to  the  first  general  Con- 
vention of  the  province  which  met  at  Williamsburg  on  the  1st  of  Au- 
gust. The  next  year  he  was  again  returned  a  member  to  the  General 
Convention,  and  introduced  a  resolution  for  organizing  a  military  force 
in  the  province. 

In  July,  1775,  Mr.  Nelson  was  appointed  a  delegate  from  Virginia  to 
the  General  Congress  about  to  assemble  at  Philadelphia.  He  retained 
his  seat  in  this  body  until  1777.  In  May  of  that  year,  he  was  obliged 
to  resign  all  serious  occupation,  in  consequence  of  a  disease  in  the  head. 
When  relieved  from  this  malady,  his  energies  were  again  called  into 
action,  and  he  was  appointed  Brigadier  General  and  Commander  in  chief 
of  the  forces  of  the  commonwealth.  In  this  office,  he  rendered  the  most 
important  service  to  his  country,  and  in  times  of  emergency  often  advan- 
ced money,  to  carry  forward  the  military  operations.  In  1779,  he  was 
again  chosen  to  Congress ;  but  a  close  application  to  business  produced 
a  recurrence  of  his  former  complaint,  and  he  was  again  compelled  to 
return  home. 

Soon  after  his  recovery,  General  Nelson  entered  with  animation  into 
several  military  expeditions  against  the  British,  who,  at  that  time,  were 
making  the  southern  States  the  chief  theatre  of  war.  It  was  owing  to 
his  measures  that  the  army  was  kept  together,  until  the  capture  of  York- 
town  terminated  the  war.  For  this  service,  Governor  Nelson  had  the 
pleasure  of  receiving  the  acknowledgments  of  Washington,  who,  in  his 
general  orders  of  the  20th  of  October,  1781,  thus  spoke  of  him :  "  The 
General  would  be  guilty  of  the  highest  ingratitude,  a  crime  of  which  he 
hopes  he  shall  never  be  accused,  if  he  forgot  to  return  his  sincere 
acknowledgments  to  his  Excellency  Governor  Nelson,  for  the  succors 
which  he  received  from  him,  and  the  militia  under  his  command,  to 
whose  activity,  emulation,  and  bravery,  the  highest  praises  are  due." 

A  month  subsequent  to  the  surrender  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  Governor 
Nelson  resigned  his  station  in  consequence  of  ill  health,  and  immediately 
afterwards  was  accused,  by  his  enemies,  of  having  transcended  his  powers 
in  acting  without  the  consent  of  his  council ;  but  he  was  honorably 
acquitted  by  the  Legislature,  before  whom  the  charge  was  preferred. 
He  died  on  the  4th  of  January,  1789,  just  after  he  had  completed  his 
fiftieth  year. 


399 


WILLIAM    PACA. 

WILLIAM  PACA  was  born  on  the  31st  of  October,  1740.  He  was  the 
second  son  of  John  Paca,  a  gentleman  of  large  estate,  who  resided  in 
Hartford  county,  Maryland.  After  receiving  his  degree  of  bachelor  of 
arts  at  the  College  of  Philadelphia,  in  1759,  he  studied  law,  and,  when 
admitted  to  the  bar,  established  himself  at  Annapolis. 

In  1771,  Mr.  Paca  Avas  chosen  a  representative  of  the  county  in  the 
Legislature.  At  this  time  much  contention  existed  between  the  proprie- 
tary government  of  Maryland,  and  the  people.  Mr.  Paca,  who  repre- 
sented the  people  in  this  body,  proved  himself  a  staunch  and  determined 
assertor  of  their  rights,  which  no  one  more  clearly  understood.  He 
zealously  opposed  the  avaricious  proceedings  of  the  Proprietor  and  his 
partizans ;  and  manifested  on  all  occasions  a  settled  hostility  to  tyranny 
and  oppression. 

Mr.  Paca  was  a  delegate  from  Maryland  to  the  Continental  Congress 
of  1774 ;  and  was  re-appointed  to  the  same  station  until  the  year  1778 
at  the  close  of  which  he  retired.  He  was  an  open  advocate  for  a  Decla 
ration  of  Independence,  as  were  several  of  his  colleagues.  A  majority 
of  the  people  of  Maryland,  however,  were  not  prepared  for  such  a 
measure.  A  change  was  afterwards  effected  among  the  people  in  relation 
to  this  subject.  The  Convention  of  Maryland  recalled  their  prohibitory 
instructions  to  their  delegates  ;  and  Mr.  Paca  gladly  received  permission 
to  vote  according  to  the  dictates  of  his  own  fearless  and  unshackled  judg- 
ment. 

In  1778,  Mr.  Paca  was  appointed  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  Maryland,  an  office  which  he  continued  to  exercise  with  great  ability 
until  1780,  when  he  was  made  by  Congress  Chief  Judge  of  the  Court  of 
Appeals  in  prize  and  admiralty  cases.  In  1782,  he  was  elected  Governor 
of  his  native  State.  He  was  distinguished  for  great  correctness  and 
integrity  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  this  station,  and  manifested  a 
peculiar  regard  for  the  interests  of  religion  and  literature.  At  the  close 
of  the  year  he  retired  to  private  life.  In  1786,  he  again  accepted  the 
executive  chair,  and  continued  in  it  for  a  year.  On  the  organization  of 
the  Federal  Government,  in  1789,  he  received  from  Washington  the 
appointment  of  Judge  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  Ma- 
ryland. This  office  he  held  until  the  year  1799,  when  he  died  in  the 
sixtieth  year  of  his  age. 


ROBERT    TREAT    PAINE. 

ROBERT  TREAT  PAINE  was  born  in  Boston,  in  1731. 

At  the  age  of  fourteen  years,  he  became  a  member  of  Harvard  college, 
and  after  leaving  it,  kept,  for  a  period,  a  public  school,  the  fortune  of  his 
father  having  been  considerably  reduced.  With  the  view  of  obtaining 


400  ROBERT    TREAT    PAINE. 

more  ample  means  for  the  maintenance  of"  his  parents,  he  also  made  a 
voyage  to  Europe.  Before  entering  on  the  study  of  the  law,  he  devoted 
some  time  to  the  subject  of  theology.  In  1775,  he  acted  as  chaplain  to 
the  troops  of  the  provinces  at  the  northward,  and  afterwards  preached  oc- 
casionally in  other  places.  At  length  he  applied  himself  earnestly  to  the 
study  of  the  law.  On  being  admitted  to  the  bar,  he  established  himself 
at  Taunton,  in  the  county  of  Bristol,  where  he  resided  for  many  years. 
In  1768,  he  was  chosen  a  Delegate  from  that  town  to  the  Convention 
called  by  the  leading  men  of  Boston,  in  consequence  of  the  abrupt  dis- 
solution of  the  General  Court,  by  Governor  Bernard. 

In  1770,  Mr.  Paine  was  engaged  in  the  celebrated  trial  of  Captain 
Preston,  and  his  men,  for  the  part  which  they  acted  in  the  well  known 
Boston  massacre.  On  this  occasion,  in  the  absence  of  the  Attorney 
General,  he  conducted  the  prosecution  on  the  part  of  the  crown.  He 
managed  the  case  with  great  credit  and  ability,  and  received  from  it  a 
considerable  degree  of  distinction.  In  1773,  he  was  elected  a  Represen- 
tative to  the  General  Assembly  from  Taunton ;  and  was  afterwards 
chosen  a  member  of  the  Continental  Congress,  which  met  at  Philadel- 
phia. The  following  year  he  was  re-elected. 

Of  the  Congress  of  1776,  Mr.  Paine  was  also  a  member ;  and  to  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  gave  his  vote  and  signed  his  name. 

In  1780,  Mr.  Paine  was  sent  to  the  Convention  which  met  to  delibe- 
rate respecting  a  Constitution  for  the  State  of  Massachusetts ;  and  of  the 
committee  which  framed  the  instrument  he  was  a  conspicuous  member. 
Under  the  government  organized,  he  was  appointed  Attorney  General,  an 
office  which  he  held  until  1790,  when  he  was  transferred  to  a  seat  on  the 
bench  of  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court.  In  this  station,  he  continued  till  his 
seventy-third  year.  His  legal  attainments  were  extensive  ;  and  he  dis- 
charged his  judicial  functions  with  the  most  rigid  impartiality.  Indeed, 
his  strict  fidelity  sometimes  gave  him  the  reputation  of  unnecessary  se- 
verity ;  but  the  charge  could  only  have  proceeded  from  the  lawless  and 
licentious.  His  memory  was  uncommonly  retentive ;  and  bis  conversa- 
tion was  marked  by  great  brilliancy  of  wit,  and  quickness  of  apprehen- 
sion. If  he  sometimes  indulged  in  raillery,  he  evinced  no  ill  humor  at 
•  being  the  subject  of  it  in  his  turn.  He  was  an  excellent  scholar ;  and  to 
literary  and  religious  institutions  rendered  important  services.  The 
death  of  Judge  Paine  occurred  on  the  llth  of  May,  1814  ;  he  having  at- 
tained the  age  of  eighty-four  years. 

He  was  a  founder  of  the  American  Academy,  established  in  Massachu- 
setts in  1780,  and  continued  his  services  to  it  until  his  death.  The 
degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws  was  conferred  on  him  by  Harvard  College. 


401 

JOHN   PENN. 

JOHN  PENN  was  born  in  Caroline  county,  Virginia,  on  the  17th  of 
May,  1741.  His  early  education  was  greatly  neglected;  and  at  his  fa- 
ther's death,  in  1759,  he  became  the  sole  manager  of  the  fortune  left  him, 
which,  though  not  large,  was  competent. 

At  the  age  of  twenty-one,  he  was  licensed  as  a  practitioner  of  law. 
He  rose  rapidly  into  notice ;  and  was  soon  eminently  distinguished  as  an 
advocate. 

In  1744,  Mr.  Penn  moved  to  the  province  of  North  Carolina,  where  he 
attained  as  high  a  rank  in  his  profession,  as  he  had  done  in  Virginia.  The 
following  year  he  was  chosen  a  Delegate  from  North  Carolina  to  the 
General  Congress,  in  which  body  he  took  his  seat  on  the  12th  of  Octo- 
ber. He  was  successively  re-elected  to  Congress,  in  the  years  1777, 
1778,  and  1779,  and  was  respected  for  his  promptitude  and  fidelity  in 
the  discharge  of  the  duties  f»*signed  him.  He  was  seldom  absent  from 
his  seat,  and  was  a  watchful  guardian  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  his 
constituents.  He  was  urgent  in  forwarding  the  measures  which  led  to 
the  total  emancipation  of  the  colonies. 

After  the  return  of  peace,  Mr.  Penn  betook  himself  to  private  retire- 
ment. The  even  tenor  of  his  way  was  marked  by  few  prominent  inci- 
dents after  this  period.  He  departed  from  this  world,  September,  1788, 
at  the  age  of  forty-six  years.  He  had  three  children,  two  of  whom  died 
unmarried. 


GEORGE   READ. 

GEORGE  READ  was  born  in  Maryland,  in  the  year  1734.  Being  de- 
signed by  his  parents  for  one  of  the  learned  professions,  he  was  placed 
at  a  seminary  at  Chester,  in  Pennsylvania.  Having  there  acquired  the 
rudiments  of  the  languages,  he  was  transferred  to  the  care  of  the  accom- 
plished Dr.  Allison,  with  whom  he  remained  until  his  seventeenth  year. 
He  was  then  placed  in  the  office  of  John  Morland,  Esq.,  a  lawyer  in  the 
city  of  Philadelphia,  for  the  purpose  of  fitting  himself  for  the  legal  pro- 
fessfctn. 

In  1753,  at  the  age  of  nineteen  years,  Mr.  Read  was  admitted  to  the 
bar.  In  the  year  following,  he  commenced  the  practice  of  the  law,  in  the 
town  of  New-Castle.  In  1763,  he  was  appointed  Attorney  General  of 
the  three  lower  counties  on  the  Delaware.  In  the  year  1765,  Mr.  Read 
was  elected  a  Representative  from  New-Castle  county,  to  the  General 
Assembly  of  Delaware,  a  post  which  he  occupied  for  twelve  years. 

On  the  first  of  August,  1774,  Mr.  Read  was  chosen  a  Delegate  from 

Delaware  to  the  Continental  Congress.     To  this  station  he  was  annually 

re-elected,  during  the  whole  revolutionary  war.     Mr.  Read  did  not  vote 

for  the  Declaration  of  Independence.     But  when,  at  length,  the  measure 

51 


402  C  JESAE   RODNEY. 

had  received  the  sanction  of  the  great  National  Council,  and  the  time 
arrived  for  signing  the  instrument,  Mr.  Read  affixed  his  signature  to  it, 
with  all  the  cordiality  of  those  who  had  voted  in  its  favor. 

Mr.  Read  was  President  of  the  Convention  which  formed  the  first  Con- 
stitution of  the  State  of  Delaware.  In  1782,  he  accepted  the  appoint- 
ment of  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Appeals,  in  admiralty  cases,  an  office 
which  he  held  until  the  abolition  of  the  court.  In  1787,  he  represented 
the  ^tate  of  Delaware,  in  the  Convention  which  framed  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  under  which  he  was  immediately  chosen  a  member 
of  the  Senate.  The  duties  of  this  exalted  station,  he  discharged  till 
1793,  when  he  accepted  of  a  seat  on  the  bench  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Delaware,  as  Chief  Justice.  He  died  in  this  office,  in  the  autumn  of 
1798. 

The  legal  attainments  of  Mr.  Read  were  extensive ;  and  his  decisions 
are  still  respected  as  precedents  of  no  slight  authority.  In  private  life  he 
was  esteemed  for  an  expanded  benevolence  to  all  around  him. 


RODNEY. 

RODNEY  was  a  native  of  Dover,  in  Delaware,  where  he  was 
born  about  the  year  1730.  He  inherited  from  his  father  a  large  landed 
estate.  At  the  age  of  twenty-eight,  he  was  appointed  High  Sheriff 
in  the  county  where  he  resided,  and  on  the  expiration  of  his  term 
of  service,  was  created  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  and  a  Judge  of  the 
lower  Courts.  In  1762,  and  perhaps  at  an  earlier  date,  he  represent- 
ed the  county  of  Kent,  in  the  Provincial  Legislature.  In  the  year 
1765,  he  was  sent  to  the  first  General  Congress,  which  assembled  at 
New  York,  to  adopt  the  necessary  measures  for  obtaining  a  repeal  of  the 
stamp  act,  and  other  odious  measures  of  the  British  ministry. 

In  1769,  Mr.  Rodney  was  elected  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, an  office  which  he  continued  to  fill  for  several  years.  About 
the  same  time,  he  was  appointed  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence with  the  other  colonies.  He  was  a  member  of  the  well- 
known  Congress  of  1774 ;  when  he  had  for  his  colleagues,  Thomas 
M'Kean,  and  George  Read. 

At  the  time  that  the  question  of  independence  came  before  Congress, 
Mr.  Rodney  was  absent  on  a  tour  of  duty,  in  the  southern  part  of  Dela- 
ware. Mr.  M'Kean,  and  Mr.  Read,  his  colleagues,  were  divided  upon 
the  subject.  Aware  of  the  importance  of  an  unanimous  vote,  Mr. 
M'Kean  dispatched,  at  his  private  expense,  an  express  into  Delaware,  to 
acquaint  Mr.  Rodney  of  the  delicate  posture  of  affairs,  and  to  hasten  his 
return  to  Philadelphia.  With  great  exertion,  he  arrived  on  the  spot, 
just  as  the  members  were  entering  the  door  of  the  State-House,  at  the 
final  discussion  of  the  subject. 

In  the  autumn  of  1776,  a  Convention  was  called  in  Delaware,  for  the 
purpose  of  framing  a  new  Constitution,  and  of  appointing  delegates  to 


GEORGE   ROSS.  403 

the  succeeding  Congress.  In  this  Convention,  the  influence  of  the  roy- 
alists proved  sufficiently  strong  to  deprive  Mr.  Rodney  of  his  seat  in  Con- 
gress. He  remained,  however,  a  member  of  the  Council  of  Safety,  and 
of  the  Committee  of  Inspection,  in  both  of  which  offices  he  exerted  him- 
self with  great  diligence.  In  1777,  he  repaired  in  person  to  the  camp 
near  Princeton,  where  he  remained  for  nearly  two  months,  in  the  most 
active  and  laborious  employment.  During  the  same  year,  he  was  re- 
appointed  a  delegate  to  Congress,  but,  before  taking  his  seat,  was  elected 
President  of  the  State.  In  the  latter  office  he  continued  for  about  four 
years,  at  the  close  of  which  period  he  retired  from  public  life.  He  was 
again  elected  to  Congress,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  he  ever  after  took 
his  seat  in  that  body.  A  cancer,  which  had  afflicted  him  for  some  time, 
and  which  had  greatly  disfigured  his  face,  now  increased  its  ravages, 
and,  in  the  early  part  of  the  year  1783,  brought  him  to  the  grave.  Mr. 
Rodney  was  distinguished  for  a  remarkable  degree  of  good  humor  and 
vivacity ;  and  in  generosity  of  character,  was  an  ornament  to  human 
nature. 


GEORGE    ROSS. 

GEORGE  Ross  was  born  at  New-Castle,  Delaware,  in  the  year  1730, 
At  the  age  of  eighteen,  he  entered  upon  the  study  of  the  law,  and  when 
admitted  to  the  bar  established  himself  at  Lancaster,  Pennsylvania. 
Here  he  married,  and  devoted  himself,  with  great  zeal  to  the  duties  of 
his  profession. 

Mr.  Ross  commenced  his  political  career  in  1768,  when  he  was  sent  a 
representative  to  the  Assembly  of  his  adopted  State.  Of  this  body  he 
continued  a  member  until  the  year  1774,  when  he  was  elected  a  Dele- 
gate to  the  Continental  Congress.  To  this  office  he  was  annually  re- 
elected  till  January,  1777,  when  he  retired.  The  high  sense  entertained 
by  his  constituents,  of  his  public  services  and  patriotism,  was  expressed, 
not  merely  by  thanks,  but  by  a  present  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds, 
This  offer  was  respectfully  but  firmly  declined. 

Mr.  Ross  was  an  active  and  influential  member  of  the  Provincial  Le- 
gislature. He  was  also  a  member  of  the  Convention  which  assembled 
to  prepare  a  declaration  of  rights  on  behalf  of  the  State,  and  to  define 
what  should  be  considered  high  treason  against  it.  In  1779,  he  was  ap- 
pointed a  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Admiralty,  for  the  State  of  Pennsylva- 
nia. In  July  of  the  same  year,  he  died  of  a  sudden  attack  of  the  gout, 
in  the  fiftieth  year  of  his  age.  He  left  behind  him  the  reputation  of  a 
thorough  and  skilful  lawyer,  a  consistent  politician,  and  an  estimable 
man. 


404 


BENJAMIN    RUSH. 

BENJAMIN  RUSH  was  born  in  Byberry,  Pennsylvania,  on  the  24th  of 
December,  1745.  His  father  died  when  he  was  only  six  years  of  age, 
and  the  care  of  his  education  devolved  upon  his  mother,  whose  prudent 
management  of  her  son  may  be  learned  from  the  result. 

After  completing  his  preparatory  studies,  he  was  entered,  in  1759,  a 
student  in  the  college  of  Princeton.  On  leaving  college,  he  commenced 
the  study  of  medicine,  under  the  superintendence  of  Dr.  Redman,  of  Phi- 
ladelphia. In  1766,  he  went  to  Edinburgh,  where  he  spent  two  years  at 
the  university  in  that  city,  and  from  which  he  received  the  degree  of  M.  D., 
in  1768.  The  next  winter  after  his  graduation  he  passed  in  London, 
and  having  visited  France,  he  returned,  in  the  autumn  of  the  same  year, 
to  Philadelphia,  and  commenced  the  practice  of  medicine.  In  1769,  he 
was  elected  professor  of  chemistry  in  the  college  of  Philadelphia ;  and 
was  afterwards  appointed  professor  of  the  institutes,  and  practice  of  medi- 
cine, and  of  clinical  practice,  in  the  same  university. 

In  the  year  1793,  Philadelphia  was  visited  by  that  horrible  scourge, 
the  yellow  fever.  For  some  time  after  its  commencement,  no  successful 
system  of  management  was  resorted  to.  Dr.  Rush  afterwards  met  with 
a  manuscript,  which  contained  an  account  of  the  yellow  fever,  as  it  pre- 
vailed in  Virginia,  in  1741,  and  which  was  given  to  him  by  Dr.  Frank- 
lin, and  had  been  written  by  Dr.  Mitchell,  of  Virginia.  In  this  manu- 
script, the  efficacy  of  powerful  evacuants  was  urged,  even  in  cases  of 
extreme  debility.  This  plan  Dr.  Rush  adopted,  and  imparted  the  pre- 
scription to  the  college  of  physicians.  An  immense  accession  of  busi- 
ness was  the  consequence,  and  his  mode  of  treatment  was  wonderfully 
successful.  The  following  entry,  dated  September  10th,  is  found  in  his 
notebook :  "  Thank  God,  out  of  one  hundred  patients,  whom  I  visited 
or  prescribed  for  this  day,  I  have  lost  none." 

Between  the  8th  and  15th  of  September,  Dr.  Rush  visited  and  pre- 
scribed for  a  hundred  and  a  hundred  and  twenty  patients  a  day.  In  the 
short  intervals  of  business,  which  he  spent  at  his  meals,  his  house  was 
filled  with  patients,  chiefly  the  poor,  waiting  for  his  gratuitous  advice. 
For  many  weeks  he  seldom  ate  without  prescribing  for  many  as  he  sat 
at  table.  While  thus  endangering  his  health  and  his  life  by  excess  of 
practice,  Dr.  Rush  received  repeated  letters  from  his  friends  in  the  coun- 
try, entreating  him  to  leave  the  city.  To  one  of  these  letters  he  replied, 
'  that  he  had  resolved  to  stick  to  his  principles,  his  practice,  and  his  pa- 
tients, to  the  last  extremity." 

The  incessant  labors  of  Dr.  Rush,  during  this  awful  visitation,  nearly 
prostrated  his  constitution ;  but  he  was  finally  so  far  restored  as  to  re- 
sume the  duties  of  his  profession.  His  mode  of  treatment  was  also 
called  into  question  by  many  of  his  contemporaries,  notwithstanding  the 
success  which  had  attended  it.  At  length  the  prejudices  against  him  infect- 
ed not  only  physicians,  but  a  considerable  part  of  the  community.  The 
public  journals  were  enlisted  against  him,  and  in  numerous  pamphlets 
his  system  was  attacked  with  great  severity.  He  was  even  called  a 


BENJAMIN  RUSH.  405 

murderer,  and  was  at  length  threatened  to  be  prosecuted  and  expelled 
the  city. 

Notwithstanding  the  great  labors  of  Dr.  Rush  as  a  lecturer  and  prac- 
titioner, he  was  a  voluminous  writer.  His  printed  works  consist  of  seven 
volumes,  six  of  which  treat  of  medical  subjects,  and  the  other  is  a  collec- 
tion of  essays,  literary,  moral,  and  philosophical.  He  was  a  constant 
and  indefatigable  scholar.  He  extracted  so  largely  from  the  magazine  of 
information  accumulated  in  the  mind  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  that  he 
once  mentioned  to  a  friend,  his  intention  of  writing  a  book  with  the  title 
of  Frankliniana,  in  which  he  proposed  to  collect  the  fragments  of  wis- 
dom, which  he  had  treasured  in  his  memory,  as  they  fell  in  conversation 
from  the  lips  of  that  great  man. 

Doctor  Rush  was  a  member  of  the  celebrated  Congress  of  1776,  which 
declared  these  States  free  and  independent.  The  impulse  given  to 
learning  and  science  by  this  event  he  used  to  estimate  of  incalculable 
value.  In  1777,  he  was  appointed  Physician  General  of  the  military 
hospital  in  the  middle  department.  In  1787,  he  became  a  member  of 
the  Convention  of  Pennsylvania,  for  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Consti- 
tution. This  instrument  received  his  warmest  approbation.  For  the 
last  fourteen  years  of  his  life,  he  was  Treasurer  for  the  United  States 
Mint,  by  appointment  of  President  Adams. 

Doctor  Rush  took  a  deep  interest  in  the  many  private  associations,  for 
the  advancement  of  human  happiness,  with  which  Pennsylvania  abounds. 
He  led  the  way  in  the  establishment  of  the  Philadelphia  Dispensary,  and 
was  the  principal  agent  in  founding  Dickinson  College,  in  Carlisle.  For 
some  years  he  was  President  of  the  Society  for  the  Abolition  of  Slavery, 
and  also  of  the  Philadelphia  Medical  Society.  He  was  a  founder  of  the 
Philadelphia  Bible  Society,  and  a  Vice-President  of  the  American  Philo- 
sophical Society.  He  was  an  honorary  member  of  many  of  the  literary 
institutions,  both  of  this  country  and  of  Europe.  In  1805,  he  was 
honored  by  the  King  of  Prussia,  with  a  medal,  for  his  replies  to  certain 
questions  on  the  yellow  fever.  On  a  similar  account,  he  was  presented 
with  a  gold  medal  in  1807,  from  the  Queen  of  Etruria;  and  in  1811, 
the  Emperor  of  Russia  sent  him  a  diamond  ring,  as  a  testimony  of  his 
respect  for  his  medical  character. 

The  pen  of  Doctor  Rush  was  powerfully  employed  against  some  of 
the  vices  and  habits  of  mankind.  His  "  Inquiry  into  the  effects  of  ar- 
dent spirits  upon  the  human  body  and  mind,"  has  been  more  read  than 
any  of  his  works.  He  was  a  brilliant  and  eloquent  lecturer ;  and  he 
possessed  in  a  high  degree  those  talents  which  engage  the  h%art. 

The  life  of  Doctor  Rush  was  terminated  on  the  19th  of  April,  1813, 
in  the  sixty-eighth  year  of  his  age.  During  his  illness,  which  was  but 
of  few  days'  continuance,  his  house  was  beset  by  crowds  of  citizens,  such 
was  the  general  anxiety  in  respect  to  this  excellent  man.  When  at 
length  he  died,  the  news  of  his  decease  spread  a  deep  gloom  over  the 
city,  and  expressions  of  profound  sympathy  were  received  from  all  parts 
of  the  country. 


406 


EDWARD    RUTLEDGE. 

EDWARD  RTJTLEDGE  was  born  in  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  November. 
1749.  After  receiving  a  respectable  education  in  the  learned  language?;, 
he  commenced  the  study  of  the  law  with  his  elder  brother,  who,  at  that 
time,  was  becoming  the  most  eminent  advocate  at  the  Charleston  bar. 

When  arrived  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  Edward  Rutledge  sailed 
for  England,  to  complete  his  legal  education.  In  1773,  he  returned  to 
his  native  country,  and  began  the  practice  of  his  profession.  He  soon 
became  distinguished  for  his  quickness  of  apprehension,  fluency  of  speech, 
and  graceful  delivery.  The  general  estimation  in  which  his  talents  were 
held,  was  evinced  in  1774,  by  his  appointment  to  the  General  Congress 
as  delegate  from  South  Carolina.  He  was  at  this  time  but  twenty-five 
years  of  age. 

In  the  Congress  of  1776,  Mr.  Rutledge  took  a  conspicuous  part  in  the 
discussions,  which  preceded  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  At  a  sub- 
sequent date,  he  was  appointed,  with  Doctor  Franklin  and  John  Adams, 
a  commissioner  to  wait  upon  Lord  Howe,  who  had  requested  Congress 
to  appoint  such  a  committee  to  enter  with  him  into  negociations  for  peace. 
Mr.  Rutledge  was  again  elected  to  Congress  in  1779  ;  but  in  consequence 
of  ill  health,  he  was  unable  to  reach  the  seat  of  government,  and  returned 
home.  In  1780,  during  the  investment  of  Charleston  by  the  British,  he 
was  taken  prisoner  by  the  enemy,  and  sent  to  St.  Augustine,  whete  he 
was  detained  nearly  a  year  before  he  was  exchange!1. 

On  the  evacuation  of  Charleston  by  the  British,  he  returned  to  the 
place  of  his  nativity,  and,  for  the  space  of  seventeen  years,  was  success- 
fully engaged  in  the  practice  of  his  profession ;  rendering  from  time  to 
time  important  services  to  the  State,  as  a  member  of  her  Legislature. 
In  1798,  he  relinquished  his  station  at  the  bar,  and  was  elected  Chief 
Magistrate  of  South  Carolina.  He  continued  to  perform  the  duties  of 
this  office  until  within  a  short  time  before  his  death,  which  took  place  on 
the  23d  day  of  January,  1800.  Military  and  other  honors  were  paid  to 
his  memory ;  and  universal  regret  was  expressed  at  his  departure. 


ROGER    SHERMAN. 

» 

ROGER  SHERMAN  was  born  in  Newton,  Massachusetts,  on  the  19th  of 
April,  1721.  He  was  early  apprenticed  to  a  shoemaker,  and  followed 
the  business  of  one  for  some  time  after  he  was  twenty-two  years  of  age. 
The  father  of  Roger  Sherman  died  in  1741,  leaving  his  family,  which 
was  quite  numerous,  dependent  upon  his  son  for  support.  He  entered 
jpon  the  task  with  great  cheerfulness.  Towards  his  mother,  whose  life 
was  protracted  to  a  great  age,  he  always  manifested  the  tenderest  affec- 
tion, and  assisted  two  of  his  younger  brothers  to  qualify  themselves  for 
clergymen. 


ROGER   SHERMAN.  407 

An  elder  brother  had  established  himself  in  New  Milford,  Connecticut. 
In  1743,  the  family  of  Mr.  Sherman  removed  to  that  place,  and  he  again 
commenced  business  as  a  shoemaker;  but  not  long  after,  he  entered  into 
partnership  with  his  brother,  whose  occupation  was  that  of  a  country 
merchant.  The  mind  of  Roger  Sherman  was  invincibly  bent  upon  the 
acquisition  of  knowledge.  The  variety  and  extent  of  his  attainments, 
even  at  this  time,  were  almost  incredible.  He  soon  became  known  in 
the  county  of  Litchfield,  where  he  resided,  as  a  man  of  superior  talents, 
and  of  unusual  skill  in  the  science  of  mathematics.  At  the  early  age  of 
twenty-four,  he  was  appointed  to  the  office  of  county  surveyor.  At  this 
time,  he  had  also  made  no  trifling  advances  in  the  science  of  astronomy. 
As  early  as  1748,  he  supplied  the  astronomical  calculations  for  an  alma- 
nac, published  in  New  York,  and  continued  to  furnish  them  for  several 
succeeding  years. 

In  1749,  he  was  married  to  Miss  Elizabeth  Hartwell,  of  Stoughton,  in 
Massachusetts.  After  her  decease,  in  1760,  he  marked  Miss  Rebecca 
Prescot,  of  Danvers,  in  the  same  State.  By  these  wives  he  had  fifteen 
children. 

In  1754,  Mr.  Sherman  was  admitted  as  an  attorney  to  the  bar.  The 
circumstance  which  led  to  his  study  of  the  profession  was  merely  acci- 
dental, and  an  accident  which,  in  a  mind  less  decided  and  persevering 
than  that  of  Sherman,  would  have  passed  away  without  improvement. 
He  became  rapidly  distinguished  as  a  counsellor,  and  the  year  following 
his  admission  to  the  bar,  was  appointed  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  for  New 
Milford,  which  town  he  also  represented  in  the  Colonial  Assembly.  In 
1759,  he  was  appointed  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  for  the 
county  of  Litchfield,  which  office  he  held  for  two  years.  At  the  expira- 
tion of  that  time,  he  became  a  resident  of  New  Haven,  of  which  town 
he  was  soon  after  appointed  a  Justice  of  the  Peace,  and  often  represented 
it  in  the  Colonial  Assembly.  In  1765,  he  was  made  a  Judge  of  the 
Court  of  Common  Pleas,  and  about  the  same  time  was  appointed  Trea- 
surer of  Yale  College,  which  institution  bestowed  upon  him  the  honorary 
degree  of  Master  of  Arts. 

In  1766,  Mr.  Sherman  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Upper  House,  in 
the  General  Assembly  of  Connecticut ;  and  during  the  same  year  he 
was  appointed  a  Judge  of  the  Superior  Court.  He  continued  a  member 
of  the  Upper  House  for  nineteen  years,  until  1785,  when  the  two  offices 
which  he  held  being  considered  incompatible,  he  relinquished  his  seat 
at  the  council  board,  preferring  his  station  as  a  Judge.  The  latter  office 
he  continued  to  exercise  until  1789,  when  he  resigned  it  on  being  chosen 
to  Congress,  under  the  Federal  Constitution. 

Mr.  Sherman  was  a  delegate  to  the  celebrated  Congress  of  1774,  and 
continued  uninterruptedly  a  member  of  that  body,  until  his  death  in  1793. 
His  services  during  his  congressional  career  were  many  and  important. 
He  was  employed  on  numerous  committees,  and  was  indefatigable  in  the 
investigation  of  complicated  and  difficult  subjects.  In  1776,  he  received 
the  most  flattering  testimony  of  the  high  respect  in  which  he  was 
held,  in  being  associated  with  Adams,  Jefferson,  Franklin,  and  Livings- 
ton, in  the  responsible  duty  of  preparing  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 


408  JAMES   SMITH. 

In  the  State  where  he  resided,  Mr.  Sherman  continued  to  receive  repeated 
demonstrations  of  the  esteem  with  which  his  fellow  citizens  regarded 
him. 

Under  the  new  Constitution,  Mr.  Sherman  Was  elected  a  Representa- 
tive to  Congress  from  the  State  of  Connecticut.  At  the  expiration  of 
two  years,  a  vacancy  occurring  in  the  Senate,  he  was  elevated  to  a  seat 
in  that  body.  In  this  office  he  died  on  the  23d  of  July,  1793,  in  the 
seventy -third  year  of  his  age. 

A  predominant  trait  in  the  character  of  Roger  Sherman  was  his  prac- 
tical wisdom.  Although  inferior  to  many  in  rapidity  of  genius,  he  was 
surpassed  by  none  in  clearness  of  apprehension,  energy  of  mind,  or 
honesty  of  action.  A  remark  of  Jefferson  bears  testimony  to  the 
strength  and  soundness  of  his  intellect.  "  That  is  Sherman,"  said  he  to 
b  friend,  to  whom  he  was  pointing  out  the  most  remarkable  men  of  Con- 
gress, "  a  man  who  never  said  a  foolish  thing  in  his  life."  Not  less 
honorable  to  the  integrity  of  his  character,  is  the  remark  of  Fisher  Ames, 
who  was  wont  to  say  :  "  If  I  am  absent  during  the  discussion  of  a  sub- 
ject, and  consequently  know  not  on  which  side  to  vote,  I  always  look  at 
Roger  Sherman,  for  I  am  sure  if  I  tote  with  him  I  shall  vote  right." 


JAMES    SMITH. 

JAMES  SMITH  was  born  in  Ireland,  but  at  what  period  has  not  been 
ascertained.  His  father  was  a  respectable  iurmer,  who  removed  to 
America  with  a  numerous  family,  and  settled  on  the  west  side  of  the 
Susquehanna  river. 

After  being  qualified  for  the  profession  of  the  law,  Mr.  Smith  took  up 
his  residence  as  a  lawyer  and  surveyor,  near  the  present  town  of  Ship- 
pensburg ;  but  he  subsequently  removed  to  the  flourishing  village  of 
York,  where  he  continued  the  practice  of  his  profession  during  the  re- 
mainder of  his  life.  On  the  commencement  of  the  difficulties  with  the 
mother  country,  he  resolutely  enlisted  himself  on  the  patriotic  side,  and 
became  an  uncompromising  opposer  of  the  insulting  aggressions  of  the 
British  Government.  He  was  chosen  a  delegate  to  all  the  patriotic 
meetings  of  the  Province,  and  was  always  in  favor  of  the  most  vigorous 
and  decided  measures.  He  was  the  first  one  who  raised  a  volunteer 
corps  in  Pennsylvania,  in  opposition  to  the  armies  of  Great  Britain  ;  and 
was  elected  captain,  and  afterwards  colonel  of  a  regiment.  In  January, 
1775,  he  was  a  delegate  to  the  Convention  for  the  Province  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  concurred  in  the  spirited  declarations  of  that  Assembly. 

In  the  month  of  July,  a  Convention  was  held  in  Philadelphia,  for  the 
purpose  of  forming  a  new  Constitution  for  Pennsylvania.  Of  this  body, 
Mr.  Smith  was  a  member,  and  by  it  he  was  chosen  a  Delegate  to  Con- 
gress. He  continued  to  represent  his  constituents  for  several  years  in 
the  great  National  Assembly,  and  was  always  active  and  efficient  in  the 
discharge  of  his  duties.  On  withdrawing  from  Congress,  in  November, 


RICHARD   STOCKTON.  409 

1788,  he  resumed  his  professional  pursuits,  which  he  continued  to  ex 
ercise  until  the  year  1800,  when  he  withdrew  from  the  bar,  having  prac 
tiseJ  the  law  for  about  sixty  years.  He  died  in  the  year  1806. 


RICHARD    STOCKTON. 

RICHARD  STOCKTON  was  born  near  Princeton,  New  Jersey,  on  the  first 
day  of  October,  1730,  and  received  his  education  at  the  college  in  his 
native  State,  where  he  graduated  at  the  age  of  eighteen. 

On  leaving  college,  Mr.  Stockton  commenced  the  study  of  the  law 
and  on  his  admission  to  the  bar,  rose  quickly  to  an  enviable  distinc 
tion.     About  the  year  1767,  he  relinquished  his  professional  business 
for  the  purpose  of  visiting  Great  Britain.     During  his  tour  through  the 
united  countries,  he  was  received  with  great  attention.     On  visiting  Ed- 
inburgh, he  was  complimented  with  a  public  dinner,  by  the  authorities 
of  that  city,  the  freedom  of  which  was  unanimously  conferred  upon  him. 
During  his  stay  in  Scotland,  he  was  so  fortunate  as  to  induce  the  Reve- 
rend Dr.  Witherspoon,  of  Paisley,  to  remove  to  America,  and  accept  the 
presidency  of  New  Jersey  College. 

On  his  return  to  this  country,  Mr.  Stockton  stood  high  in  the  royal  fa- 
vor, and  was  appointed  one  of  the  Royal  Judges  of  the  Province,  and  a 
member  of  the  Executive  Council.  But  on  the  commencement  of  the  ag- 
gravating system  of  oppression  by  which  the  mother  country  hoped  to 
humiliate  the  colonists,  he  separated  himself  from  the  Royal  Council, 
and  joyfully  concurred  in  all  the  liberal  measures  of  the  day.  On  the 
21st  of  June,  1776,  he  was  elected  a  Delegate  to  the  General  Congress, 
then  sitting  in  Philadelphia.  Here  he  discharged,  with  fidelity  and  energy, 
all  the  duties  assigned  him ;  and  on  the  agitation  of  the  great  question 
of  independence,  he  addressed  the  House  in  its  behalf. 

On  the  30th  of  November,  Mr.  Stockton  was  unfortunately  taken  pri- 
soner by  a  party  of  refugee  royalists.  He  was  dragged  from  his  bed  at 
night,  and  carried  to  New  York.  Here  he  was  treated  with  the  utmost 
rigor  and  indignity.  Congress  remonstrated  with  General  Howe  in  his 
behalf,  and  he  was  finally  released  from  his  captivity;  but  the  iron 
had  entered  his  soul.  His  constitution  had  experienced  an  irreparable 
shock,  and  his  ample  fortune  was  completely  reduced.  He  continued  to 
languish  for  several  years,  and  at  length  died,  at  his  residence  in  Prince- 
ton, on  the  28th  of  February,  1781,  in  the  fifty-third  year  of  his  age. 
His  character  was  in  every  respect  estimable.  He  possessed  a  cultivated 
taste  for  literature,  and  was  a  polished  and  eloquent  speaker. 


410 


THOMAS    STONE. 

THOMAS  STONE  was  born  in  Charles  county,  Maryland,  in  1743.  He 
was  a  descendant  of  William  Stone,  who  was  Governor  of  Maryland 
during  the  protectorate  of  Oliver  Cromwell. 

After  acquiring  a  tolerable  acquaintance  with  the  learned  languages,  he 
entered  upon  the  study  of  the  law.  Having  obtained  a  competent 
knowledge  of  the  profession,  he  commenced  practice  in  Fredericktown, 
Maryland.  After  residing  at  this  place  two  years,  he  removed  to 
Charles  county,  in  the  same  State.  At  the  age  of  twenty-eight,  he  re- 
ceived by  marriage,  the  sum  of  one  thousand  pounds  sterling ;  and  with 
it  purchased  a  farm  near  the  village  of  Port  Tobacco,  upon  which  he 
continued  to  reside  during  the  revolutionary  struggle.  Although  his  busi- 
ness was  by  no  means  lucrative,  nor  his  fortune  considerable,  his  well 
known  honesty  and  ability  caused  him  to  be  sent  a  Delegate  to  the  Con- 
gress of  1776,  to  which  body  he  was  elected  for  several  subsequent 
years.  After  the  Maryland  Legislature  had  relieved  him  and  his  col- 
leagues of  the  restrictions  which  bound  them,  he  joyfully  affixed  his 
name  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

Mr.  Stone  was  a  member  of  the  committee  appointed  by  Congress  to 
prepare  Articles  of  Confederation ;  and  the  manner  in  which  he  dis- 
charged the  duties  devolving  upon  him  in  that  station,  was  highly  satis- 
factory. After  seeing  the  Confederation  finally  agreed  upon  in  Congress, 
he  declined  a  re-appointment  to  that  body,  but  became  a  member  of  the 
Legislature  of  his  native  State.  In  1783,  he  was  again  chosen  to  Con- 
gress ;  and  in  the  session  of  1784,  acted  for  some  time  as  President  pro 
tempore.  On  the  adjournment  of  Congress  this  year,  he  retired  from 
that  body,  and  engaged  actively  in  the  duties  of  his  profession.  His 
practice  now  became  lucrative  in  Annapolis,  whither  he  had  removed ; 
and  he  soon  rose  to  distinction  at  the  bar.  As  an  advocate,  he  excelled 
in  strength  of  argument ;  and  was  often  employed  in  cases  of  great  dif- 
ficulty. 

Mr.  Stone  died  on  the  5th  of  October,  1787,  in  the  forty-fifth  year  of 
his  age,  and  while  on  the  point  of  embarking  for  Europe,  for  the  benefit 
of  his  health. 


GEORGE    TAYLOR. 

GUORGE  TAYLOR  was  born  in  Ireland,  in  the  year  1716.  At  a  suitable 
age  he  commenced  the  study  of  medicine ;  but  his  genius  not  being 
adapted  to  his  profession,  he  relinquished  his  medical  studies,  and  soon 
after  set  sail  for  America.  On  his  arrival  he  was  entirely  destitute  of 
money,  and  was  obliged  to  resort  to  manual  labor  to  pay  the  expenses 
of  his  voyage.  He  was  first  engaged  in  the  iron  works  of  Mr.  Savage, 
at  Durham,  on  the  Delaware,  and  was  afterwards  taken  into  his  count- 


MATTHEW    THORNTON.  411 

ing-room  as  a  clerk.  In  this  situation,  he  rendered  himself  very  useful, 
and,  at  length,  upon  the  death  of  Mr.  Savage,  he  became  connected  in. 
marriage  with  his  widow,  and  consequently  the  proprietor  of  the  whole 
establishment.  In  a  few  years,  the  fortune  of  Mr.  Taylor  was  considerably 
augmented.  He  now  purchased  a  handsome  estate,  near  the  river  Le- 
high,  in  the  county  of  Northampton,  where  he  erected  a  spacious  man- 
sion, and  took  up  his  permanent  abode.  In  1764,  he  was  chosen  a 
member  of  the  Provincial  Assembly,  where  he  soon  became  conspicuous. 
In  this  body  he  continued  to  represent  the  county  of  Northampton  until 
1770;  but  he  afterwards  returned  to  Durham,  to  repair  the  losses  of  for- 
tune, to  which  the  change  of  his  place  of  business  had  led. 

In  October,  1775,  he  was  again  chosen  to  the  Provincial  Assembly ; 
and  the  following  month,  was  appointed,  in  connexion  with  others,  to  re- 
port a  set  of  instructions  to  the  Delegates  which  the  Assembly  had  just 
appointed  to  the  Continental  Congress.  Pennsylvania  was  for  some 
time  opposed  to  an  immediate  rupture  with  the  mother  country ;  and  it 
was  only  by  the  casting  vote  of  Mr.  Morton,  that  her  consent  to  the 
measure  of  Independence  was  secured.  On  the  20th  of  July,  1776,  the 
Pennsylvania  Convention  proceeded  to  a  new  choice  of  representatives. 
Mr.  Morton,  Dr.  Franklin,  Mr.  Morris,  and  Mr.  Wilson,  who  had  voted 
in  favor  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  were  re-elected.  Those 
who  had  opposed  it  were  at  this  time  dropped,  and  the  following  gentle- 
men were  appointed  in  their  place,  viz.  Mr.  Taylor,  Mr.  Ross,  Mr. 
Clymer,  Dr.  Rush,  and  Mr.  Smith. 

Mr.  Taylor  retired  from  Congress  in  1777 ;  and  died  on  the  23d  of 
February,  1781,  in  the  sixty-sixth  year  of  his  age. 


MATTHEW    THORNTON. 

MATTHEW  THORNTON  was  born  in  Ireland,  about  the  year  1714. 
When  he  was  two  or  three  years  old,  his  father  emigrated  to  America, 
and  after  a  residence  of  a  few  years  at  Wiscasset,  in  Maine,  he  removed 
to  Worcester,  in  Massachusetts.  Here  young  Thornton  received  a  re- 
spectable education,  and  subsequently  commenced  the  study  of  medicine. 
Soon  after  completing  his  preparatory  course,  he  removed  to  Londonder- 
ry, in  New-Hampshire,  where  he  entered  upon  the  practice  of  his  pro- 
fession, and  soon  became  distinguished,  both  as  a  physician  and  a 
surgeon. 

In  1745,  Dr.  Thornton  was  appointed  to  accompany  the  New-Hamp- 
shire troops,  as  a  surgeon,  in  the  well  known  expedition,  planned  by 
Governor  Shirley,  against  Cape  Breton.  His  professional  abilities  were 
here  creditably  tested  ;  for  of  the  corps  of  five  hundred  men,  of  whom  he 
had  charge  as  a  physician,  only  six  died  of  sickness,  previous  to  the 
surrender  of  Louisburg,  notwithstanding  the  hardships  to  which  they 
were  exposed. 

Under  the  Royal  Government,  Dr.  Thornton  was  invested  with  the 


412  GEORGE    WALTON. 

office  of  Justice  of  the  Peace,  and  commissioned  as  Colonel  of  the  militia. 
But  when  that  Government  was  dissolved,  Colonel  Thornton  abjured  the 
British  interest,  and  adhered  to  the  patriotic  cause.  He  was  President 
of  a  Provincial  Convention,  assembled  at  Exeter,  in  1775. 

The  next  year  he  was  chosen  a  Delegate  to  the  Continental  Congress, 
and  signed  his  name  to  the  engrossed  copy  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence. During  the  same  year,  he  was  appointed  Chief  Justice  of 
the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  ;  and  shortly  after  was  raised  to  the  office 
of  Judge  of  the  Superior  Court  of  New-Hampshire,  in  which  office  he 
continued  until  1782.  Two  years  previous  to  this  latter  date,  he  had 
purchased  a  farm,  pleasantly  situated  on  the  banks  of  the  Merrimack, 
near  Exeter,  where  he  principally  devoted  himself  to  agriculture.  He 
was  a  member  of  the  General  Court  for  one  or  two  years,  and  a  Senator 
in  the  State  Legislature,  as  also  a  member  of  the  Council  in  1785,  under 
President  Langdon.  Dr.  Thornton  died  while  on  a  visit  at  Newburyport, 
on  the  24th  of  June,  1803,  in  the  eighty-ninth  year  of  his  age. 

He  was  a  man  of  strong  powers  of  mind,  and  was  remarkably  enter- 
taining and  instructive  in  conversation. 


GEORGE    WALTON. 

GEORGE  WALTCN  was  born  in  the  county  of  Frederick,  Virginia,  about 
the  year  1740.  He  was  early  apprenticed  to  a  carpenter,  wh^,  being  a 
man  of  contracted  views,  not  only  kept  him  hard  at  work  during  the  day, 
but  refused  him  the  privilege  of  a  candle,  by  which  to  read  at  night. 
Young  Walton,  however,  was  resolutely  bent  on  the  acquisition  of 
knowledge,  and  contrived  to  collect,  at  his  leisure  moments,  pieces  of 
lightwood,  which  served  at  night,  in  place  of  a  candle.  His  application 
was  intense  ;  and  his  attainments  were  rapid  and  valuable. 

At  the  expiration  of  his  apprenticeship,  he  removed  to  the  province  of 
Georgia,  and  entering  upon  the  study  of  the  law,  commenced,  in  1774, 
the  practice  of  that  profession.  At  this  time  the  British  Government 
was  in  the  exercise  of  full  power  in  Georgia.  Mr.  Walton  was  one  of 
the  most  zealous  of  the  few  advocates  of  the  patriotic  cause.  He  was  a 
member  of  the  committee  which  prepared  a  petition  to  the  King  ;  and  in 
1776,  he  was  elected  a  Delegate  to  the  Continental  Congress.  In  this 
station  he  continued  to  represent  the  State  of  Georgia,  until  October, 
1781.  He  was  extremely  useful  on  many  important  committees,  and 
always  evinced  much  zeal  and  intelligence  in  the  discharge  of  his 
duties. 

In  December,  1778,  Mr.  Walton  received  a  Colonel's  commission  in 
the  militia,  and  was  present  at  the  surrender  of  Savannah  to  the  British 
arms.  During  the  obstinate  defence  of  that  place,  he  was  wounded  in 
the  thigh,  in  consequence  of  which,  he  fell  from  his  horse,  and  was 
made  a  prisoner  by  the  British  troops.  A  Brigadier  General  was  de- 
manded in  exchange  for  him,  but  in  September,  1779,  he  was  exchanged 


WILLIAM    WHIPPLE.  413 

for  a  Captain  of  the  navy.  In  the  following  month,  he  was  chosen 
Governor  of  the  State ;  and  in  the  succeeding  January,  was  elected  a 
member  of  Congress  for  two  years. 

The  remainder  of  Mr.  Walton's  life,  was  filled  up  in  the  discharge  of 
the  most  respectable  offices  within  the  gift  of  the  State.  He  was  at  six 
different  times  chosen  a  Representative  to  Congress ;  twice  appointed 
Governor  of  the  State  ;  once  a  Senator  of  the  United  States ;  and  at  four 
different  periods,  a  Judge  of  the  Superior  Courts.  He  was  a  man  of  no 
ordinary  talents ;  and  was  conspicious  for  his  uniform  devotion  to  liberty. 
He  died  on  the  2d  of  February,  1804. 


WILLIAM    WHIPPLE. 

WILLIAM  WHIPPLE  was  born  at  Kittery,  Maine,  in  the  year  1730. 
His  education  was  limited,  a^d  on  leaving  school,  he  entered  on  board  a 
merchant  vessel,  and  devoted  himself  for  several  years  to  commercial 
pursuits.  His  voyages  were  chiefly  to  the  West  Indies,  and*  proving 
successful,  he  acquired  a  considerable  fortune. 

In  1759,  he  relinquished  his  seafaring  occupation,  and  commenced 
business  at  Portsmouth.  He  entered  with  spirit  into  the  controversy 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies  ;  and  in  1775,  represented  the 
town  of  Portsmouth  in  the  Provincial  Congress,  which  met  at  Exeter. 
In  1776,  he  was  appointed  a  Delegate  to  the  General  Congress,  of 
which  body  he  continued  a 'member,  until  September,  1799. 

In  the  year  1777,  while  Mr.  Whipple  was  a  member  of  Congress,  the 
appointment  of  Brigadier  General  was  bestowed  upon  him,  and  the  cele- 
ebrated  John  Stark,  by  the  Assembly  of  New-Hampshire.  He  was 
present  at  the  desperate  battle  of  Saratoga ;  and  his  meritorious  conduct  on 
the  occasion  was  rewarded,  by  his  being  jointly  appointed  with  Colonel 
Wilkinson,  as  the  representative  of  General  Gates,  to  meet  two  officers 
from  General  Burgoyne,  and  settle  the  articles  of  capitulation.  He  was 
also  selected  as  one  of  the  officers,  who  were  appointed  to  conduct  the 
surrendered  army  to  their  destined  encampment,  on  Winter  Hill,  in  the 
vicinity  of  Boston.  In  1778,  General  Whipple,  with  a  detachment  of 
New-Hampshire  militia,  was  engaged,  under  General  Sullivan,  in  exe- 
cuting a  plan  for  the  re-taking  of  Rhode  Island  from  the  British. 

During  the  remaining  years  of  his  life,  Mr.  Whipple  filled  many  im- 
portant offices.  As  a  representative  to  the  State  Legislature,  he  was 
highly  popular ;  and  in  1782,  he  received  the  appointment  of  Receiver 
of  Public  Moneys  for  New-Hampshire,  from  Mr.  Morris,  the  superinten- 
dent of  finance.  He  relinquished  the  office  in  1784,  and  continued  in 
the  station  of  Judge  of  the  Superior  Court  of  Judicature.  The  duties  of 
the  latter  office  he  discharged  until  the  28th  of  November,  1785, 
when  he  expired,  in  the  55th  year  of  his  age. 


414 


WILLIAM    WILLIAMS. 

WILLIAM  WILLIAMS  was  born  in  Lebanon,  Connecticut,  on  the  8th  of 
April,  1731.  At  the  age  of  sixteen  he  entered  Harvard  College,  and 
after  the  usual  period  was  honorably  graduated.  For  some  time  after  his 
return  home,  he  devoted  himself  to  theological  studies,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  his  father.  In  175-5,  he  belonged  to  the  staff  of  Colonel  Ephraim 
Williams,  the  founder  of  Williams  College  in  Massachusetts,  and  was 
present  at  the  celebrated  battle  fought  at  the  head  of  Lake  George,  be- 
tween the  provincial  troops,  and  the  French  Canadians.  During  the 
contest,  Colonel  Williams  was  shot  through  the  head  by  an  Indian,  and 
killed. 

Soon  after  this  occurrence,  William  Williams  returned  to  Lebanon  ; 
and  in  1756  was  chosen  Clerk  of  the  town,  an  office  which  he  continued 
to  hold  for  the  space  of  forty-five  years.  About  the  same  time,  he  was 
appointed  a  Representative  to  the  General  Assembly  of  Connecticut.  In 
this  latter  capacity  he  served  for  many  years,  during  which  he  was  often 
appointed  Clerk  of  the  House,  and  not  unfrequently  filled  the  Speaker's 
chair.  In  1780,  he  was  transferred  to  the  Upper  House,  being  elected 
an  Assistant ;  an  office  which  he  held  for  twenty-four  years. 

Mr.  Williams  was  a  member  of  the  Continental  Congress,  during  the 
years  1776  and  1777 ;  and  took  an  honorable  part  in  the  deliberations 
of  that  body.  During  his  campaign  at  the  north,  he  had  been  disgusted 
with  the  British  commanders,  on  account  of  the  haughtiness  of  their 
conduct,  and  the  little  attachment  which  they  manifested  for  his  native 
country.  The  impression  was  powerful  and  enduring  ;  and  led  him  to 
form  a  sincere  and  devoted  wish  for  the  independence  of  America. 

The  following  anecdote  has  been  related  as  a  proof  of  the  patriotic 
spirit  of  Mr.  Williams.  Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1776,  the  military 
affairs  of  the  colonies  wore  a  gloomy  aspect.  In  this  doubtful  state  of 
things,  the  council  of  safety  for  Connecticut  was  called  to  sit  at  Lebanon. 
Two  of  the  members  of  this  council,  William  Hillhouse  and  Benjamin 
Huntington,  quartered  with  Mr.  Williams.  One  evening,  the  conversa- 
tion turned  upon  the  gloomy  state  of  the  country,  and  the  probability 
that,  after  all,  success  would  crown  the  British  arms.  "  Well,"  said 
Mr.  Williams,  with  great  calmness,  "  if  they  succeed,  it  is  pretty  evident 
what  will  be  my  fate.  I  have  done  much  to  prosecute  the  contest,  and 
one  thing  I  have  done  which  the  British  will  never  pardon — I  have 
signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  I  shall  be  hung."  Mr.  Hill- 
house  expressed  a  confident  hope,  that  America  would  yet  be  successful. 
Mr.  Huntington  observed,  that,  in  case  of  ill  success,  he  should  be  ex- 
empt from  the  gallows,  as  his  signature  was  not  attached  to  the  Declara- 
tion, nor  had  he  written  any  thing  against  the  British  government.  To 
this  Mr.  Williams  replied,  his  eye  kindling  as  he  spoke,  "  Then.  Sir, 
you  deserve  to  be  hanged,  for  not  having  done  your  duty." 

Mr.  Williams  died  on  the  2d  day  of  August,  181 1,  in  the  eighty-first 
year  of  his  age. 


415 


JAMES   WILSON. 

JAMES  WILSON  was  born  in  Scotland,  about  the  year  1742.  He  re- 
ceived an  excellent  education ;  studying  successively  at  Glasgow,  St. 
Andrews,  and  Edinburgh,  and  enjoying  the  instruction  of  the  distin- 
guished Dr.  Blair,  and  the  not  less  celebrated  Dr.  Watts. 

After  completing  his  studies,  he  embarked  for  America,  and  arrived  at 
Philadelphia,  early  in  the  year  1766.  Here  he  served  some  time  in  the 
capacity  of  tutor  in  the  College  of  the  city,  and  acquired  the  reputation 
of  being  a  fine  classical  scholar.  He  shortly  after  entered  the  law  of- 
fice of  Mr.  John  Dickinson,  and,  at  the  expiration  of  two  years,  commenc- 
ed practice,  first  at  Reading  and  Carlisle,  then  at  Annapolis,  and  finally 
at  Philadelphia,  where  he  continued  to  reside  during  the  remainder  of 
his  life.  At  an  early  period,  Mr.  Wilson  espoused  the  cause  of  the 
colonies.  He  was  an  American  in  principle  from  the  time  that  he  land- 
ed on  the  American  shore.  He  became  a  member  of  the  Provincial 
Convention  of  Pennsylvania,  and  in  1775,  was  unanimously  elected  a 
Delegate  to  Congress.  His  standing  during  the  whole  course  of  his  at- 
tendance on  this  body,  was  deservedly  high.  He  evinced  great 
ability  and  fidelity  in  the  discharge  of  his  numerous  duties,  and  voted  in 
favor  of  Independence  in  opposition  lo  a  majority  of  his  colleagues. 

The  high  estimation  in  which  Mr.  Wilson  was  held,  may  be  learned 
from  his  receiving  the  appointment  of  Advocate  General  for  the  French 
Government,  in  the  United  States.  He  continued  to  hold  this  office, 
which  was  both  arduous  and  delicate,  for  several  years,  at  the  close  of 
which,  the  King  of  France  handsomely  rewarded  him  by  a  gift  of  ten 
thousand  livres.  About  the  year  1782,  Mr.  Wilson  was  appointed  a 
Counsellor  and  Agent  for  Pennsylvania,  in  the  great  controversy  between 
that  State  and  the  State  of  Connecticut,  relating  to  certain  lands  within 
the  charter  boundary  of  Pennsylvania.  He  discovered  much  legal 
knowledge  and  tact  in  the  management  of  this  business ;  and  the  ques- 
tion was  finally  settled  in  favor  of  Pennsylvania. 

He  was  a  member  of  the  celebrated  Convention  of  1787,  which  assem- 
bled in  Philadelphia,  for  the  purpose  of  forming  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  During  the  long  deliberations  on  this  instrument,  he 
rendered  the  most  important  services.  He  was  on  the  committee  which 
reported  the  draught  of  the  Constitution,  and  did  much  to  settle,  upon  just 
principles,  the  great  and  important  points  which  naturally  arose  in  the 
formation  of  a  new  Government. 

When  the  State  Convention  of  Pennsylvania  assembled  to  ratify  the 
Federal  Constitution,  Mr.  Wilson  was  returned  a  member  of  that  body ; 
and  as  he  was  the  only  one  who  had  assisted  in  forming  that  instrument, 
it  devolved  upon  him  to  explain  to  the  Convention  the  principles  upon 
which  it  was  founded,  and  the  great  objects  which  it  had  in  view. 

In  1789,  Mr.  Wilson  was  appointed  by  Washington,  a  Judge  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  under  the  Federal  Constitution.  In  this  office,  he  con- 
tinued until  his  death,  which  occurred  on  the  28th  of  August,  1798,  at 


416  JOHN  WITHERSPOOJST. 

Edenton,  in  North  Carolina,  while  on  a  circuit  attending  to  his  judicial 
duties.  Mr.  Wilson  was  twice  married ;  the  first  time  to  a  daughter  of 
William  Bird,  of  Berks  county,  and  the  second  time  to  a  daughter  of  Mr. 
Ellis  Gray,  of  Boston. 


JOHN    WITHERSPOON. 

JOHN  WITHERSPOON,  alike  distinguished  as  a  minister  of  the  Gospe1 
and  a  patriot  of  the  Revolution,  was  born  in  the  parish  of  Yester,  a  few 
miles  from  Edinburgh,  on  the  5th  of  February,  1722.  He  was  lineally 
descended  from  John  Knox,  the  celebrated  Scottish  reformer ;  and  was 
sent  at  an  early  age  to  the  public  school  at  Haddington,  where  he  applied 
himself  closely  to  the  study  of  classical  literature. 

At  the  age  of  fourteen,  he  was  removed  to  the  University  of  Edin- 
burgh ;  and  on  completing  his  theological  studies,  he  was  ordained  and 
settled  in  the  parish  of  Beith,  in  the  west  of  Scotland. 

Doctor  Witherspoon  left  behind  him  a  sphere  of  great  usefulness  and 
respectability,  in  retiring  from  his  native  land.  He  arrived  in  America 
in  August,  1768,  and  in  the  same  month  was  inaugurated  President  of 
the  College  of  New  Jersey.  His  exertions  in  raising  the  character  and 
increasing  the  funds  of  this  institution,  were  successful  and  indefatigable. 

On  the  occurrence  of  the  American  war,  the  college  was  broken  up, 
and  the  officers  and  students  were  dispersed.  Doctor  Witherspoon  now 
assumed  a  new  attitude  before  the  American  public.  On  becoming  a 
citizen  of  the  country,  he  warmly  espoused  her  cause  against  the  British 
ministry.  He  was  a  Delegate  to  the  Convention  which  formed  the 
republican  Constitution  of  New  Jersey ;  and  proved  himself  as  able  a 
politician  as  he  was  known  to  be  philosopher  and  divine.  Early  in  the 
year  1776,  he  was  chosen  a  Representative  to  the  General  Congress,  by 
the  people  of  New  Jersey.  He  took  a  part  in  the  deliberations  on  the 
question  of  Independence,  for  which  he  was  a  warm  advocate.  To  a 
gentleman,  who  declared  that  the  country  was  not  yet  ripe  for  a  Decla- 
ration of  Independence,  he  replied :  "  Sir,  in  my  judgment,  the  country 
is  not  only  ripe,  but  rotting." 

For  the  space  of  seven  years,  Doctor  Witherspoon  continued  a  Delegate 
from  New  Jersey  to  the  Continental  Congress.  Few  men  acted  with 
more  energy  or  promptitude,  or  attended  more  closely  and  faithfully  than 
he  to  the  duties  of  his  station. 

At  the  close  of  the  year  1779,  Doctor  Witherspoon  voluntarily  retired 
from  Congress,  and  resigned  the  care  and  instruction  of  the  students  to 
another.  His  name,  however,  continued  to  add  celebrity  to  the  institu- 
tion, over  which  he  had  so  creditably  presided.  But  he  did  not  remain  long 
in  repose.  In  1781,  he  was  again  chosen  to  Congress,  and  in  1783,  he 
embarked  for  England,  with  the  view  of  promoting  the  interests  of  the 
College,  for  which  he  had  already  done  so  much.  He  returned  to  Ame- 
rica in  1784,  and  again  withdrew  from  active  life. 

Doctor  Witherspoon  was  an  admirable  model  for  a  young  preacher  • 


OLIVER  WOLCOTT.  417 

"A  profound  theologian,  perspicuous  and  simple  in  his  manner;  an 
universal  scholar,  acquainted  with  human  nature ;  a  grave,  dignified, 
solemn  speaker ; — he  brought  all  the  advantages  derived  from  these 
sources,  to  the  illustration  and  enforcement  of  divine  truth.  His  social 
qualities  rendered  him  one  of  the  most  companionable  of  men." 

Doctor  Witherspoon  was  twice  married ;  the  first  time  in  Scotland,  at 
an  early  age,  to  a  lady  of  the  name  of  Montgomery  ;  and  the  second 
time,  at  the  age  of  seventy  years,  to  a  lady  who  was  only  twenty-three. 
He  had  several  children,  who  all  passed,  or  are  passing,  honorably 
through  life.  He  died  on  the  15th  day  of  November,  1794,  in  the 
seventy-third  year  of  his  age.  His  works  have  been  collected  in  four 
volumes,  octavo. 


OLIVER    WOLCOTT. 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT  was  born  in  Connecticut  in  the  year  1726.  His 
family  was  ancient  and  distinguished ;  and  his  ancestors  successively 
held  a  long  list  of  honorable  offices  in  the  State.  He  was  graduated  at 
Yale  College  in  1747 ;  and  the  same  year  received  a  commission  as 
Captain  in  the  army,  in  the  French  war.  At  the  head  of  a  company, 
which  was  raised  by  his  own  exertions,  he  proceeded  to  the  defence  of  the 
northern  frontiers,  where  he  continued  until  the  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle. 

At  this  time  he  returned  to  his  native  State,  and  entered  upon  the  study 
of  medicine.  He  never  engaged  in  the  practice  of  the  profession,  how- 
ever, in  consequence  of  receiving  the  appointment  of  Sheriff  of  the 
county  of  Litchfield.  In  1774,  he  was  elected  an  Assistant  in  the  Council 
of  the  State,  and  continued  in  the  office  till  1786.  He  was  also  for  some 
time  Chief  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  for  the  county,  and 
Judge  of  the  Court  of  Probate  for  the  district  of  Litchfield.  In  1776, 
he  was  chosen  a  Delegate  from  Connecticut  to  the  National  Congress, 
which  assembled  at  Philadelphia.  He  participated  in  the  deliberations 
of  that  body,  and  had  the  honor  of  recording  his  name  in  favor  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence. 

From  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  that  measure  until  1786,  he  was 
either  in  attendance  upon  Congress,  in  the  field  in  defence  of  his  country, 
or,  as  a  Commissioner  of  Indian  affairs  for  the  northern  department, 
assisting  in  settling  the  terms  of  peace  with  the  Six  Nations.  In  1786, 
he  was  chosen  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Connecticut,  an  office  which  he 
continued  to  hold  for  ten  years,  at  the  expiration  of  which  he  was  raised 
to  the  Chief  Magistracy  of  the  State.  He  died  on  the  1st  of  December, 
1797,  in  the  seventy-second  year  of  his  age. 

Mr.  Wolcott  was  possessed  of  great  resolution  of  character  ;  and  his 
attainments  in  literature  were  of  a  superior  order.  He  was  also  distin- 
guished for  his  love  of  order  and  religion.  In  1755,  he  was  married  to  a 
Miss  Collins,  of  Guilford,  an  estimable  woman,  with  whom  he  enjoyed 
much  domestic  felicity,  for  the  space  of  forty  years. 
53 


418 


GEORGE    WYTHE. 

GEORGE  WYTHE  was  born  in  the  county  of  Elizabeth  city,  Virginia,  in 
the  year  1726.  His  mother,  who  was  a  woman  of  superior  acquirements, 
instructed  him  in  the  learned  languages,  and  he  made  considerable  pro- 
gress in  several  of  the  solid  sciences,  and  in  polite  literature.  Before 
he  became  of  age,  he  was  deprived  of  both  his  parents ;  and  inheriting 
considerable  property,  he  became  addicted,  for  several  years,  to  dissipated 
courses  and  habits  of  profligacy.  But  at  the  age  of  thirty,  he  abandoned 
entirely  his  youthful  follies,  and  applied  himself  with  indefatigable  indus- 
try to  study ;  never  relapsing  into  any  indulgence  inconsistent  with  a 
manly  and  virtuous  character. 

Having  studied  the  profession  of  law,  he  soon  attained  a  high  reputa- 
tion at  the  bar,  and  was  appointed  from  his  native  county  to  a  seat  in  the 
House  of  Burgesses.  He  took  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  proceedings  of 
this  assembly,  and  some  of  the  most  eloquent  state  papers  of  the  time 
were  drawn  up  by  him.  The  remonstrance  to  the  House  of  Commons, 
which  was  of  a  remarkably  fearless  and  independent  tone,  was  the  pro- 
duction of  his  pen.  By  his  patriotic  firmness  and  zeal,  he  powerfully 
contributed  to  the  ultimate  success  of  his  country. 

In  1775,  Mr.  Wythe  was  elected  a  Delegate  from  Virginia  to  the  Conti- 
nental Congress  in  Philadelphia.  He  assisted  in  bringing  forward  and 
urging  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  affixed  his  name  to  that  death- 
less instrument.  During  this  latter  year,  he  was  appointed,  in  connexion 
with  Thomas  Jefferson,  Edward  Pendleton,  and  others,  to  revise  ilic  'aws 
of  the  State  of  Virginia.  In  the  year  1777,  Mr.  Wythe  was  chosen 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Delegates,  and  during  the  same  year  was  made 
Judge  of  the  High  Court  of  Chancery.  On  the  new  organization  of  the 
Court  of  Equity,  in  a  subsequent  year,  he  was  appointed  sole  Chancellor, 
a  station  which  he  filled  with  great  ability,  for  more  than  twenty  years. 

In  the  course  of  the  Revolution,  Mr.  Wythe  suffered  much  in  respect 
to  his  property.  By  judicious  management,  however,  he  contrived  to 
retrieve  his  fortune,  and  preserve  his  credit  unimpaired.  Of  the  Con- 
vention of  1787,  appointed  to  revise  the  Federal  Constitution,  he  was  an 
efficient  member.  During  the  debates,  he  acted  for  the  most  part  as 
chairman.  He  was  a  warm  advocate  for  the  Constitution,  and  esteemed 
it  the  surest  guarantee  of  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  country.  He 
died  on  the  8th  of  June,  1806,  in  the  eighty-first  year  of  his  age,  after  a 
short  but  very  excruciating  sickness.  By  his  last  will  and  testament, 
Mr.  Wythe  bequeathed  his  valuable  library  and  philosophical  apparatus  to 
his  friend,  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  distributed  the  remainder  of  his  little  property 
among  the  grand-children  of  his  sister,  and  the  slaves  whom  he  had  set 
free.  " 


419 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


IT  is  a  singular  fact,  that  the  principal  European  nations  Owe  their 
possessions  in  America  to  the  enterprise  and  skill  of  Italian  navigators, 
though  not  a  single  colony  was  planted  by  the  Italians  themselves.  Co- 
lumbus opened  to  Europe  a  new  world,  and  acquired  for  Spain  a  dominion 
wide  and  rich  enough  to  satisfy  even  Castilian  ambition,  and  his  recom- 
pense was  ingratitude,  imprisonment,  and  an  old  age  dishonored  by  chains. 
Cabot,  a  Venetian  in  the  English  service,  acquired  claims  upon  the  lasting 
remembrance  of  Great  Britain,  whose  extent  he  never  lived  to  realize. 
Verazzani,  of  Florence,  explored  America  for  the  benefit  of  France,  but 
when  sailing  in  a  second  expedition  to  this  country,  perished  at  sea. 
Amerigo  Vespucci,  who  was  also  a  Florentine,  though  he  associated  his 
name  in  imperishable  union  with  the  new  world,  bought  but  an  empty 
fame  for  himself  and  his  country. 

Columbus  sailed  on  his  first  voyage  of  discovery,  from  the  bar  of 
Saltes,  a  small  island  in  front  of  the  town  of  Huelva,  early  on  the  morning 
of  the  3d  of  August,  1492.  He  directed  his  course  in  a  south-westerly 
direction,  for  the  Canary  Islands,  and  immediately  commenced  a  minute 
journal  of  the  voyage,  in  the  preface  to  which  he  recounted  the  motives 
which  led  him  to  the  expedition.  In  the  conclusion  of  this  preface,  he 
says,  "  I  intend  to  write,  during  this  voyage,  very  punctually,  from  day 
to  day,  all  that  I  may  do,  and  see,  and  experience,  as  will  hereafter  be 
seen.  Also,  my  sovereign  princes,  beside  describing  each  night  all  that 
has  occurred  in  the  day,  and  in  the  day  the  navigation  of  the  night,  I 
propose  to  make  a  chart,  in  which  I  will  set  down  the  waters  and  lands 
of  the  Ocean  sea,  in  their  proper  situations  under  their  bearings ;  and, 
further,  to  compose  a  book,  and  illustrate  the  whole  in  picture  by  latitude 
from  the  equinoctial,  and  longitude  from  the  west ;  and  upon  the  whole, 
it  will  be  essential  that  I  should  forget  sleep,  and  attend  closely  to  the 
navigation,  to  accomplish  these  things,  which  will  be  a  great  labor." 

The  first  land  that  Columbus  expected  to  meet  was  Cipango,  which 
had  been  placed  by  geographers  at  the  eastern  extremity  of  India.  This 
was  the  name  given  to  the  island  now  called  Japan,  by  Marco  Polo,  the 
celebrated  Venetian  traveller.  The  most  extravagant  accounts  of  the 
riches  of  this  country  were  given  by  the  writers  of  that  age,  and  the 
Admiral  was  anxious  to  proceed  directly  there.  At  sunrise,  on  Sunday, 
the  7th  of  October,  the  Nina,  which  had  outsailed  the  other  vessels,  on 
account  of  her  swiftness,  hoisted  a  flag  at  her  mast-head,  and  fired  a  gun, 
as  a  signal  of  having  discovered  land.  There  had  been  a  reward  pro- 
mised by  the  King  and  Queen  to  the  man  who  should  first  make  this 
discovery ;  and  each  of  the  vessels  was  striving  very  eagerly  to  get 
ahead,  and  obtain  the  promised  recompense.  As  they  found  nothing  of 


420  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 

the  land  the  Nina  made  signals  for,  the  Admiral  shifted  hi 3  course,  about 
evening,  towards  the  west-south-west,  with  a  determination  to  sail  two  days 
in  that  direction.  The  reason  for  making  this  change  was  from  watching 
the  flight  of  the  birds.  The  Portuguese  had  discovered  most  of  their 
islands  in  this  manner,  and  Columbus  noticed  that  the  flocks  which 
passed  them  all  flew  from  the  north  to  the  south-west.  He  inferred  from 
this  that  land  was  situated  in  that  quarter.  After  sailing  a  day  or  two, 
they  found  the  air  as  soft  as  that  of  Seville  in  April,  and  wonderfully 
fragrant ;  the  weeds  appeared  very  fresh,  and  many  land  birds  were 
taken.  The  men,  however,  had  lost  faith  in  all  signs  of  land,  and  did 
not  cease  to  murmur  and  complain.  The  Admiral  encouraged  them 
in  the  best  manner  he  could,  representing  the  riches  they  were  about  to 
acquire,  and  adding  that  it  was  to  no  purpose  to  complain ;  for,  having 
Uune  so  far,  they  had  nothing  to  do  but  to  continue,  till,  by  the  assistance 
of  Heaven,  they  should  arrive  at  the  Indies. 

On  the  llth  of  October,  they  met  with  signs  of  land  that  could  not  be 
mistaken  ;  and  all  began  to  regain  spirits  and  confidence.  The  crew  of 
the  Pinta  saw  a  cane  and  a  log,  and  picked  up  a  stick,  which  appeared 
to  have  been  carved  with  an  iron  instrument,  a  small  board,  and  abun- 
dance of  weeds  that  had  been  newly  washed  from  the  banks.  The  crew 
of  the  Nina  saw  other  similar  sir/is,  and  found,  beside,  a  branch  of  a  thorn 
fu]1  of  red  berries.  Convinced,  by  these  tokens,  of  the  neighborhood  of 
land,  Columbus,  after  evening  prayers,  made  an  address  to  his  crew, 
reminding  them  of  the  mercy  of  God  in  bringing  them  so  long  a  voyage 
with  such  fair  weather,  and  encouraging  them  by  signs  that  were  every  day 
plainer  and  plainer.  He  repeated  the  instructions  that  he  had  previously 
given,  that  when  they  had  sailed  seven  hundred  leagues  to  the  westward 
without  discovering  land,  they  should  lie  by  from  midnight  till  daybreak. 
He  told  them  that,  as  they  had  strong  hopes  of  finding  land  that  night, 
every  one  should  watch  in  his  place ;  and,  besides  the  thirty  crowns 
a  year,  which  the  Spanish  sovereigns  had  promised  to  the  first  discoverer, 
he  would  give  him  a  velvet  doublet. 

About  ten  o'clock  that  evening,  while  Columbus  was  keeping  an 
anxious  look-out  from  the  top  of  the  cabin,  he  thought  he  beheld  a  light 
glimmering  at  a  great  distance.  Fearing  that  his  hopes  might  deceive 
him,  he  called  two  of  his  companions  to  confirm  him.  One  of  them 
came  in  season  to  observe  it,  but  the  other  was  too  late.  It  had  disap- 
peared. From  this  they  supposed  it  might  be  the  torch  of  some  fisher- 
man, raised  up  and  then  suddenly  dropped  again.  They  were  all 
confident  of  being  near  land.  About  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the 
Pinta  gave  the  signal  of  land.  It  was  first  perceived  by  a  sailor  named 
Rodrigo  de  Triana  ;  the  thirty  pounds  a  year  were  not  granted  to  him, 
but  to  the  Admiral,  who  had  first  seen  the  light  in  the  midst  of  darkness. 
His  son  says,  "  that  this  signified  the  spiritual  light  he  was  spreading  in 
those  dark  regions."  When  the  day  appeared,  they  perceived  before 
them  a  large  island,  quite  level,  full  of  green  trees  and  delicious  waters, 
and,  to  all  appearance,  thickly  inhabited.  Numbers  of  the  people  imme- 
diately collected  together,  and  ran  down  to  the  shore.  They  were  very 
much  astonished  at  the  sight  of  the  ships,  which  they  believed  to  be 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  421 

living  creatures.  The  ships  immediately  came  to  anchor.  The  Ad- 
miral went  ashore  in  his  boat,  well  armed,  and  bearing  the  royal  standard. 
The  other  captains  each  took  a  banner  of  the  green  cross  ;  containing 
the  initials  of  the  names  of  the  King  and  Queen  on  each  side,  and  a 
crown  over  each  letter.  The  Admiral  called  upon  the  two  captains,  and 
*he  rest  of  the  crew  who  landed,  to  bear  witness  that  he  took  possession 
of  that  island  for  his  sovereigns.  They  all  gave  thanks  to  God,  kneeling 
upon  the  shore,  shedding  tears  of  joy  for  the  great  mercy  received.  The 
Admiral  rose,  and  called  the  island  San  Salvador.  The  Indians  called 
it  ^Guanahani,  and  it  is  now  called  Cat  Island,  and  belongs  to  the  group 
of  the  Bahamas.  Many  of  the  natives  came  down  to  witness  this  cere- 
mony. They  were  very  peaceable  and  quiet  people,  and  the  Admiral 
gave  them  some  red  caps,  glass  beads,  and  a  few  other  trifles  of  small 
value,  with  which  they  were  much  delighted.  They  imagined  that  the 
strangers  had  descended  from  heaven,  and  valued  the  slightest  token 
they  could  receive  from  them,  as  of  immense  worth. 

When  the  Admiral  and  his  companions  returned  to  their  vessels,  the 
natives  followed  them  in  large  numbers.     Some  swam ;  others  went  in 


their  canoes,  carrying  parrots,  spun  cotton,  javelins,  and  other  articles,  to 
exchange  for  hawks'  bells,  and  strings  of  beads.  They  went  entirely 
naked,  seeming  to  be  very  poor  and  simple.  They  were  generally  young, 
of  good  stature,  with  thick  and  short  black  hair.  Their  features  were 
good,  and  their  countenances  pleasant,  though  an  extreme  highness  of 
the  forehead  gave  them  rather  a  wild  appearance.  Some  were  painted 
black,  others  with  white  and  red ;  some  on  the  face  only,  others  over  the 
whole  body.  They  had  no  knowledge  of  weapons,  and  grasped  the 
swords  which  were  shown  to  them  by  the  blades.  Their  javelins  were 
made  of  sticks,  with  points  hardened  at  the  fire,  and  armed  with  fish 
bones  instead  of  iron.  They  easily  learned  the  words  that  were  spoken 
to  them.  No  beasts  were  seen  upon  the  island,  and  no  birds  but  parrots, 
in  which  the  sailors  and  the  Indians  continued  trafficing  till  night. 
Columbus  pursued  his  voyage  among  the  many  green,  fertile,  and 


422  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA'. 

populous  islands  which  cluster  in  the  seas  he  had  reached.  He  had 
hoped  to  find  great  wealth  of  gold,  and  the  information  he  received  by 
signs  from  the  Indians  seemed  always  to  confirm  this  opinion,  and  to 
send  him  on  some  expedition  where  he  was  confident  of  finding  rocks 
sparkling  with  riches,  and  rivers  flowing  over  golden  sands.  But  he  was 
continually  deceived,  or  continually  deceived  himself.  At  an  island  they 
called  Isabella,  he  remained  several  days  in  the  vain  expectation  of  pro- 
curing some  gold.  The  Indians  had  told  his  people  stories  of  a  rich 
king  dressed  in  splendid  garments,  and  covered  with  golden  ornaments 
and  they  were  in  hopes  that  he  would  be  civil  enough  to  visit  them,  and 
bring  a  great  many  valuable  things  with  him.  But  no  person  of  that 
description  appeared,  and  they  began  to  grow  tired  of  waiting;  and 
taking  in  a  fresh  supply  of  water,  they  set  sail  for  some  other  island,  in 
search  of  the  rich  king  and  the  gold  mines. 

They  directed  their  course  towards  Cuba,  where  they  felt  sure  of  find- 
ihg  the  land  of  spices,  silks,  and  precious  rnetals,  of  which  they  were  in 
que.^t.  With  this  island  they  were  exceedingly  delighted,  though  they 
still  found  it  by  no  means  the  promised  land.  On  the  northern  coast 
they  sailed  into  a  beautiful  river,  twelve  fathoms  deep  at  its  mouth.  The 
banks  of  this  river,  upon  both  sides,  were  covered  with  trees  of  a  most 
rich  and  luxuriant  foliage,  and  with  beautiful  shrubs  and  flowers  of  every 
description.  They  ascended  the  river  some  distance,  and  the  Admiral 
says  it  was  exceedingly  pleasant  to  behold  the  delightful  verdure  which 
presented  itself,  and  to  listen  to  the  songs,  and  admire  the  variegated 
plumage,  of  the  birds.  The  island  was  full  of  pleasant  mountains,  and 
the  grass  grew,  long  and  green,  down  to  the  very  edge  of  the  water. 

On  the  24th  of  December,  the  weather  being  very  calm,  and  the  vessel 
lying  about  a  league  off  the  Holy  Cape,  Columbus,  at  about  eleven  o'clock 
at  night,  retired  to  rest.  It  was  so  very  calm,  that  the  man  whom  the 
Admiral  had  left  in  charge  of  the  helm,  contrary  to  express  orders,  com- 
mitted it  to  a  boy,  and  went  to  sleep.  Columbus  says  that  the  sea  was 
as  still  as  water  in  a  dish,  so  that  there  was  not  a  seaman  awake  on  board 
of  the  ship,  when  the  current  carried  them  directly  upon  breakers  that 
were  roaring  with  a  noise  that  might  have  been  heard  a  league  ofF.  As 
the  rudder  struck,  the  fellow  at  the  helm  cried  out,  and  Columbus  imme- 
diately awoke  and  ran  upon  deck.  The  master,  whose  watch  it  was, 
then  came  out,  and  the  Admiral  ordered  him  and  the  other  sailors  to  take 
the  boat,  and  carry  out  an  anchor  astern.  Instead  of  obeying  his  com- 
mand, they  immediately  rowed  off  to  the  other  caravel,  at  that  time  half  a 
league  distant.  On  perceiving  this  desertion,  Columbus  ordered  the 
masts  to  be  cut  away,  and  the  vessel  lightened  as  much  as  possible.  But 
all  was  in  vain  ;  she  continued  fast  a-ground,  and  was  rapidly  filling  with 
water.  The  men  on  board  the  other  caravel  would  not  receive  the 
deserters  in  the  boat,  but  obliged  them  to  put  back  to  their  own  ship. 
As  it  was  impossible,  by  this  time,  to  preserve  the  vessel,  Columbus  was 
only  anxious  to  save  the  men.  They  went  to  the  other  caravel,  and  on 
the  succeeding  day,  with  the  assistance  of  the  natives,  and  their  canoes, 
they  preserved  every  thing  of  value.  The  Indians  were  very  honest  and 
kind,  every  thing  being  guarded  by  them  with  extreme  care,  at  the 


EARLY   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


423 


express  order  of  the  King ;  they  lamented  as  much  as  if  the  loss  had 
been  their  own. 

The  chief  King  of  the  place  gave  the  adventurers  three  houses,  in 
which  to  store  the  articles  they  had  saved  from  the  wreck.  Perceiving 
the  desire  of  the  Admiral  to  procure  gold,  he  informed  him  there  was  a 
place  in  the  neighborhood,  where  it  might  be  found  in  large  quantities. 
Columbus  entertained  the  King  on  board  of  the  caravel,  and  received  an 
invitation  to  a  feast  upon  shore.  The  Indian  monarch  treated  the  Admi- 
ral with  every  honor,  feasting  him  with  several  sorts  of  shrimps,  game, 
and  other  viands,  and  with  the  bread  which  they  called  cassavi.  He 
afterwards  conducted  him  into  an  arbor  near  his  house,  where  they  were 
attended  by  more  than  a  thousand  persons.  The  King  wore  a  shirt  and 
a  pair  of  gloves,  which  Columbus  had  presented  to  him,  and  with  which 
he  was  very  much  pleased.  He  was  very  neat  in  his  manner  of  taking 
food,  rubbing  his  hands  with  herbs,  and  washing  them  after  the  repast. 
They  then  went  down  to  the  shore,  when  Columbus  sent  for  a  Turkish  bow 
and  some  arrows.  These  were  given  to  one  of  his  crew,  who  happened 


to  be  very  expert  in  their  use.  The  people  were  astonished  with  this 
exhibition,  as  they  knew  nothing  of  these  weapons ;  but  they  spoke  of 
some  people  called  Caribs,  who  were  accustomed  to  come  and  attack 
them  with  bows  and  arrows.  Upon  which  Columbus  told  the  King,  that 
the  sovereigns  of  Castile  would  send  people  to  fight  against  the  Caribs, 
and  take  them  prisoners.  By  order  of  Columbus,  several  guns  were  then 
fired.  The  King  was  astonished,  and  his  followers  were  very  much 
frightened,  falling  upon  the  ground  in  terror  and  wonder.  Afterwards,  a 
mask  was  brought,  with  pieces  of  gold  at  the  eyes  and  ears,  and  in  other 
places.  This  was  given  to  the  Admiral,  together  with  other  jewels  of 
gold,  which  were  placed  upon  his  head  and  neck.  Many  other  presents 
were  also  made  to  the  Spaniards.  All  these  things  contributed  to  lessen 
the  grief  of  the  Admiral  at  having  lost  his  vessel ;  and  he  began  to  be 
convinced  that  the  accident  had  providentially  happened,  in  order  tnat  this 
place  might  be  selected  for  a  settlement. 


424  EARLY    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA 

Many  of  his  crew  were  very  desirous  to  remain,  and  the  Admiral 
accordingly  chose  a  situation  for  a  fort.  He  thought  this  necessary, 
because  the  territory  was  at  such  a  distance  from  Spain,  that  the  natives 
ought  to  be  held  "in  obedience,  by  fear  as  well  as  by  love."  The 
Spaniards  were  so  active  in  building  the  fort,  and  the  Indians  so  diligent 
in  assisting  them,  that  it  was  erected  in  ten  days.  A  large  vault  was 
dug,  over  which  a  strong  wooden  tower  was  built,  and  the  whole  sur- 
rounded by  a  wide  ditch.  In  the  account  of  the  voyage,  drawn  up  for 
his  sovereigns,  Columbus  says  that  he  hopes,  on  his  return  from  Castile, 
to  find  a  ton  of  gold  collected  by  the  men  left  here,  by  trading  with  the 
natives ;  and  that  he  believes  they  will  have  discovered  mines  and  spices 
in  such  abundance,  that  before  three  years,  the  King  and  Queen  may 
undertake  the  recovery  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  "For  I  have  before 
protested  to  your  majesties,"  says  he,  "  that  the  profits  of  this  enterprise 
shall  be  employed  in  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem,  at  which  your  majesties 
smiled,  and  said  you  were  pleased,  and  had  the  same  inclinations." 

Columbus  left  thirty -nine  men  in  the  island,  with  seed  for  sowing,  and 
provision  to  last  a  twelvemonth ;  he  left  there  also  the  long  boat  of  the 
ship,  and  goods  to  traffic  with.  To  the  fortress,  the  adjacent  village,  and 
the  harbor,  he  gave  the  name  of  La  Navidad,  or  the  Nativity,  in  memory 
of  their  having  escaped  the  perils  of  shipwreck  on  Christmas  day.  After 
cruising  about  among  the  islands  till  the  16th  of  January,  they  set  sail 
directly  for  Spain.  After  one  or  two  violent  storms,  a  visit  to  St.  Mary, 
one  of  the  Azores,  a  penitential  pilgrimage  to  a  hermitage  on  that  island, 
and  an  interview  with  the  King  of  Portugal  at  V;1'  Columbus 

entered  and  anchored  in  the  harbor  of  Palos,  on  the  15th  of  March. 

After  receiving  the  congratulations  of  his  friends  at  Palos,  Columbus 
immediately  set  out  to  meet  his  sovereigns,  whom  he  found  at  Barcelona. 
To  this  place,  he  made  a  sort  of  triumphal  entry,  surrounded  by  the 
haughty  nobility  of  Spain,  vying  with  each  other  in  the  honors  they 
could  pay  to  the  Discoverer.  He  was  received  publicly  by  the  sove- 
reigns, in  a  splendid  saloon,  seated  on  the  throne,  and  encircled  by  a 
magnificent  court.  On  his  entrance  they  rose  to  greet  him,  and  would 
hardly  allow  him  to  kiss  their  hands,  considering  it  too  unworthy  a  mark 
of  vassalage.  Columbus  then  gave  an  account  of  his  discoveries,  and 
exhibited  the  different  articles  which  he  had  brought  home  with  him. 
He  described  the  quantity  of  spices,  the  promise  of  gold,  the  fertility  of 
the  soil,  the  delicious  climate,  the  never-fading  verdure  of  the  trees,  the 
brilliant  plumage  of  the  birds,  in  the  new  regions  which  his  own  enter- 
prise nad  acquired  for  bis  sovereigns.  He  then  drew  their  attention  to 
the  six  natives  of  the  New  World,  whom  he  had  brought  with  him,  and 
described  their  manners  and  dispositions.  He  exhibited  their  dresses 
and  ornaments,  their  rude  utensils,  their  feeble  arms,  which  corresponded 
with  his  description  of  them,  as  naked  and  ignorant  barbarians.  To  this 
he  added,  that  he  had  observed  no  traces  of  idolatry  or  superstition  among 
them,  and  that  they  all  seemed  to  be  convinced  of  the  existence  of  a 
Supreme  Being,  and  concluded  with  saying,  "  that  God  had  reserved  for 
the  Spanish  monarchs,  not  only  all  the  treasures  of  the  New  World,  but 
a  still  greater  treasure,  of  inestimable  value,  in  the  infinite  number  of 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  425 

souls  destined  to  be  brought  over  into  the  bosom  of  the  Christian 
church." 

After  certain  preliminary  negociations  with  his  Holiness  the  Pope,  and 
with  the  monarch  of  Portugal,  both  of  whom  felt  much  inclined  to  pos- 
sess a  portion  of  the  new  territories,  but  did  not  know  exactly  how  to  obtain 
it,  Columbus  sailed  on  his  second  expedition  to  the  New  World,  on  the 
25th  of  September,  1493.  On  the  3d  of  November  he  made  an  island, 
which  he  called  Dominica,  as  it  was  first  discovered  on  a  Sunday. 
Other  islands  were  soon  seen,  and  boats  were  sent  ashore  at  some  of 
them.  They  were  of  different  shapes  and  aspects,  some  green  and 
woody,  some  covered  with  rocks  of  a  bright  azure  and  glittering  white. 
To  one  of  these  groups  he  gave  the  name  of  the  Eleven  Thousand  Vir- 
gins. On  reaching  La  Navidad,  at  midnight,  Columbus  gave  orders 
that  guns  should  be  fired  to  apprise  the  colonists  of  their  arrival,  but  no 
answering  signal  was  given.  A  canoe  soon  afterwards  came  ofF  to  the 
fleet,  and  inquired  for  the  Admiral.  The  Indians  refused  to  come  on 
board  till  they  had  seen  and  recognized  him.  When  questioned  about 
the  Spaniards  who  had  remained  there,  they  said  that  some  of  them  had 
been  taken  sick  and  died,  and  that  some  had  quarrelled,  and  gone  away 
to  a  distant  part  of  the  island.  The  Admiral  concealed  his  surmises  in 
respect  to  their  fate,  and  dismissed  the  natives  with  some  trifling  presents 
to  their  king,  Guacanagari.  On  the  next  day  he  found  but  little  reason 
to  doubt  as  to  the  fate  of  the  colonists.  When  the  Admiral  landed,  he 
found  all  the  houses  in  the  neighborhood  burnt,  and  the  fort  entirely  de- 
stroyed. The  only  remaining  tokens  of  the  history  of  the  colonists  were 
eleven  dead  bodies,  with  some  torn  garments,  and  broken  articles  of 
furniture.  They  discharged  all  the  cannon  and  musketry  of  the  fleet 
at  once,  in  hopes  that  the  sound  might  reach  the  ear  of  some  concealed 
wanderer,  who  still  survived  to  tell  the  fate  of  his  companions.  But  it 
was  in  vain. 

Columbus  was  soon  visited  by  Guacanagari,  the  King,  who  pretended 
to  have  been  wounded  in  a  descent  of  the  Caribs,  but  who  was  suspected 
by  the  Spaniards  of  having  been  concerned  in  the  slaughter  of  their 
countrymen.  He  was,  however,  dismissed  in  safety,  and  it  was  not  till 
subsequent  circumstances  in  some  measure  confirmed  their  suspicions, 
that  the  Admiral  sent  out  a  party  to  reconnoitre  the  island  and  take  him 
prisoner.  They  scoured  the  shores,  and  the  lighter  caravels  entered  far 
into  the  windings  of  the  rivers.  Maldanado  was  at  the  head  of  this 
expedition,  and,  with  his  party,  was  going  towards  a  high  house  they  saw 
at  a  distance,  where  they  supposed  the  cacique  might  have  taken  refuge. 
"  And  as  he  was  going,"  says  Peter  Martyr,  "  there  met  him  a  man  with 
a  frowning  countenance  and  a  grim  look,  with  a  hundred  men  following 
him,  armed  with  bows  and  arrows,  and  long  and  sharp  stakes  like  javelins, 
made  hard  at  the  ends  with  fire ;  who,  approaching  towards  our  men,  spake 
out  aloud  with  a  terrible  voice,  saying  that  they  were  Taini,  that  is,  noble 
men,  and  not  cannibals ;  but  when  our  men  had  given  them  signs  of  peace, 
they  left  both  their  weapons  and  fierceness.  Thus,  giving  each  of  them 
certain  hawks'  bells,  they  took  it  for  so  great  a  reward,  that  they  desired 
to  enter  bonds  of  near  friendship  with  us,  and  feared  not  immediately  to 
54 


426  EARLY   HISTORY   OF    AMERICA 

submit  themselves  under  our  power,  and  resorted  to  our  ships  with  their 
presents." 

It  was  learned  that  Guacanagari  had  retired  to  the  mountains ;  and  on 
this  intelligence,  the  fleet  sailed  from  Navidad  to  Monte  Christi.  The 
Admiral  intended  to  steer  towards  the  east,  and  establish  a  colony  at  the 
harbor  of  La  Plata.  But  being  detained  by  contrary  winds,  the  fleet 
finally  came  to  anchor  in  a  haven  about  ten  leagues  west  of  Monte 
Christi,  where  there  seemed  to  be  a  very  fine  situation  for  a  colony.  The 
soil  was  fertile,  and  the  surrounding  sea  abounded  in  fish.  Behind  it 
were  impenetrable  woods,  and  the  rocks  below  it  might  be  easily  crowned 
with  a  strong  fortress.  This  was  the  place,  therefore,  chosen  for  the 
new  settlement.  A  chapel  was  immediately  erected,  in  which  a  Catholic 
festival  was,  for  the  first  time,  celebrated,  on  the  6th  of  January,  1494, 
The  public  buildings  of  the  new  town  were  erected  of  stone  ;  the  private 
houses  were  built  of  wood,  and  covered  with  grass  and  leaves.  Seeds 
were  sown,  which  sprung  up  with  great  rapidity.  The  neighboring 
Indians  assisted  them  in  building  their  houses,  and  provided  them 
food,  with  the  greatest  diligence  and  zeal.  Columbus  called  the  new 
settlement  Isabella,  in  honor  of  the  distinguished  patron  of  his  expe- 
dition. 

On  the  second  of  February,  a  fleet  was  dispatched  to  Spain,  to  com- 
municate the  progress  of  discovery,  and  the  existing  condition  of  affairs. 
The  Admiral  was  now  doomed  to  be  the  victim  of  new  troubles.  He 
was  sick,  and  during  his  illness,  a  mutiny  broke  out  among  the  discon- 
tented, who  laid  a  plan  to  return  to  Spain,  and  prefer  formal  charges 
against  Columbus.  On  recovering  from  his  illness,  and  learning  about 
the  plot,  he  confined  the  ringleader,  and  inflicted  some  light  punishment 
on  the  accomplices.  Having  thus  arranged  matters  at  the  new  settlement, 
he  set  out  for  the  gold  mines  in  the  interior.  After  establishing  a  fortress, 
and  leaving  fifty-six  men  at  St.  Thomas,  and  sailing  along  the  northern 
coast  of  Hispaniola,  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  an  interview  with  Guacan- 
agari, Columbus  continued  his  course  to  Cuba,  where  he  entered  a  spa- 
cious harbor,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Puerto  Grande.  Still  sail- 
ing along  the  coast,  the  Indian  men,  women  and  children,  continually 
crowded  to  the  shore,  bringing  whatever  they  could  find  to  barter  for 
beads  and  bells.  All  inquiries  after  gold  they  answered  by  pointing  to- 
wards the  south.  While  sailing  in  this  direction,  they  reached  a  beauti- 
ful island,  which  still  retains  the  Indian  name  of  Jamaica.  It  was  found 
to  be  very  populous  and  pleasant.  On  attempting  to  land,  they  were 
met  by  a  large  number  of  canoes,  filled  with  armed  Indians,  who  re- 
sisted their  approach,  darting  arrows  and  javelins,  and  setting  up 
menacing  shouts.  Columbus  ordered  a  few  shot  to  be  fired  among 
them ;  and  a  large  dog  was  let  loose,  which  occasioned  great  terror  and 
confusion. 

On  the  following  day,  however,  they  again  resorted  to  the  shore,  and 
engaged  in  trafficing  with  the  Spaniards.  Most  of  them  were  painted 
with  various  colors,  wearing  feathers  upon  their  heads,  and  palm  leaves 
upon  their  breasts.  Some  of  their  canoes  were  ornamented  with  carved 


EARLY   HISTORY   OP   AMERICA.  427 

work  and  paintings.  These  boats  were  each  made  out  of  a  single  trunk, 
and  many  of  them  were  of  great  size.  One  was  found  to  be  ninety-six 
feet  long  and  eight  broad.  Columbus  now  bore  off  for  Cuba,  resolving 
to  sail  several  hundred  leagues  along  the  coast,  and  discover  whether  it 
were  really  the  continent.  A  large  group  of  islands,  through  which  his 
ships  now  passed,  he  called  the  Queen's  Garden.  When  coasting  along 
Cuba,  he  frequently  sent  the  boats  ashore,  with  several  men,  who  might 
inform  themselves  of  the  character  and  products  of  the  country,  and  in- 
quire of  the  natives  as  to  its  extent.  While  thus  engaged,  they  saw  a 
singular  manner  of  taking  fish  among  the  natives  of  one  of  the  islands 
of  Queen's  Garden.  "  Like  as  we  with  greyhounds  do  hunt  hares  in 
the  plain  fields,"  says  Peter  Martyr,  "  so  do  they  as  it  were  with  a  hunt- 
ing fish  take  other  fishes."  This  fish  was  of  a  form  before  unknown  to 
the  Spaniards,  having  on  the  back  part  of  the  head  a  very  rough  skin. 
The  creature  is  tied  by  a  cord  to  the  side  of  the  boat,  and  let  down  into 
the  water.  When  the  Indians  see  any  great  fish  or  tortoise,  the  cord  is 
loosened,  and  the  hunting  fish  fastens  upon  it,  retaining  its  hold  with  so 
much  force  that  the  prey  is  drawn  with  it  to  the  surface  of  the  water, 
and  there  secured. 

Columbus  pursued  his  voyage  till  he  had  sailed  along  the  coast  of 
Cuba  three  hundred  and  thirty-five  leagues.  The  natives  could  not  tell 
him  the  extent  of  the  country,  though  they  knew  that  it  exceeded  twenty 
day's  travelling.  Comparing  these  circumstances  with  his  previous  no- 
tions, he  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  "  this  country  was  the  beginning 
of  India,  which  he  had  intended  to  come  to  from  Spain."  Ho.  caus-y 
this  decision  to  be  published  on  board  the  three  ships,  and  all  the  seamen 
and  most  skilful  pilots  fully  concurred  with  him  in  the  opinion.  They 
all  declared  under  oath  that  they  had  no  doubt  upon  the  subject.  The 
Admiral  also  swore  to  his  belief,  and  the  clerk  formally  attested  it,  on 
board  of  the  Nina,  on  the  twelfth  of  June.  At  this  very  time,  a  ship- 
boy  from  the  mast-top  could  have  seen  the  open  sea  beyond  the  islands 
to  the  south;  and  if  Columbus  had  continued  his  course  in  that  direction 
but  a  single  day  more,  he  would  have  arrived  at  the  end  of  his  imagined 
continent.  But  in  this  error  he  lived  and  died  :  supposing  Cuba  the  ex- 
tremity of  the  Asiatic  continent. 

The  Admiral  relinquished  all  further  examination  of  the  coast,  and 
stood  south-east  to  an  island  which  he  named  Evangelista.  He  here 
became  inclosed  in  a  large  bay,  which  he  had  supposed  a  channel  open- 
ing to  the  south-east.  The  water  in  some  places  in  this  sea  was  as 
white  as  milk ;  and  according  to  one  writer,  there  were  sometimes  such 
a  multitude  of  tortoises  that  they  arrested  the  progress  of  the  ships.  At 
length  they  were  once  more  coasting  along  the  beautiful  and  luxuriant 
shores  of  Cuba.  Here  Columbus  sought  for  a  pleasant  and  convenient 
harbor,  where  his  weary  crew  might  find  refreshment  and  repose.  An 
incident  occurred  here,  while  the  Admiral  was  hearing  mass  upon  shore, 
that  is  of  considerable  interest.  An  old  man,  of  great  dignity  and  gravi- 
ty, came  towards  them,  and  behaved  very  reverently  all  the  time  that 
the  ceremony  was  going  on.  When  the  mass  was  over,  he  presented 


428  EARLY   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

with  his  own  hands  to  Columbus  a  basket  of  fruit ;    and  when  he  had 
been  some  time  entertained  there,  he  requested  permission  to  speak  a 


few  words  through  the  interpreter.  The  amount  of  this  speech  is  thus 
given  by  Peter  Martyr : — 

"  I  have  been  advertised,  most  mighty  prince,  that  you  have  of  late 
with  great  power  subdued  many  lands  and  regions  hitherto  unknown  to 
you,  and  have  brought  no  little  fear  upon  all  the  people  and  inhabitants 
of  the  same  ;  the  which  your  good  fortune  you  shall  bear  with  less  in- 
i  olence  if  you  remember  that  the  souls  of  men  have  two  journeys,  after 
they  are  departed  from  this  body ;  the  one,  foul  and  dark,  prepared  for 
such  as  are  injurious  and  cruel  to  mankind ;  the  other,  pleasant  and  de- 
lectable, ordained  for  them  which  in  their  time  loved  peace  and  quiet- 
ness. If,  therefore,  you  acknowledge  yourself  to  be  mortal,  and  consider 
that  every  man  shall  receive  condign  reward  or  punishment  for  such 
things  as  he  hath  done  in  this  life,  you  Avill  wrongfully  hurt  no  man." 

Columbus  was  much  pleased  and  affected  by  the  eloquent  wisdom  of 
the  old  man,  as  it  was  conveyed  to  him  by  the  interpreter.  He  answer- 
ed that  the  chief  cause  of  his  coming  was  to  instruct  the  islanders  in  the 
true  religion  ;  and  tlrat  he  had  special  commands  from  his  sovereigns  of 
Spain  to  subdue  and  punish  the  mischievous,  and  defend  the  innocent 
against  violence  from  evil  doers.  The  old  man  was  delighted  with  the 
Admiral,  and  was  desirous  to  accompany  him  upon  the  voyage,  notwith- 
standing his  extreme  age.  The  entreaties  of  his  wife  and  children  alone 
prevented  him.  Columbus  remained  several  days  in  the  river,  and  on 
taking  leave  of  his  old  adviser,  he  steered  south  for  the  open  sea. 
Storms  and  adverse  winds,  however,  detained  him  a  few  days  about  the 
island  of  Queen's  Garden,  and  again  visiting  Jamaica,  he  was  received 
with  great  kindness  and  confidence. 

On  the  24th  of  September,  they  had  reached  the  eastern  extremity  of 
Hispaniola,  and  pursued  their  voyage  towards  the  south-east.  It  was 
the  design  of  Columbus,  at  the  present  time,  to  complete  the  discovery  of 
the  Caribbee  Islands.  But  the  fatigues  which  he  had  suffered  during 


EARLY   HISTORY   OF    AMERICA.  429 

the  voyage  had  completely  exhausted  him.  Besides  his  great  mental 
exertions,  he  had  shared  in  the  bodily  labors  of  the  expedition,  with  more 
unwearied  activity  than  the  best  of  his  seamen.  He  had  shared  all  their 
privations  and  toils  with  them.  His  body  and  mind  at  length  sunk  un- 
der these  continued  and  unintermitted  labors.  A  deep  lethargy  fell  upon 
him,  and  his  crew  were  fearful  that  he  would  die.  He  could  neither  re- 
member, nor  see,  nor  hear  ;  and  was  carried  back  in  a  state  of  insensi- 
bility to  the  harbor  of  Isabella.  What  was  his  surprise  and  joy,  on  re 
covering  his  faculties,  to  find  here  by  his  bedside,  his  brother  Bartholo- 
mew, whom  he  had  not  before  met  with  for  thirteen  years,  and  whom  he 
had  supposed  to  be  dead.  He  had  been  appointed  by  the  Spanish  Go- 
vernment to  the  command  of  three  ships,  and  had  received  orders  to 
assist  his  brother  in  all  his  enterprises.  He  reached  Isabella  just  after 
the  Admiral  had  departed  for  the  coast  of  Cuba,  with  supplies  of  provi- 
sion that  arrived  at  a  fortunate  moment,  to  allay  the  discontents  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  to  alleviate  the  maladies  under  which  they  had  been  suf- 
fering. Meantime  the  Indians  had  become  much  incensed  by  the  out- 
rages of  the  soldiers,  and  several  Caciques  united  for  their  destruction. 
This  was  the  state  of  things  when  the  Admiral  reached  Isabella,  and  it 
was  not  till  the  island  was  restored  to  obedience,  that  Columbus  deter- 
mined to  return  to  Spain.  His  enemie?  at  court  were  many,  active  and 
influential,  envious  and  malignant ;  and  by  their  influence  such  accusa-' 
tions  against  the  Admiral  were  laid  before  his  sovereigns,  that  they 
determined  to  send  a  person  of  trust  and  confidence  to  Hispaniola,  to 
inquire  into  the  alleged  abuses.  Columbus  received  this  emissary  with 
dignity,  and  acknowledged  complete  submission  to  the  will  of  his  mo- 
narch. On  the  10th  of  March,  1496,  he  set  sail  from  Isabella  on  his 
return  to  Spain,  leaving  his  two  brothers  to  administer  the  government 
during  his  absence. 

When  Columbus  arrived  at  Cadiz,  he  found  three  caravels  in  the 
harbor  ready  to  set  sail  for  Hispaniola.  By  these  vessels  the  Admiral 
dispatched  letters  to  his  brother,  to  inform  him  of  his  safe  return,  and  to 
give  him  further  instructions  in  respect  to  the  government  of  the  colony. 
He  then  immediately  repaired  to  Burgos,  at  that  time  the  ordinary  resi- 
dence of  the  court.  The  sovereigns  were  absent ;  but  they  both  soon 
returned,  not  only  to  give  him  a  favorable  reception,  but  to  load  him 
with  thanks  and  kindness.  The  accusations  of  his  enemies  were  passed 
by  in  silence,  either  as  entirely  unfounded,  or  as  of  no  weight,  when 
compared  with  the  great  services  and  unquestionable  fidelity  of  Colum- 
bus. The  Admiral  was  encouraged  by  this  unexpected  reception.  He 
requested  the  immediate  equipment  of  six  ships,  three  of  which  were  to 
be  freighted  with  provisions  and  necessary  utensils  and  implements  for 
the  colony  at  Isabella,  and  the  rest  to  remain  under  his  own  direction. 
This  demand  appeared  very  reasonable,  but  the  sovereigns  suggested 
that  it  was  immediately  important  to  found  a  solid  establishment,  on 
which  succeeding  colonies  might  be  modelled.  The  propriety  of  this 
was  obvious.  It  was  arranged  that  the  sovereigns,  at  their  own  charge, 
should  transport  a  large  number  of  sailors,  soldiers,  laborers,  mechanics 
and  artists  to  Hispaniola.  To  these,  surgeons,  physicians,  and  priests 
were  added.  The  Admiral  also  obtained  permission  to  carry  a  number 


430 


EARLY    H.STCRY    OF     4.MERICA. 


of  musicians,  to  solace  their  labors,  and  amuse  their  leisure  hours  ;  law- 
yers and  advocates  were  expressly  excluded  by  edict,  in  order  to  prevent 
quarrelling  in  the  new  dominions.  Nothing  could  have  been  more  pru- 
dently devised  than  the  greater  part  of  these  regulations.  There  was 
one  proposal  of  Columbus,  however,  extremely  pernicious  to  the  interests 
of  the  rising  colony.  He  suggested  the  transportation  of  convicted  cri- 
minals, and  of  those  confined  in  prison  for  debts  which  they  could  never 
hope  to  pay,  as  a  commutation  for  the  punishment  to  which  they  would 
otherwise  be  subject.  This  advice  was  given  in  consequence  of  the 
present  difficulty  of  procuring  men  willing  to  embark  in  the  expedition. 
The  evils  which  had  befallen  their  countrymen  deterred  those  who  could 
live  in  peace  and  prosperity  in  Spain  from  going  to  the  Indies  ;  but  the 
proposition  of  Columbus  was  most  unwise  and  unjust. 

Much  delay  occurred  in  the  preparation  for  the  voyage,  owing  to  the 
obstacles  thrown  in  the  way  by  the  cold-blooded  enemies  of  Columbus  ; 
but  the  expedition  was  enabled  to  set  sail  on  the  30th  of  May,  1498. 
The  Admiral  pursued  a  more  southerly  course  than  he  had  before  taken, 
and  on  the  31st  of  July,  made  an  island  which  he  called  La  Trinidad. 
He  continued  coasting  to  the  south-west  point  of  Trinidad,  to  which  he 
gave  the  name  of  Point  Arenal.  Near  this  place  the  ships  cast  anchor. 
A  large  canoe  here  put  off  from  the  shore,  in  which  there  were  about 
five-and-twenty  Indians,  who  cried  out  to  them  in  a  language  which  no 
one  in  the  ships  could  understand.  Columbus  endeavored  to  prevail 
upon  them  to  come  on  board,  but  to  no  purpose.  They  remained  gazing 
at  the  ships,  with  the  paddles  in  their  hand,  ready  for  instant  escape. 
Their  complexion  was  fairer  than  that  of  any  Indians  they  had  before 
seen.  They  were  almost  naked,  and,  besides  the  usual  bows  and  arrows, 
they  carried  bucklers — a  piece  of  armor  which  they  had  never  before 
wen  among  the  natives  of  the  New  World. 

Columbus,  having  tried  every  other  means  to  attract  them,  and  in 


vain,  determined  to  try  the  power  of  music.     He  ordered  a  sort  of  Indian 
dance  to  be  executed  on  the  deck  of  his  ship,  while  the  musicians  on 


EARLY   HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  431 

board  sung  and  played  upon  their  different  instruments.  The  natives 
mistook  this  for  a  signal  of  battle,  and  immediately  discharged  their  ar- 
rows, and  on  a  return  from  a  couple  of  cross-bows,  commenced  a  rapid 
retreat. 

Without  knowing  it,  Columbus  was  now  really  in  the  neighborhood  of 
the  continent.  While  anchored  at  Point  Arenal,  the  extremity  of  the 
island  of  Trinidad,  he  saw  high  land  towards  the  north-west,  about 
fifteen  leagues  distant,  which  he  called  Isla  de  Gracia.  This  was  the 
province  to  which  he  afterwards  gave  the  name  of  Paria,  and  which  form- 
ed a  part  of  the  continent.  They  found  in  Trinidad  the  same  kind  of 
fruits  that  abounded  in  Hispaniola.  There  were  also  large  quantities  of 
oysters  there,  and  a  great  number  of  parrots,  with  every  variety  of  beau- 
tiful and  brilliant  plumage.  In  the  strait  formed  between  Trinidad  and 
the  main  land,  they  were  nearly  swallowed  up  by  the  violence  of  the 
waters.  Two  very  rapid  currents,  setting  in  from  opposite  quarters,  lift- 
ed the  ships  violently  to  a  great  height,  on  a  mountain  of  surges,  but  the 
waves  gradually  subsided,  and  they  escaped  without  injury.  To  this 
pass  Columbus  gave  the  name  of  Boca  de  la  Sierpe,  or  the  Mouth  of  the 
Serpent.  They  soon  found  themselves,  by  the  assistance  of  favorable 
breezes,  in  a  tranquil  gulf,  sailing  quietly  beyond  the  reach  of  danger. 

Columbus  was  astonished  to  find  the  water  of  this  gulf  fresh,  and  to 
observe  its  great  smoothness  and  stillness.  It  was  at  a  period  of  the 
year  when  the  rain  fell  in  large  quantities,  and  the  swollen  rivers  empti- 
ed themselves  so  copiously,  as  to  overcome  the  natural  saltness  of  the 
sea.  He  found  many  good  harbors,  as  he  proceeded  towards  the  north, 
much  cultivated  land,  and  many  rivers.  Going  ashore  at  different  times, 
the  seamen  found  grapes,  apples,  a  kind  of  orange,  and  a  great  many 
monkeys. 

On  Monday,  the  6th  of  August,  a  canoe,  with  five  men  in  it,  came  off 
to  the  nearest  caravel,  and  one  of  the  Spaniards  requested  them  to  carry 
him  ashore.  Leaping  into  the  boat,  he  overset  it,  and  the  Indians  were 
taken  and  carried  to  the  Admiral.  Their  complexion  was  like  that  of 
the  natives  they  had  seen  in  the  neighborhood.  The  Admiral  treated 
them  kindly,  and  gave  them  hawks'  bells,  glass  beads,  and  sugar.  They 
were  then  sent  on  shore,  and  gave  so  favorable  an  account  of  their  visit, 
that  great  numbers  collected  about  the  ships.  These  were  received  in  a 
similar  manner,  and  brought  bread,  and  water,  and  a  sort  of  green  wine, 
to  exchange  for  the  trifles  that  the  crews  were  willing  to  give  them. 
They  all  carried  bucklers,  bows,  and  poisoned  arrows.  On  the  next  day, 
a  number  of  friendly  Indians  came  on  board,  bringing  bread,  corn,  and 
other  provisions,  together  with  pitchers  of  a  white  beverage,  like  wine, 
and  a  green  liquor  made  from  maize  and  various  fruits.  They  set  no 
value  upon  the  beads,  but  were  much  pleased  with  the  hawks'  bells,  and 
held  brass  in  very  high  estimation.  Columbus,  on  the  following  morn- 
ing, took  six  Indians,  to  serve  as  guides,  and  continued  his  voyage.  He 
next  touched  at  a  point  which  he  called  Aguja,  or  the  Needle.  The 
country  about  was  very  populous  and  highly  cultivated,  and  so  beautiful 
that  Columbus  gave  it  the  name  of  the  Gardens.  Many  of  the  inhabit- 
ants visited  the  ships,  with  wrought  cotton  cloths  about  their  heads  and 


EARLY   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

loins,  and  little  plates  of  gold  about  their  necks.  These  they  would 
have  been  very  glad  to  exchange  for  hawks'  bells ;  but  the  stock  of  these 
articles  was  exhausted.  The  Spaniards  procured  some  of  them,  how- 
ever, and  were  told  that  there  were  islands  in  the  neighborhood  which 
abounded  in  gold,  though  they  were  inhabited  by  cannibals. 

Some  of  the  females  who  came  on  board  wore  strings  of  beads  about 
their  arms,  among  which  were  a  number  of  pearls.  These  excited  the 
curiosity  and  avarice  of  the  Spaniards  at  once.  The  boat  was  sent  on 
shore  to  ascertain  the  direction  of  the  countries  where  they  might  be 
found.  The  sailors  who  went  in  the  boat  were  received  in  a  very  hos- 
pitable manner,  and  conducted  to  a  large  house,  where  they  were  feasted 
by  the  natives.  Various  kinds  of  bread  and  fruit  were  set  before  them, 
and  white  and  red  liquors,  resembling  wine.  These  Indians  had  fairer 
skins,  and  were  more  kind  and  intelligent  than  any  they  had  before  met 
with. 

On  the  14th  of  August,  the  ships  approached  the  formidable  pass  to 
which  they  had  given  the  name  of  the  Boca  del  Dragon,  or  the  Dragon's 
Mouth.  This  was  a  strait  between  the  extremity  of  Trinidad  and  Cape 
Boto,  at  the  end  of  Paria,  and  was  about  five  leagues  in  width.  In  the 
mean  distance  there  were  two  islands.  The  sea  at  this  pass  is  very  tur- 
bulent, foaming  as  if  it  were  breaking  over  rocks  and  shoals.  The  ships 
passed  it,  however,  in  safety,  and  stood  for  the  westward,  where  they 
had  been  told  the  pearl  regions  were  to  be  found.  Columbus  was 
charmed  with  the  beauty  of  the  coast  along  which  their  course  now  lay. 
He  touched  at  various  islands  during  the  voyage,  two  of  which  were  af- 
terwards famous  for  their  pearl  fishery.  These  were  called  Margarita, 
and  Cubagua.  As  the  Admiral  was  approaching  this  latter  island,  he 
saw  a  number  of  Indians  in  their  canoes,  fishing  for  pearls.  They  im- 


mediately  fled  towards  the  land.  A  boat  was  sent  in  pursuit,  and  a 
sailor,  who  saw  a  woman  with  a  large  number  of  pearls  about  her  neck, 
broke  up  a  piece  of  painted  Valencian  ware,  and  gave  the  fragments  to 
her  in  exchange  for  them. 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  433 

These  were  carried  to  the  Admiral,  who  immediately  sent  the  boat 
back  with  a  quantity  of  Valencian  ware  and  little  bells.  In  a  short  time, 
the  sailors  returned  with  about  three  pounds  of  pearls  ;  some  were  small, 
but  others  Were  of  considerable  size.  It  has  been  said  that  if  Columbus 
had  seen  fit  to  remain  here,  he  could  have  collected  a  sufficient  quantity 
of  pearls  to  pay  all  the  expenses  that  had  hitherto  accrued  in  the  dis- 
covery and  settlement  of  the  New  World.  But  he  was  in  haste  to 
return  to  Hispaniola.  His  crew  had  become  impatient,  and  he  was  him- 
self sick,  and  suffering  under  a  violent  disorder  in  his  eyes.  The  region 
which  he  had  called  Paria,  Columbus  supposed  to  have  been  the  situa- 
tion of  the  terrestrial  paradise.  He  believed  it  to  be  elevated  above  the 
rest  of  the  world,  and  to  enjoy  an  equality  of  day  and  night.  The  fresh 
water  which  sweetened  the  gulf  of  Paria,  he  supposed  to  flow  from  the 
stream  spoken  of  in  Scripture,  which  had  its  fountain  in  the  garden  of 
Eden !  The  Admiral,  however,  did  not  long  indulge  this  imagination, 
"  which,"  says  Charlevoix,  "  we  may  consider  as  one  of  those  fantasies 
to  which  great  men  are  more  subject  than  any  other." 

Columbus  immediately  set  sail  for  St.  Domingo,  where  he  found  af- 
fairs in  a  state  of  the  utmost  confusion.  Many  of  the  Spaniards  whom 
he  had  left  at  Isabella,  had  been  slain  by  the  natives,  and  disease  had 
thinned  the  ranks  of  those  whom  the  knife  had  spared.  Famine  threat- 
ened, distress  was  busy  and  deadly,  and  peril  stared  on  them  from  every 
side.  Eebellion  was  not  idle,  and  numbers  had  taken  up  arms  against 
the  regular  authorities.  Under  these  circumstances,  Columbus  issued  a 
proclamation  denouncing  the  rebels,  with  Roldan  their  ringleader,  and 
approving  the  government,  and  all  the  measures  of  Don  Bartholomew, 
during  his  absence.  For  a  considerable  period,  the  history  of  the  island 
is  a  repetition  of  successive  revolts,  followed  by  accommodations  that 
were  incessantly  interrupted  and  broken.  It  possesses  but  little  interest, 
as  it  is  a  mere  tissue  of  insubordination  and  ingratitude. 

The  next  grand  change  in  the  drama,  represents  Columbus  in  chains, 
transported  as  a  prisoner  across  that  ocean  whose  blue  waters  had  been 
first  disturbed  by  his  own  adventurous  bark,  and  from  whose  shadows  he 
had  revealed  a  New  World  for  the  fading  dominions  of  the  Old.  The 
rumor  was  no  sooner  circulated  at  Cadiz  and  Seville,  that  Columbus  and 
his  brothers  had  arrived,  loaded  with  chains,  and  condemned  to  death, 
than  it  gave  rise  to  an  immediate  expression  of  public  indignation.  The 
excitement  was  strong  and  universal ;  and  messengers  were  immediately 
dispatched  to  convey  the  intelligence  to  FerdinJftl  and  Isabella,  who 
were  much  moved  by  this  exhibition  of  popular  feeling,  and  offended 
that  their  name  and  authority  should  have  been  used  to  sanction  such 
dishonorable  violence.  They  gave  orders  for  the  immediate  liberation 
of  the  prisoners,  and  for  their  being  escorted  to  Granada  with  the  respect 
and  honor  they  deserved.  They. annulled  all  the  processes  against  them, 
without  examination,  and  promised  an  ample  punishment  for  all  their 
wrongs. 

Columbus  was  not,  however,  restored  to  his  command  at  Hispaniola, 
nor  was  it  till  many  months  afterwards  that  he  was  placed *at  the  head 
of  an  expedition  to  open,  a  new  passage  to  the  East  Indies.  On  the  9th 
55 


434  EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 

of  May,  1502,  Columbus  again  set  sail  from  Cadiz  on  a  voyage  of  dis- 
covery. He  first  directed  his  course  to  Arzilla,  upon  the  coast  of  Africa, 
a  Portuguese  fortress  at  that  time  besieged  by  the  Moors.  He  arrived 
too  late  to  be  of  any  assistance,  for  the  siege  had  been  raised.  He  sent 
his  son  and  brother  upon  shore,  to  pay  his  respects  to  the  Governor,  and 
continued  on  his  voyage. 

He  now  touched,  as  usual,  at  the  Canary  Islands,  from  whence  he 
proposed  to  sail  directly  for  the  continent.  His  largest  vessel,  however, 
proved  so  clumsy  as  to  be  unfit' for  service,  and  he  determined  on  this 
account  to  steer  for  Hispaniola,  where  he  found  a  fleet  of  eighteen  ships 
ready  to  depart  for  Spain.  Arrived  at  St.  Domingo,  Columbus  wrote  to 
the  new  Governor,  Ovando,  requesting  permission  to  enter  the  harbor,  as 
well  to  exchange  one  of  his  vessels,  as  to  procure  shelter  from  a  violent 
tempest  that  was  expected,  recommending  in  the  same  letter,  that  the 
departure  of  the  fleet  should  be  delayed  a  few  days  on  the  same  account. 
His  request  was  refused,  and  his  advice  neglected.  The  fleet  set  sail, 
arid  on  the  next  night  were  swallowed  up  by  the  waves.  Of  eighteen, 
ships,  only  two  or  three  escaped.  Columbus  had  taken  precautions 
against  the  storm,  which  his  superior  skill  and  experience  had  enabled 
him  to  foresee,  and  his  little  squadron  was  saved.  On  board  of  the  ves- 
sels which  were  wrecked  were  Bovadilla,  Roldan,  and  most  of  the  vi- 
cious and  discontented  who  had  been  so  busy  in  injuring  the  Admiral. 
All  their  ill-gotten  wealth  perished  with  them. 

Columbus  soon  left  Hispaniola,  and  sailed  towards  the  continent.  Be- 
ing becalmed  on  his  voyage,  the  currents  carried  him  to  some  small  and 
sandy  islands,  near  Jamaica,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Los  Poros, 
or  the  Wells.  Sailing  southward,  he  discovered  the  island  of  Guariaia, 
where  he  had  an  interview  with  some  natives  that  he  found  in  a  canoe. 
This  canoe  was  eight  feet  wide,  made  of  one  tree,  with  an  awning  of 
palm  leaves  in  the  middle,  for  the  women  and  children.  It  was  laden 
with  cotton  cloths,  of  several  colors,  and  curiously  wrought ;  wooden 
swords,  edged  with  sharp  flints;  small  copper  hatchets  ;  bells  and  plates; 
and  the  berries  which  they  called  cacao. 

Continuing  his  voyage,  on  the  25th  of  September,  Columbus  came  to 
anchor  near  a  little  island  called  Quiriviri,  and  a  town  on  the  continent, 
the  name  of  which  was  Cariari.  The  country  here  was  very  beautiful, 
full  of  forests  of  palm  trees,  and  fine  rivers.  A  large  number  of  the  na- 
tives crowded  from  the  adjacent  country,  some  with  bows  and  arrows, 
some  with  hard  and^ack  clubs  pointed  with  fish  bones,  as  if  intending 
to  defend  themselves  from  the  Spaniards.  But  perceiving  they  had 
nothing  to  fear,  the  Indians  were  very  desirous  to  barter  the  articles  they 
had  with  them. 

Columbus  proceeded  upon  his  eastward  course,  stopping  at  a  number 
of  islands,  and  having  various  communications  with  the  natives.  Being 
detained  by  contrary  winds,  on  the  5th  of  December,  he  determined  to 
stand  about,  and  go  in  search  of  some  rich  gold  mines  of  which  he  had 
been  told,  in  the  province  of  Veragua.  For  a  number  of  days,  the  ships 
were  driven  about  by  violent  tempests.  The  rain  poured  down  in  tor- 
rents, the  thunder  rolled  and  the  lightning  flashed  incessantly.  Besides 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  435 

these  dangers,  they  escaped  from  a  tremendous  water-spout,  which  passed 
very  near  them,  but  luckily  without  injury.  On  reaching  Veragua,  the 
Admiral's  brother  went  up  the  river  Belem,  in  the  boats,  to  find  the 
King.  Discovering  a  great  many  signs  of  gold,  Columbus  determined 
to  leave  a  colony  here.  Eighty  men  were  chosen  to  remain,  and  houses 
were  built  for  them  covered  with  palm  leaves.  One  of  the  ships  was  to 
be  left  behind,  with  a  quantity  of  wine  and  biscuit,  with  nets  and  fishing 
tackle.  When  every  thing  was  ready  for  his  departure,  the  Admiral 
found  that  the  river  had  dried  so  much  that  there  was  not  water  enough 
to  float  the  ships  into  the  sea,  and  while  detained  here  on  this  account, 
it  was  discovered  that  Quibio,  the  Cacique  of  Veragua,  had  laid  a  plan 
to  destroy  the  Spaniards,  and  burn  their  settlement.  They  determined, 
therefore,  to  take  him  and  his  chief  men  prisoners.  A  party  of  seventy- 
six  men,  under  the  command  of  the  Admiral's  brother,  were  dispatched 
on  this  expedition.  Arriving  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  house  where 
Quibio  resided,  they  advanced,  two  by  two,  as  silently  as  possible,  and 
obtained  possession  of  the  Cacique's  person,  together  with  a  good  deal 
of  his  wealth,  and  a  number  of  his  wives  and  children. 

The  prisoners  were  committed  to  Juan  Sanchez,  the  chief  pilot  of  the 
squadron,  a  strong  and  trustworthy  man,  who  undertook  to  carry  them 
safely  to  the  ships.  He  was  told  to  take  special  care  that  the  Cacique 
did  not  escape  ;  and  answered,  that  he  would  give  them  leave  to  pluck 
out  his  beard,  if  he  did  not  keep  him  from  getting  away.  They  had 
come  within  half  a  league  of  the  mouth  of  the  river,  when  Quibio  com- 
p1 -'lied  that  his  hands  suffered  from  the  cords  with  which  they  were 
bound.  Juan  Sanchez  then  loosed  him  from  the  seat  of  the  boat,  to 
which  he  was  tied,  and  held  the  rope  in  his  own  hand,  and  a  little  while 
after,  Quibio  threw  himself  into  the  water,  and  sunk  to  the  bottom. 
Night  was  coming  on,  and  the  Spaniards  could  neither  hear  nor  see  what 
afterwards  became  of  him.  The  lieutenant,  on  the  next  day,  returned  to 
the  ships  with  his  prisoners  and  plunder. 

The  river  having  now  been  swollen  by  the  rains,  Columbus  was  able 
to  set  sail  with  three  of  his  ships  for  Spain.  When  Quibio  saw  that  the 
vessels  had  left  the  coast,  he  immediately  surrounded,  with  his  warriors, 
the  little  colony  that  had  remained  behind.  The  lieutenant  was  a  man 
not  to  be  easily  discouraged  ;  he  went  out  against  the  Indians  with  a 
very  small  number  of  followers,  and  with  the  assistance  of  a  dog,  put 
them  all  to  flight.  It  so  happened  that,  at  the  very  time  of  this  attack,  a 
boat  had  been  sent  from  the  ships  to  procure  water.  For  this  purpose 
the  captain  of  it  was  going  some  distance  up  the  river,  and,  though 
warned  of  the  danger,  would  not  desist  from  his  undertaking.  The  river 
was  very  deep,  and  sheltered  on  both  sides  by  overhanging  trees  and 
thick  bushes,  which  grew  down  to  the  very  edge  of  the  water.  When 
the  boat  had  gone  about  a  league  from  the  colony,  the  Indians  rushed 
out  from  the  thickets  on  each  side,  in  their  canoes,  blowing  horns,  and 
making  the  most  hideous  noises. 

The  canoes  could  be  easily  managed  by  one  man,  and  all  the  rest  of 
the  crews  were  busy  in  sending  their  arrows  and  javelins.  In  such  a 
shower  of  darts  the  Spaniards  were  obliged  to  drop  the  oars,  and  protect 


436  EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 

themselves  with  their  targets.  But  there  were  such  a  multitude  of  In- 
dians surrounding  them  from  every  quarter,  that  the  seven  or  eight  men 
in  the  boat  were  soon  pierced  with  a  thousand  wounds.  Only  one  of  them 
escaped,  who  threw  himself,  unobserved,  into  the  water,  and  swam  to 
shore.  Pursuing  his  way  through  the  thickest  of  the  wood,  he  reached 
the  colony  in  safety. 

The  Spaniards  were  much  terrified  at  the  intelligence,  and  still  more 
affected,  when  the  bodies  of  their  companions  came  floating  down  the 
river,  covered  with  wounds,  and  followed  by  the  birds  of  prey.  They 
determined  not  to  remain  in  the  country,  and  immediately  removed  from 
the  thickets,  where  their  houses  were  built,  to  the  open  plain.  Here 
they  constructed  a  kind  of  bulwark  with  casks  and  chests,  and  planted 
cannon  about  them  at  convenient  distances.  The  sea  beat  so  heavily, 
that  it  was  impossible  to  have  any  communication  with  the  ships.  Co- 
lumbus was  alarmed  at  the  long  absence  of  the  boat,  but  was  unable  to 
send  another  in  search  of  it.  He  remained  ten  days  in  this  condition, 
during  which  time  the  captive  Indians  escaped,  by  bursting  the  hatches 
at  night,  and  leaping  into  the  water.  At  length  one  of  the  sailors  propos- 
ed to  the  Admiral  that  he  should  be  carried  in  the  boat  to  a  certain  dis- 
tance from  shore,  and  that  he  would  swim  the  rest  of  the  way,  and 
discover  what  had  become  of  their  companions. 

This  man  was  Pedro  Ledesma,  a  native  of  Seville.  Being  borne  to 
within  about  a  musket  shot  of  land,  he  plunged  into  the  swelling  and 
foaming  waves,  and  succeeded  in  reaching  the  shore.  He  here  learned 
what  had  happened — the  loss  of  his  comrades,  ai:  '  the  determination  of 
the  colonists  not  to  remain.  With  this  information,  Lede.-  i  swam 
back  to  the  boat  that  was  waiting  for  him.  As  soon  as  the  waters  be- 
came more  quiet,  those  who  had  been  left  on  shore  lashed  a  couple  of 
Indian  canoes  together,  loaded  them  with  their  effects,  and,  leaving  be- 
hind them  only  the  worm-eaten  hulk  of  the  ship,  made  for  the  little  fleet 
of  the  Admiral. 

The  three  ships  then  set  sail,  and  held  on  their  course  to  Porto  Bello. 
where  they  were  obliged  to  leave  one  of  the  vessels,  because  it  was  so 
•worm-eaten  and  leaky.  Continuing  their  voyage,  they  passed  the  Tor- 
tugas,  and  reached  the  cluster  of  islands  which  had  been  called  the 
Queen's  Garden.  While  at  anchor  in  this  place,  about  ten  leagues  from 
Cuba,  with  very  little  to  eat,  and  their  vessels  exceedingly  leaky,  a  great 
storm  arose,  and  the  two  remaining  ships  were  driven  with  such  violence 
against  each  other,  that  it  was  with  difficulty  they  escaped,  even  with 
great  injury.  Sailing  hence,  with  much  toil  and  danger,  they  reached 
an  Indian  village  on  the  coast  of  Cuba,  where  they  procured  some  water 
and  provisions,  and  departed  for  Jamaica.  They  were  obliged  to  keep 
continually  working  at  three  pumps  in  each  of  the  vessels.  With  all 
this,  however,  they  could  not  prevent  the  water  from  gaining  upon  them 
with  great  rapidity ;  and  when  they  put  into  the  harbor  of  Puerto  Bue- 
no,  it  almost  came  up  to  the  decks.  Leaving  this  port,  they  .run  their 
vessels  ashore  as  far  as  possible,  in  the  harbor  of  Santa  Gloria,  and 
built  sheds  upon  the  decks  for  the  men  to  lie  in. 

They  were  thus  situated  about  a  bow-shot  from  the  land.     It  happened 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  437 

that  the  Indians  of  the  island  were  peaceable  and  well  disposed,  and  came 
off  from  all  quarters,  in  their  canoes,  to  traffic.  They  brought  to  the 
ships  some  little  creatures  like  rabbits,  and  cakes  of  bread,  which  they 
called  zabi,  which  they  were  glad  to  exchange  for  hawks'  bells  and  glass 
beads.  Sometimes  the  Spaniards  gave  a  cacique  a  looking-glass,  or  a 
red  cap,  and  perhaps  a  pair  of  scissors.  It  was  now  necessary  to  devise 
means  to  leave  the  island.  They  had  no  tools  to  build  a  new  ship 
with,  and  it  was  in  vain  to  stay  in  hopes  that  some  vessel  from  Spain 
would  fall  in  with  them.  The  Admiral  thought  the  best  course  would 
be  to  send  word  to  Hispaniola,  and  request  that  a  ship  might  be  sent  to 
them  with  ammunition  and  provisions.  Two  canoes  were,  according- 
ly, selected  for  this  purpose,  and  committed  to  Diego  Mendez  and  Bar- 
tholomew Fiesco,  with  six  Spaniards  and  ten  Indians  to  manage 
them.  They  went  along  the  coast  of  Jamaica,  to  the  eastern  extremity, 
where  it  was  thirty  leagues  distant  from  Hispaniola,  and  put  out  to 
sea. 

Shortly  after  the  canoes  had  departed,  the  men  on  shore  began  to 
grow  discontented,  and  a  violent  sickness  broke  out  among  them.  They 
became  turbulent  and  seditious.  The  leaders  of  the  sedition  were  two 
natives  of  Seville,  brothers,  by  the  name  of  Porras.  One  of  them  open- 
ly insulted  the  Admiral  on  the  deck  of  his  ship,  arid,  turning  his  back  on 
him,  exclaimed,  "  I  am  for  Spain,  with  all  that  will  follow  me."  About 
forty  of  the  most  mutinous  joined  with  him,  and,  seizing  some  canoes 
which  the  Admiral  had  purchased,  departed  for  the  eastern  extremity  of 
the  island.  These  conspirators  treated  the  natives  very  cruelly  upon  the 
way,  committing  various  outrages,  and  compelling  them  to  row  their  ca- 
noes for  Hispaniola.  The  sea  soon  grew  rough,  and  they  threw  every 
thing  they  could  spare  overboard,  in  order  to  lighten  their  slender  barks. 
At  last  they  threw  over  even  the  helpless  natives  who  had  been  forced 
into  their  service,  and  left  them  to  perish  in  the  waves.  With  much  dif- 
ficulty the  canoes  reached  the  shore.  They  again  ventured  out  once  01 
twice,  after  an  interval  of  several  weeks,  and  were  again  driven  back  by 
the  winds.  From  the  many  excesses  committed  by  these  men,  and  the 
increasing  scarcity  of  provisions,  the  Indians  at  length  began  to  neglect 
even  those  who  had  remained  with  the  Admiral,  and  whom  they  had 
hitherto  supplied  with  sufficient  quantities  of  food.  Columbus  was  de- 
sirous to  awe  the  natives  into  a  compliance  with  his  requests.  He  knew 
that  on  a  certain  night  there  was  to  be  an  eclipse  of  the  moon.  On  the 
day  before  this  event,  he  invited  all  the  caciques  and  chief  men  of  the 
place  to  an  assembly.  He  here  told  them  through  an  interpreter,  that 
the  Spaniards  believed  in  a  God,  who  dwelt  in  Heaven,  rewarding  the 
good  and  punishing  the  evil ;  that  this  deity  had  been  offended  with  the 
wicked  who  rebelled,  and  had  raised  up  the  winds  and  tempests  against 
them ;  that  he  was  angry  with  the  Indians  for  their  negligence  in  not 
furnishing  food  for  the  white  men,  and  that  he  would  that  night  give 
them  a  sign  of  his  indignation  in  the  skies.  The  Indians  listened,  and 
departed,  some  in  terror,  some  in  scorn.  But  when  the  eclipse  began,  as 
the  moon  was  rising,  they  were  all  struck  with  fear  and  confusion.  They 
came  running  with  cries  and  lamentations  from  every  quarter,  bringing 


438 


EARLY   HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


provisions,  and  praying  the  Admiral  to  intercede  for  them.  Columbus 
shut  himself  up  while  the  eclipse  lasted,  and  when  he  saw  it  begin  to  go 
off,  he  came  out  of  his  cabin,  and  warned  them  to  use  the  Christians 


well  in  future,  and  bring  them  all  they  should  require  of  them.     From 
that  time  supplies  of  provisions  were  always  abundant. 

Eight  months  passed  after  the  departure  of  Mendez  and  Fiesco,  before 
any  notice  was  received  of  their  arrival.  Other  desertions  were  on  the 
point  of  taking  place,  when,  towards  dusk,  one  evening,  a  caramel  was 
espied  in  the  distance.  It  proved  to  have  been  sent  from  Hispaniola, 
iinder  the  command  of  Diego  de  Escobar.  He  had  orders  not  to  go  on 
shore,  nor  to  permit  his  crew  to  have  any  communication  with  the  fol- 
lowers of  the  Admiral.  Escobar  went  in  his  boat  to  deliver  to  Columbus 
a  letter  from  the  Governor,  and  a  present  of  a  cask  of  Avine,  and  a  couple 
of  hams ;  then,  returning  to  his  caravel,  he  sailed  away  that  very  even- 
ing. The  Admiral  vwas  very  much  surprised  at  this  singular  conduct, 
and  the  people  thought  the  Governor  intended  to  leave  them  there  with- 
out assistance.  But  Columbus  soothed  them  with  such  explanations  as 
he  could  invent;  told  them  that  Mendez  had  arrived  safely  at  Hispa- 
niola, and  gave  promises  of  speedy  relief.  He  now  turned  his  attention 
towards  arranging  affairs  with  the  rebels.  Messengers  were  sent  to 
mem,  whom  they  insulted  and  dismissed ;  and  it  was  at  last  necessary  to 
come  to  open  battle  with  them.  For  this  purpose  fifty  men,  well  armed, 
were  selected  from  those  who  continued  faithful  to  Columbus,  and  put 
under  the  command  of  the  Adelantado.  Having  arrived  at  a  small  hill, 
about  a  bow-shot  from  the  camp  of  the  rebels,  two  messengers  were  sent 
r>efore,  to  request  a  peaceable  conference  with  their  leaders.  They  re- 
mse'd  to  listen  to  them,  but  fell,  with  swords  and  spears,  upon  the  party 
of  the  Adelantado,  thinking  to  rout  them  immediately.  The  rebels, 
however,  were  finally  dispersed  with  some  slaughter.  On  the  next  day, 
all  wi)*r  had  escaped  joined  in  an  humble  petition  to  the  Admiral,  repent- 
mj,  ut  iheir  past  conduct,  and  declaring  themselves  ready  to  return  to 


EARLY   HISTORY   OF    AMERICA.  439 

their  duty.  Columbus  granted  their  request,  upon  condition  that  their 
captain  should  remain  a  prisoner,  as  a  hostage  for  their  good  behavior. 
They  were  accordingly  quartered  about  the  island,  in  such  places  as  were 
most  convenient,  till  the  arrival  of  a  ship  from  Hispaniola. 

Some  days  now  passed,  when  Diego  Mendez  arrived  with  a  vessel 
which  he  had  purchased  and  fitted  out  at  St.  Domingo,  on  the  Admiral's 
credit.  They  immediately  embarked  on  board  of  it,  and,  sailing  with 
contrary  winds,  reached  St.  Domingo  on  the  13th  of  August,  1504. 
The  Governor  received  the  Admiral  with  the  greatest  respect  and  cere- 
mony, but  his  kindness  was  only  forced  and  treacherous.  He  set  Porras 
free  from  his  chains,  and  attempted  to  punish  those  who  were  concerned 
in  his  arrest.  Columbus  remained  here  till  his  ship  was  refitted  and 
another  hired,  and  in  these  vessels  they  pursued  their  voyage  to  Spain. 

Setting  sail  on  the  12th  of  September,  the  mast  of  one  of  the  ships 
was  carried  by  the  board,  when  they  were  about  two  leagues  from  shore. 
This  ship  returned  to  the  harbor,  and  the  Admiral  pursued  his  voyage  in 
the  other.  The  weather  proved  very  stormy,  and  the  remaining  ship 
was  much  shattered  before  she  arrived  at  St.  Lucar.  At  this  port  Co- 
lumbus received  the  sad  intelligence  of  the  death  of  his  noble  patron, 
Isabella.  He  then  repaired  to  Seville. 

But  he  was  doomed  to  submit  to  the  evils  of  that  ingratitude,  which  is 
not  the  growth  of  republics  only,  but  often  finds  a  genial  soil  under  the 
shadow  of  a  throne.  The  discoverer  of  a  world,  and  the  natural  master 
of  the  empire  he  had  found,  Columbus  was  obliged,  in  his  old  age,  to 
submit  to  the  caprices  and  insults  of  a  narrow-minded  monarch,  to  whose 
insignificance  his  own  magnanimity  was  a  continual  reproach.  Deluded 
with  promises,  foiled  with  disappointments,  exhausted  with  the  toil  and 
hardship  of  momentous  and  ill  requited  enterprise,  mortified  by  unde- 
served neglect,  disgusted  by  the  baseness  and  meanness  of  a  servile 
court,  and  an  ungrateful  King,  oppressed  with  infirmity,  and  cares,  and 
^wretchedness,  Columbus  died  at  Valladolid,  on  the  20th  of  May,  1506. 
nis  death  was  worthy  of  his  character  and  his  fame ;  marked  by  no 
violent  emotion,  calm,  composed,  and  happy;  blessed  by  the  memory 
of  what  he  had  done  for  mankind,  and  cheered  by  the  hopes  of  a  holy 
faith.  A  fit  end  to  the  great  drama  of  his  life  !* 

*  "Columbus  could  never  forget  the  ignominy  of  his  chains.  He  preserved  the 
fetters,  hung  them  up  in  his  apartment,  and  ordered  them  to  be  buried  in  his  grave. 
In  compliance  with  his  request,  his  body  was  removed  from  Seville  to  the  island  of 
St.  Domingo,  and  deposited,  with  his  chains,  in  a  brass  coffin,  on  the  right  of  the 
high  altar  of  the  Cathedral  of  St.  Domingo.  There  his  bones  remained,  until  the 
Spanish  part  of  the  island  was  ceded  to  France,  in  1795.  In  consequence  of  this  ces- 
sion, the  descendants  of  Columbus  requested  that  his  remains  might  be  removed  to 
Cuba.  On  the  19th  of  January,  1796,  the  brass  coffin  which  contained  the  ashes  of 
this  great  man,  together  with  a  chain  which  served  as  a  memorial  of  his  sovereign's 
weakness,  was  carried  down  to  the  harbor  in  procession,  under  fire  of  the  forts,  and 
put  on  board  a  brig  of  war,  to  be  removed  to  Havana.  The  brig  arrived  safely  in 
the  harbor  of  Havana,  and  the  remains  of  the  discoverer  of  America  were  buried 
•with  all  the  pomp  and  ceremony  that  could  be  bestowed  upon  them." 


441 


EARLY   ADVENTURES   IN   NORTH   AMERICA. 


THE  exploits  of  Columbus  having  excited  a  great  sensation  among  the 
English  merchants,  and  at  the  Court  of  Henry  VII.,  the  adventurous 
spirit  of  John  Cabot,  heightened  by  the  ardor  of  his  son  Sebastian,  led 
him  to  propose  to  the  King  to  undertake  .a  voyage  of  discovery,  with  the 
twofold  object  of  becoming  acquainted  with  new  territories,  and  of  real- 
izing the  long-desired  object  of  a  western  passage  to  China  and  the  In- 
dies. A  commission  was  accordingly  granted,  on  the  5th  of  March, 
1497,  to  him  and  his  three  sons,  giving  them  liberty  to  sail  to  all  parts 
of  the  east,  west,  and  north,  under  the  royal  banners  and  ensigns,  to  dis- 
cover countries  of  the  heathen,  unknown  to  Christians ;  to  set  up  the 
King's  banners  there  ;  to  occupy  and  possess,  as  his  subjects,  such  places 
as  they  could  subdue ;  giving  them  the  rule  and  jurisdiction  of  the 
same,  to  be  holden  on  condition  of  paying  to  the  King  one  fifth  part  of 
all  their  gains.  By  virtue  of  this  commission,  a  small  fleet  was  equipped, 
partly  at  the  King's  expense,  and  partly  at  that  of  private  individuals,  in 
which  the  Cabots  embarked,  with  a  company  of  three  hundred  mariners. 
Our  knowledge  of  this  voyage  is  collected  from  many  detached  and  im- 
perfect notices  of  it  in  different  authors,  who,  while  they  establish  the  , 
general  facts  in  the  most  unquestionable  manner,  differ  in  many  parti- 
cular circumstances.  The  most  probable  account  is,  that  Cabot  sailed 
north-west  a  few  weeks,  until  his  progress  was  arrested  by  floating  ice- 
bergs, when  he  shaped  his  course  to  the  south-west,  and  soon  came  in 
sight  of  a  shore  named  by  him  Prima  Vista,  and  generally  believed  to  be 
some  part  of  Labrador,  or  Newfoundland.  Thence  he  steered  northward 
again  to  the  sixty-seventh  degree  of  latitude,  where  he  was  obliged  to 
turn  back  by  the  discontent  of  his  crew.  He  sailed  along  the  coast  in 
search  of  an  outlet  as  far  as  the  neighborhood  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
when  a  mutiny  broke  out  in  the  ship's  company,  in  consequence  of 
which  the  farther  prosecution  of  the  voyage  was  abandoned.  Cabot 
reached  England  with  several  savages  and  a  valuable  cargo,  although 
some  writers  deny  that  he  ever  landed  in  America,  and  it  is  certain  that 
he  did  not  attempt  any  conquest  or  settlement  there. 

This  voyage  was  not  immediately  followed  by  any  important  conse- 
quences ;  but  it  is  memorable  as  being  the  first  that  is  certainly  ascer- 
tained to  have  been  effected  to  this  continent,  and  as  constituting  the  title 
by  which  the  English  claimed  the  territories  that  they  subsequently  ac- 
quired here.  Through  a  singular  succession  of  causes,  during  more 
than  sixty  years  from  the  time  of  this  discovery  of  the  northern  division 
of  the  continent  by  the  English,  their  monarchs  gave  but  little  attention  to 
this  country,  which  was  destined  to  be  annexed  to  their  crown,  and  to  be 
56 


442  EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 

one  principal  source  of  British  opulence  and  power,  till,  in  the  march  of 
events,  it  should  rise  into  an  independent  empire.  This  remarkable 
neglect  is  in  some  measure  accounted  for  by  the  frugal  maxims  of  Henry 
VII.,  and  the  unpropitious  circumstances  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.,  of 
Edward  VI.,  and  of  the  bigoted  Mary ;  reigns  peculiarly  adverse  to  Jie 
extension  of  industry,  trade,  and  navigation. 

While  English  enterprise  slumbered,  both  France  and  Spain  were  ac- 
tive and  successful.  Francis  I.  sent  a  vessel  called  the  Dauphin,  to  the 
American  coast,  commanded  by  Juan  Verazzano,  a  Florentine,  who  had 
distinguished  himself  by  his  successful  cruises  against  the  Spaniards. 
In  this  voyage  he  discovered  Florida,  and  sailed  seven  hundred  leagues 
on  the  North  American  coast,  which  he  named  New  France.  He  made 
another  voyage  in  the  following  year,  when  he  landed  with  some  of  his 
crew,  was  seized  by  the  savages,  and  killed  and  devoured  in  the  pre- 
sence of  his  companions  on  board,  who  sought  in  vain  to  give  him  any 
assistance.  The  gloomy  impression  produced  by  the  tragic  fate  of  Ve- 
razzano seems  to  have  deterred  others,  for  some  time,  from  such  enter- 
prises, and  for  several  succeeding  years  neither  the  King  nor  the  nation 
seems  to  have  thought  any  more  of  America. 

After  a  lapse  of  ten  years,  these  enterprises  were  renewed,  and  Jacques 
Cartier,  a  bold  seaman  of  Malo,  who  proposed  another  voyage,  was  rea- 
dily supplied  with  two  ships  under  the  direction  of  the  Vice-Admiral  of 
France.  His  first  voyage  resulted  in  the  discovery  of  the  Baye  des 
Chaleurs,  and  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.  In  the  following  spring,  a 
large  expedition  was  equipped,  and  proceeded  direct  to  Ne'.vfoundlaiirl. 
Discovering  the  river  afterwards  called  the  St.  Lawrence,  he  sailed  up 
this  stream  three  hundred  leagues,  to  a  great  and  swift  fall,  made  friends 
of  the  natives  on  its  banks,  took  possession  of  the  territory,  built  a  fort 
and  wintered  in  the  country,  which  he  called  New  France.  The  noxt 
spring  Cartier  returned  with  the  remains  of  his  crew,  which  had  been 
much  diminished  by  the  scurvy.  He  carried  with  him  Donnacona,  the 
Indian  King  of  the  country,  whom  he  had  made  captive  partly  by  force, 
and  partly  by  stratagem.  On  his  return,  he  represented  to  the  King  the 
immense  advantages  which  might  result  from  a  settlement  in  that  coun- 
try, for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  the  fur  trade ;  but  his  advice  was 
slighted,  and  the  proposed  establishment  delayed.  Francis  I.  afterwards 
became  aware  of  the  importance  of  the  enterprise,  and  dispatched  Car- 
tier  with  the  appointment  of  Captain-General,  and  with  five  ships.  Af- 
ter a  long  and  boisterous  passage,  Cartier  arrived  at  Newfoundland, 
thence  proceeded  to  Canada,  and  on  the  23d  of  August,  1535,  arrived  at 
the  harbor  of  St.  Croix.  But  this  enterprise  was  also  infelicitous  in  its 
issue,  and  for  half  a  century  the  French  made  no  further  attempt  to  esta- 
blish themselves  in  Canada. 

To  give  a  brief  narrative  of  the  Spanish  attempts  at  colonization  in 
North  America,  it  was  in  the  year  1528  that  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez,  hav- 
ing obtained  from  Charles  V.  the  grant  of  all  the  land  lying  from  the 
River  of  Palms  to  the  Cape  of  Florida,  sailed  from  Cuba,  in  March,  with 
five  ships,  on  board  of  which  were  four  hundred  foot,  and  twenty  horse. 
for  the  conquest  of  the  country.  Landing  at  Forida,  he  marched  to  Apa- 


EARLY   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA.  443 

ache,  a  village  consisting  of  forty  cottages,  where  he  arrived  on  the  5th 
of  June.  Having  lost  many  of  his  men  by  the  natives,  who  harassed 
the  troops  on  their  march,  and  with  whom  they  had  a  sharp  engagement, 
he  was  obliged  to  direct  his  course  towards  the  sea.  Sailing  to  the 
westward,  he  was  lost,  with  many  others,  in  a  violent  storm,  about  the 
middle  of  November,  and  the  enterprise  was  frustrated.  Calamitous  as 
was  the  issue  of  this  expedition,  it  did  not  extinguish  the  Spanish  pas- 
sion for  adventure,  and  Fernando  de  Soto,  a  distinguished  companion  of 
Pizarro,  was  created  Adelantado  of  Florida,  combining  the  offices  of  Go- 
vernor-General, and  Commander  in  chief.  On  the  18th  of  May,  1539, 
Soto  set  sail  from  Havana  on  this  expedition,  with  nine  vessels,  nine 
hundred  soldiers,  two  hundred  and  thirteen  horse,  and  a  herd  of  swine. 
This  army  met  with  various  disasters,  and  suffered  much  from  disease 
and  the  attacks  of  the  savages.  Soto  died,  and  to  conceal  his  loss  from 
the  Indians,  his  body  was  put  into  a  hollowed  oak,  and  sunk  in  a  river. 
The  small  remains  of  his  army,  consisting  of  three  hundred  and  eleven 
men,  arrived  at  Panaco  on  the  10th  of  September,  1543,  and  all  con- 
cerned in  this  great  expedition  were  reduced  to  poverty  and  distress. 

About  the  year  1562,  the  Huguenots  made  an  effort  to  colonize  Flori- 
da, but  after  suffering  deeply  from  shipwreck,  sickness,  and  Spanish  cru- 
elty, they  were  completely  destroyed.  The  expeditions  of  Laudonniere 
and  Ribault  entirely  failed.  Ribault  was  massacred  with  his  troops, 
by  the  Spaniards,  after  a  pledge  of  safety,  and  their  bodies  were  not  only 
covered  with  repeated  wounds,  but  were  cut  in  pieces  and  treated  with 
the  most  shocking  indignities.  A  number  of  the  mangled  limbs  of  the 
victims  were  then  suspended  to  a  tree,  to  which  was  attached  the  follow- 
ing inscription  : — "  Not  because  they  are  Frenchmen,  but  because  they 
are  heretics,  and  enemies  of  God."  To  revenge  this  barbarous  massa- 
cre, Dominique  de  Gourgues  determined  to  devote  himself  and  his  for- 
tune. 

He  found  means  to  equip  three  small  vessels,  and  to  put  on  board  of 
them  eighty  sailors,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  troops.  Having  crossed 
the  Atlantic,  he  sailed  along  the  coast  of  Florida,  arid  landed  at  a  river 
about  fifteen  leagues  distance  from  the  May.  The  Spaniards,  to  the 
number  of  four  hundred,  were  well  fortified,  principally  at  the  great  fort, 
begun  by  the  French,  and  afterwards  repaired  by  themselves.  Two 
leagues  lower  towards  the  river's  mouth,  they  had  made  two  smaller 
forts,  which  were  defended  by  a  hundred  and  twenty  soldiers,  well  supplied 
with  artillery  and  ammunition.  Gourgues,  though  informed  of  their 
strength,  proceeded  resolutely  forward,  and,  with  the  assistance  of  the 
natives,  made  a  vigorous  and  desperate  assault.  Of  sixty  Spaniards  in 
the  first  fort,  there  escaped  but  fifteen ;  and  all  in  the  second  fort  were 
slain.  After  a  company  of  Spaniards,  sallying  out  from  the  third  fort, 
had  been  intercepted,  and  killed  on  the  spot,  this  last  fortress  was  easily 
taken.  All  the  surviving  Spaniards  were  led  away  prisoners,  with  the 
fifteen  who  escaped  the  massacre  at  the  first  fort ;  and,  after  having  been 
shown  the  injury  that  they  had  done  to  the  French  nation,  were  hung  on 
the  boughs  of  the  same  trees  on  which  the  Frenchmen  had  been  previ- 
ously suspended.  Gourgues,  in  retaliation  for  the  label  Menendez  had 


444  EARLY   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

attached  to  the  bodies  of  the  French,  placed  over  the  corpses  of  the 
Spaniards  the  following  declaration: — "I  do  not  this  as  to  Spaniards, 
nor  as  to  mariners,  but  as  to  traitors,  robbers,  and  murderers."  Having 
razed  the  three  forts,  he  hastened  his  preparation  to  return ;  and  on  the 
3d  of  May,  embarked  all  that  was  valuable  in  the  forts,  and  set  sail  for 
La  Rochelle.  In  that  Protestant  capital  he  was  received  with  the  loud- 
est acclamations.  At  Bordeaux  these  were  reiterated,  and  he  was  ad- 
vised to  proceed  to  Paris,  where,  however,  he  met  with  a  very  different 
reception.  Philip  had  already  an  embassy  demanding  his  head,  which 
Charles  and  Catharine  were  not  disinclined  to  give,  and  had  taken  steps 
for  bringing  him  to  trial,  but  they  found  the  measure  so  excessively  un- 
popular, that  they  were  obliged  to  allow  him  to  retire  into  Normandy. 
Subsequently  he  regained  royal  favor,  and  found  ample  employment  in 
the  service  of  his  country. 

Thus  terminated  the  attempts  of  the  French  Protestants  to  colonize 
Florida.  Had  the  efforts  of  Kibault  or  Laudonniere  been  supported  by 
the  Government,  France  might  have  had  vast  colonial  dependencies  be- 
tore  Britain  had  established  a  single  settlement  in  the  New  World,  in- 
stead rf  inscribing  on  the  pages  of  history  a  striking  instance  of  the 
ruirou?  and  enduring  effects  of  religious  hatred,  alike  on  individual  and 
national  fortune. 

One  of  the  most  important  objects  of  maritime  enterprise  in  the  reign 
of  Elizabeth,  was  the  discovery  of  a  passage  to  India  by  the  north  of 
America ;  but  notwithstanding  the  utmost  exertions  of  the  most  eminent 
naval  characters,  Frobisher,  Davis,  anJ  Hudson,  the  attempt  proved  ut- 
;orly  abortive.  In  the  same  year,  however,  in  which  Frobisher's  third 
voyage  terminated  so  unsuccessfully,  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  with  his  half 
brother  and  kindred  spirit,  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  projected  the  establish- 
ment of  a  colony  in  that  quarter  of  America  which  the  Cabots  had  visited 
in  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.,  and  a  patent  for  this  purpose  was  procured 
without  difficulty,  from  Elizabeth.  One  enterprise  under  Gilbert  failed, 
from  tempestuous  weather,  but  by  the  aid  of  Sir  George  Peckham,  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh,  and  other  persons  of  distinction,  he  was  enabled  to 
equip  another  expedition,  with  which,  in  1583,  he  again  put  to  sea. 

On  the  30th  of  July,  Gilbert  discovered  land  in  about  fifty-one  degrees 
north  latitude ;  but,  finding  nothing  but  bare  rocks,  he  shaped  his  course 
to  the  southward,  and  on  the  3d  of  August  arrived  at  St.  John's  harbor, 
at  Newfoundland.  There  were  at  that  time  in  the  harbor,  thirty-six  ves- 
sels, belonging  to  various  nations,  and  they  refused  him  entrance ;  but, 
on  sending  his  boat  with  the  assurance  that  he  had  no  ill  design,  and 
that  he  had  a  commission  from  Queen  Elizabeth,  they  submitted,  and 
he  sailed  into  the  port.  Having  pitched  his  tent  on  shore,  in  sight  of  all 
the  shipping,  and  being  attended  by  his  own  people,  he  summoned  the 
merchants  and  masters  of  vessels  to  be  present  at  the  ceremony  of  his 
taking  possession  of  the  island.  When  assembled,  his  commission  was 
read  and  interoreted  to  the  foreigners.  A  turf  and  twig  were  then  delivered 
to  him;  and  proclamation  was  immediately  made,  that,  by  virtue  of  his 
commission  from  the  Queen,  he  took  possession  of  the  harbor  of  St.  John, 
and  two  hundred  leagues  every  way  around  it,  for  the  crown  of  England. 


EARLY   HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  445 

• 

He  then,  as  the  authorized  Governor,  proposed  and  delivered  three  laws, 
to  be  in  force  immediately ;  by  the  first,  public  worship  was  established 
according  to  the  church  of  England ;  by  the  second,  the  attempting  of 
any  thing  prejudicial  to  her  Majesty's  title  was  declared  treason;  by  the 
third,  if  any  person  should  utter  words  to  the  dishonor  of  her  Majesty, 
he  should  lose  his  ears,  and  have  his  ship  and  goods  confiscated.  When 
the  proclamation  was  finished,  obedience  was  promised  by  the  general 
voice,  both  of  Englishmen  and  strangers.  Not  far  from  the  place  of 
meeting,  a  pillar  was  afterwards  erected,  upon  which  were  engraved  the 
arms  of  England.  For  the  better  establishment  of  this  possession,  seve- 
ral parcels  of  land  were  granted  by  Sir  Humphrey,  by  which  the  occu- 
pants were  guaranteed  grounds  convenient  to  dress  and  dry  their  fish, 
of  which  privilege  they  had  often  been  debarred,  by  those  who  had  pre- 
viously entered  the  harbor.  For  these  grounds  they  covenanted  to  pay 
a  certain  rent  and  service  to  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  his  heirs  or  assigns, 
for  ever,  and  to  maintain  possession  of  them,  by  themselves  or  assignees. 
This  formal  possession,  in  consequence  of  the  discovery  by  the  Cabots, 
is  considered  the  foundation  of  the  right  and  title  of  the  crown  of  Eng- 
land to  the  territory  of  Newfoundland,  and  to  the  fishery  on  its  banks. 
Gilbert,  intending  to  bring  the  southern  parts  of  the  country  within  his; 
patent,  the  term  of  which  had  now  nearly  expired,  hastened  to  make 
farther  discoveries  before  his  return  to  England.  He  therefore  embarked 
from  St.  John's  harbor  with  his  little  fleet,  and  sailed  for  the  Isle  of  Sa- 
ble, by  the  way  of  Cape  Breton.  After  spending  eight  days  in  the  navi- 
gation from  Cape  Race  towards  Cape  Breton,  the  ship  Admiral  was  cast 
away  on  some  shoals,  before  any  discovery  of  land,  and  nearly  one  hun- 
dred persons  perished ;  among  those  was  Stephen  Parmenius  Budeius,  a 
learned  Hungarian,  who  had  accompanied  the  adventurers,  to  record 
their  discoveries  and  exploits.  Two  days  after  this  disaster,  no  land  yet 
appearing,  the  waters  being  shallow,  the  coast  unknown,  the  navigation 
dangerous,  and  the  provisions  scanty,  it  was  resolved  to  return  to  Eng- 
land. Changing  their  course  accordingly,  they  passed  in  sight  of  Cape 
Race  on  the  2d  of  September,  but  when  they  had  sailed  more  than  three 
hundred  leagues  on  their  way  home,  the  frigate  commanded  by  Sir 
Humphrey  Gilbert  himself,  foundered  in  a  violent  storm,  at  midnight, 
and  every  soul  on  board  perished. 


44: 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  SOUTHERN  STATES. 


VIRGINIA. 

TERRIBLE  as  was  the  fate  of  Gilbert  and  his  associates,  the  ardor  of 
Raleigh  was  not  daunted,  nor  his  energies  depressed.  High  in  favor 
with  Elizabeth,  he  found  no  difficulty  in  procuring  a  patent  similar  to  that 
which  had  been  granted  to  his  unfortunate  brother.  Prompt  in  the  exe- 
cution, as  intrepid  in  the  projection  of  his  plans,  he  speedily  equipped  two 
small  vessels,  under  Amadas  and  Barlow,  to  obtain  further  information  of 
the  coasts,  the  soil,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  regions  he  designed  to 
colonize.  Approaching  America  by  the  Gulf  of  Florida,  they  touched  first 
at  the  island  of  Ocakoke,  which  runs  parallel  to  the  greater  part  of  North 
Carolina,  and  then  at  Roanoke,  near  the  mouth  of  Albemarle  sound. 
In  both  they  had  some  intercourse  with  the  natives,  whom  they  found  to 
be  savages,  with  all  the  characteristic  qualities  of  uncivilized  life — bra- 
very, aversion  to  labor,  hospitality,  a  propensity  to  admire,  and  a  willing- 
ness to  exchange  their  rude  productions  for  English  commodities,  espe- 
cially for  iron,  or  any  of  the  useful  metals  of  which  they  were  destitute. 
After  spending  a  few  weeks  in  this  traffic,  and  in  visiting  some  parts  of 
the  adjacent  continent,  Amadas  and  Barlow  returned  to  England,  and 
gave  a  most  fervid  description  of  the  country  they  had  been  sent  to  explore. 
Their  own  words,  as  contained  in  their  report  to  Sir  Walter  Raleigh, 
will  convey  a  better  idea  of  the  mode  of  narrative  adopted,  and  the 
effect  produced,  than  any  language  of  ours.  "  The  soile,"  say  they, 
"  is  the  most  plentifull,  sweete,  fruitfull  and  wholesome  of  all  the  worlde  ; 
there  are  above  fourteene  severall  sweete  smelling  timber  trees,  and  the 
most  part  of  their  underwoods  are  bayes  and  such  like  ;  they  have  those 
okes  that  we  have,  but  farre  greater  and  better.  After  they  had  bene  di- 
vers times  aboord  our  shippes,  myselfe,  with  seven  more,  went  twentie 
mile  into  the  river  that  runneth  towarde  the  citie  of  Skicoak,  which  river 
they  call  Occam ;  and  the  evening  following,  we  came  to  an  island,  which 
they  call  Raonoak,  distant  from  the  harbor  by  which  we  entered  seven 
leagues  ;  and  at  the  north  end  thereof  was  a  village  of  nine  houses,  built 
of  cedar,  and  fortified  round  about  with  sharpe  trees  to  keep  out  their 
enemies,  and  the  entrance  into  it  made  like  a  turnpike,  very  artificially ; 
when  we  came  towardes  it,  standing  neere  unto  the  waters'  side,  the  wife 
of  Granganimo,  the  king's  brother,  came  running  out  to  meete  us  very 
cheerfully  and  friendly  ;  her  husband  was  not  then  in  the  village  ;  some 
of  her  people  shee  commanded  to  drawe  our  boate  on  shore  for  the  beat- 
ing of  the  billoe,  others  she  appointed  to  cary  us  on  their  backes  to  the 
dry  ground,  and  others  to  bring  our  oares  into  the  house  for  feare  of  steal- 


448  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 

ing.  When  we  were  come  into  the  utter  roome,  having  five  roomes 
in  her  house,  she  caused  us  to  sit  downe  by  a  greate  fire,  and  after  tooke 
off  our  clothes  and  washed  them,  and  dried  them  againe ;  some  of  the 
women  plucked  off  our  stockings,  and  washed  them,  some  washed 
our  feete  in  warm  water,  and  she  herself  tooke  great  paines  to  see  all 
things  ordered  in  the  best  manner  she  could,  making  great  haste  to  dresse 
some  meate  for  us  to  eate.  After  we  had  thus  dryed  ourselves,  she  brought 
us  into  the  inner  roome,  where  shee  set  on  the  boord  standing  along  the 
house,  some  wheate  like  furmentie  ;  sodden  venison  and  roasted  ;  fish, 
sodden,  boyled  and  roasted ;  melons,  rawe  and  sodden  ;  rootes  of  divers 
kindes;  and  divers  fruites.  Their  drinke  is  commonly  water,  but  while 
the  grape  lasteth,  they  drinke  wine,  and  for  want  of  caskes  to  keepe  it,  all 
the  yere  after  they  drink  water,  but  it  is  sodden  with  ginger  in  it,  and 
black  sinamon,  and  sometimes  sassaphras,  and  divers  other  wholesome 
and  medicinable  hearbes  and  trees.  We  were  entertained  with  all  love 
and  kindnesse,  and  with  as  much  bountie,  after  their  maner,  as  they  could 
possibly  devise.  We  found  the  people  most  gentle,  loving,  and  faithfull, 
voide  of  all  guile  and  treason,  and  such  as  live  after  the  manner  of  the 
golden  age.  The  people  onley  care  howe  to  defend  themselves  from  the 
cold  in  their  short  winter,  and  to  feed  themselves  with  such  meat  as  the 
soile  afTordeth  ;  their  meat  is  very  well  sodden,  and  they  make  broth  very 
sweete  and  savorie  ;  their  vessels  are  earthen  pots,  very  large,  white,  and 
sweete  ;  their  dishes  are  wooden  platters  of  sweete  timber.  Within  the 
place  where  they  feede  was  their  lodging,  and  within  that  their  idoli. 
which  they  worship,  of  whom  they  speake  incredible  things.  While  we 
were  at  meate,  there  came  in  at  the  gates  two  or  three  men  with  their  bowes 
and  arrowes  from  hunting,  whom,  when  we  espied,  we  beganne  to  looke 
one  towardes  another,  and  offered  to  reach  our  weapons ;  but  assoone  as  shee 
espied  our  mistrust,  shee  was  very  much  mooved,  and  caused  some  of  her 
men  to  runne  out,  and  take  away  their  bowes  and  arrowes  and  breake 
them,  and  withall,  beate  the  poore  fellowes  out  of  the  gate  againe.  When 
Ave  departed  in  the  evening,  and  would  not  tarry  all  night,  she  was  very 
sory,  and  gave  us  into  our  boate  our  supper  half  dressed,  pottes  and  all,  and 
brought  us  to  our  boate  side,  in  which  we  lay  all  night,  removing  the  same 
a  prettie  distance  from  the  shoare ;  shee  perceiving  our  jealousie,  was 
much  grieved,  and  sent  divers  men  and  thirtie  women  to  sit  all  night  on 
the  banke-side  by  us,  and  sent  us  into  our  boates  five  mattes,  to  cover  us 
from  the  raine,  using  very  many  wordes  to  intreate  us  to  rest,  in  their  hous- 
es ;  but  because  we  were  fesve  men,  and  if  we  had  miscarried  the  voy- 
age had  bene  in  very  great  danger,  we  durst  not  adventure  any  thing,  al- 
though there  was  no  cause  of  doubt,  for  a  more  kinde  and  loving  peo- 
ple there  cannot  be  found  in  the  worlde,  as  far  as  we  have  hitherto  had 
triall." 

Delighted  with  the  prospect  of  possessing  a  territory  so  far  superior  to 
any  hitherto  visited  by  her  subjects,  Elizabeth  \vas  pleased  to  honor  both 
the  newly  discovered  country  and  herself,  by  bestowing  upon  it  the  title 
of  Virginia. 

Soon  after  the  return  of  the  two  ships,  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  was  elected 
a  member  of  Parliament  from  Devonshire.  He  was  also  knighted  by 


LARLY  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  449 

the  Queen  ;  and  his  patent  was  confirmed  by  an  act  of  Parliament.  Seven 
ships  were  immediately  prepared  for  a  second  expedition,  and  placed 
under  the  command  of  Ralph  Lane  and  Sir  Richard  Granville.  This 
little  squadron  reached  the  American  coast  on  the  26th  of  July,  1585, 
and  dropped  their  anchors  outside  of  the  bar,  at  Wococon.  Lane  and 
Granville,  with  fifty  or  sixty  officers  and  men,  immediately  crossed  the 
sound  in  boats,  to  explore  the  country. 

Under  the  guidance  of  Mantee,  an  Indian  who  had  sailed  for  England 
with  the  first  expedition,  and  now  returned,  they  made  several  excursions 
upon  the  coast,  and  discovered  some  Indian  villages.  They  next  ventur- 
ed about  eighty  leagues,  as  they  supposed,  to  the  southward.  In  this  di- 
rection, the  utmost  limits  of  their  discoveries  was  an  Indian  place  called 
Socotan,  near  the  present  site  of  Beaufort,  where  they  were  civilly  enter- 
tained by  Wingina,  an  Indian  chieftain.  Here  the  water  became  so  full  of 
flats  and  shoals,  that  the  English  pinnaces  could  go  no  further.  As  they 
had  but  one  small  boat,  and  this  could  carry  but  four  oars  and  fifteen  men, 
with  provisions  for  a  few  days,  they  concluded  to  turn  back.  Some  of 
the  party  proceeded  to  Wococon  by  the  shortest  course  ;  but  Granville, 
with  the  rest,  returned  to  Aquascosack,  a  town  on  the  waters  of  the  Neuse. 
His  object  there  was  to  demand  a  silver  cup,  which  was  stolen  from  him 
when  he  had  first  visited  that  town  on  his  late  circuit.  He  obtained  the 
promise  of  its  return,  but  the  promise  was  not  kept ;  and  the  Indians,  ap- 
prehending danger,  in  consequence  of  his  expected  anger,  fled  to  the 
woods.  This  drew  upon  them  the  indiscriminate  vengeance  of  the  Eng- 
lish commander.  The  town  of  Aquascosack  was  burnt,  and  the  standing 
corn  and  other  crops  utterly  destroyed.  This  was  a  rash  proceeding,  to 
speak  of  it  in  the  mildest  terms ;  and  it  afterwards  cost  the  English  set- 
tlers very  dear,  by  enraging  the  natives. 

After  this  outrage,  Granville  sailed  to  the  island  of  Roanoke,  where  he 
left  behind  him  one  hundred  and  eight  persons,  as  the  foundation  of  a 
colony.  Mr.  Lane  was  appointed  Governor ;  and  Armidas,  one  of  the 
captains  in  the  former  voyage,  was  appointed  Admiral.  Thomas  Heriot, 
a  famous  mathematician,  and  particular  friend  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh, 
also  remained  with  the  colony. 

On  the  18th  of  September,  Granville  arrived  at  Plymouth,  bringing- 
in  with  him  a  rich  Spanish  prize,  which  he  had  the  good  fortune  to  take 
on  his  passage.  The  chief  employment  of  the  colony  at  Roanoke,  mean- 
while, was  to  explore  the  country  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  a  know- 
ledge of  its  geography  and  its  productions.  Governor  Lane  made  various 
excursions  along  the  coast  during  the  fall  and  winter.  He  was  accom- 
panied by  Mr.  Wythe,  a  skilful  English  painter,  sent  out  by  Raleigh,  to 
take  sketches  of  the  situation  of  the  country,  and  the  figures  and  fashions 
of  the  natives.  To  the  north,  Lane  advanced  as  far  as  the  territories  of 
the  Chesapeakes,  an  Indian  nation  seated  on  a  small  river,  now  called 
Elizabeth,  which  falls  into  the  great  bay  of  Chesapeake,  below  Norfojk. 
To  the  north-west,  he  went  up  Albemarle  sound  and  the  river  Chowan, 
more  than  one  hundred  miles,  to  the  settlements  of  a  nation  of  Indians  called 
the  Chowanokes.  These  lived  a  little  beyond  the  fork  of  the  river,  where 
one  branch  now  takes  the  name  of  Nottoway,  and  the  other  of  Meherrin- 
57 


450  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 

But  as  Governor  Lane  undertook  to  effect  his  purposes  among  the  na« 
lives  by  force  always,  instead  of  persuasion,  he  met  with  indifferent  suc- 
cess. The  Indians  had  by  this  time  become  a  little  jealous  of  the  colo- 
nists ;  and  the  best  friend  of  the  latter,  Granganimo,  died  in  the  spring  of 
this  year,  1586.  Gold  was  the  idol  of  the  adventurers,  and  to  the  neg- 
lect of  every  thing  else  they  pursued  this  continually  elusive  phantom. 
Their  provisions  were  exhausted,  and  they  had  taken  no  measures  to  re- 
new them  by  agriculture.  Reduced  to  the  utmost  distress,  they  were 
on  the  point  of  dispersing  to  various  quarters  in  search  of  food,  when  Sir 
Francis  Drake,  who  had  been  engaged  in  a  successful  expedition  against 
the  Spaniards  in  the  West  Indies,  appeared  unexpectedly  to  their  relief, 
and  carried  the  fatigued  and  famishing  colonists  to  England. 

One  consequence  of  this  abortive  attempt  to  found  a  colony,  is  of  suf- 
ficient importance  to  make  it  celebrated  in  history.  Lane  and  his  compan- 
ions had  acquired  from  the  Indians  the  habit  of  smoking  tobacco,  and  car- 
rying a  specimen  of  this  new  luxury  to  England,  the  use  of  it  was  soon 
adopted  by  Raleigh  and  other  young  men  of  fashion.  Fashion,  and  a 
capricious  notion  of  its  salutary  influence,  soon  diffused  a  general  fond- 
ness for  this  disagreeable  weed,  till  the  demand  for  it  has  become  uni- 
versal. 

Raleigh  still  remained  attached  to  his  scheme  of  colonizing,  and  in 
1587  dispatched  another  body  of  adventurers,  incorporated  under  the  ti- 
tle of  the  Borough  of  Raleigh  in  Virginia.  The  bay  of  Chesapeake  was 
designated  as  the  spot  for  the  erection  of  a  fort,  and  the  settlement 
of  the  company.  On  the  16th  of  July,  after  a  passage  of  about  se- 
venty days,  the  expedition  made  the  coast  of  Virginia,  and  arriving  at 
Hatteras,  the  Governor  with  a  select  party  visited  the  island  of  Roanoke, 
to  ascertain  what  vestiges  might  be  found  of  the  party  left  there  the  pre- 
ceding year.  The  bones  of  a  man  were  the  sole  relics  of  the  colony. 
Dwelling-houses  and  a  fort  had  been  erected  by  Lane  in  the  northern 
quarter  of  the  island ;  but  the  fort  was  razed,  and  deer  were  feeding  qui- 
etly in  the  houses  which  had  been  overgrown  with  creepers  and  weeds. 
This  sight  filled  the  adventurers  with  the  saddest  apprehensions, 
and  they  could  only  speculate  on  the  probable  means  by  which 
their  companions  had  come  to  their  death.  Orders  weje  immediately 
given  for  the  erection  of  new,  and  the  repair  of  the  old  cottages,  and  a 
second  plantation  was  immediately  commenced  by  a  colony  of  one  hun- 
dred and  seventeen  persons. 

Before  the  close  of  the  month  of  August,  the  Governor,  Mr.  John  White, 
in  whom,  with  a  council  of  twelve,  the  legislative  power  of  the  colony 
was  vested,  sailed  for  England  to  procure  supplies.  At  this  time  the  na- 
tion was  engrossed  by  the  expected  invasion  of  the  Spanish  armada,  but 
Raleigh  still  contrived  to  send  out  White  with  two  more  vessels,  which 
were  unfortunately  attacked  by  the  enemy,  and  so  shattered  as  to  be  com- 
pelled to  return.  It  was  not  till  1590,  that  another  expedition  succeeded 
in  reaching  Virginia,  when  they  found  a  scene  of  similar  tragic  character 
with  that  which  had  been  before  displayed.  No  living  trace  of  the  colo- 
ny was  to  be  found.  The  palisades  were  still  standing  about  their  houses, 
and  their  unconsumed  stores  were  found  hidden  in  the  earth  ;  but  no 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF   AMERICA. 


451 


voice  told  their  story,  and  no  certain  though  silent  testimony  was  found 
of  their  fate.  If  they  had  been  slain  by  savage  incursion,  every  trace  of 
blood  and  fire  was  carefully  removed,  and  not  a  bleached  bone  was  left 
to  bear  witness  of  the  tragedy.  They  had  perished  beyond  a  doubt,  but 
whether  by  the  sea  or  land,  by  the  war  of  the  elements,  or  the  still  more 
cruel  war  of  the  human  passions,  was  and  remains  a  mystery.  Thus 
terminated  the  noble  efforts  of  the  generous  and  accomplished  Raleigh,  to 
plant  a  colony  in  the  western  hemisphere.  In  four  several  expeditions 
he  had  expended  forty  thousand  pounds,  without  any  return  ;  and  he  was 
without  much  difficulty  induced  to  surrender  the  privileges  of  his  patent 
to  other  hands.  The  mercantile  company  into  whose  possession  this  pa- 
tent fell,  carried  on  a  slight  traffic  in  a  few  small  barks,  but  made  no  effort  to 
make  a  settlement  in  the  country.  Thus,  after  more  than  a  century  after 
the  discovery  of  North  America  by  Cabot,  not  an  individual  English  resi- 
dent remained  in  the  new  world.  Shipwreck  and  famine,  savage  warfare 
and  domestic  dissensions,  had  frustrated  every  effort  to  establish  an  Eng- 
lish colony  beyond  the  ocean,  as  if  it  were  indeed  the  "  dissocial"  waste 
imagined  by  the  ancients,  whose  waters  it  were  impious  to  violate  and 
impossible  to  pass. 

The  colonization  of  America  awaited  the  energy  of  a  new  impulse,  and 
the  first  permanent  settlement  in  Virginia  was  made  in  1606,  by  an  expedi- 
tion under  the  command  of  Christopher  Newport.  He  entered  the  magnifi- 
cent bay  of  Chesapeake,  the  spacious  reservoir  of  innumerable  waters,  and 
gave  the  names  of  Henry  and  Charles  to  its  southern  and  northern  pro- 
montories. Every  object  which  met  the  eyes  of  the  adventurers  as  they 
sailed  up  the  broad  and  shining  bosom  of  the  great  Chesapeake,  excited 


their  imaginations  and  their  hopes.  The  banks  of  the  bay,  upon  all  sides, 
as  far  as  sight  could  reach,  were  covered  with  the  fresh  green  beauty  of 
spring.  There  were  large  and  majestic  navigable  rivers,  and  between 
them  a  variety  of  mountains,  plains  and  valleys  stretching  far  away  in 
the  distance.  Bright  rivulets  came  dashing  down  the  hills,  and  fell  into 
the  bay.  Innumerable  birds  sported  and  sang  in  the  green  woods  upon 


452  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 

the  shore  and  the  islands ;  the  fish  leaped  from  the  sunny  waters  around 
them ;  and  all  nature  seemed  to  welcome  the  coming  of  the  new  colony 
with  smiles. 

The  adventurers  were  employed  in  seeking  a  place  for  settlement  until 
the  13th  of  May,  when  they  took  possession  of  a  peninsula,  on  the  north 
side  of  the  river  Powhatan,  called  by  the  emigrants  James  river,  about 
forty  miles  from  its  mouth.  To  make  room  for  their  projected  town,  they 
commenced  clearing  away  the  forest,  which  had  for  centuries  afforded 
shelter  and  food  to  the  natives.  The  members  of  the  Council,  while  they 
adhered  to  their  orders  in  the  choice  of  their  President,  on  the  most  fri- 
volous pretences  excluded  from  a  seat  among  them  the  individual,  who 
was  probably  of  all  others  the  best  fitted  for  the  office,  Captain  Smith, 
though  nominated  by  the  same  instrument  from  which  they  derived  their 
authority.  His  superior  talents,  and  the  fame  he  had  previously  acquir- 
ed in  war,  excited  their  envy,  while  possibly  they  induced  him  to  assume, 
that  a  greater  deference  was  due  to  his  opinion  than  his  coadjutors  were 
willing  to  admit.  At  length,  however,  by  the  prudent  exhortations  of  Mr. 
Hunt,  their  chaplain,  the  animosities  which  had  arisen  were  composed, 
Smith  was  admitted  into  the  Council,  and  they  all  turned  their  undivided 
attention  to  the  government  of  the  colony.  In  honor  of  their  monarch, 
they  called  the  town,  the  erection  of  which  they  now  commenced,  James- 
town. Thus  was  formed  the  first  permanent  colony  of  the  English  in 
America. 

The  vicinity  of  the  settlement  was  a  vast  wilderness,  though  a  luxuriant 
one,  inhabited  by  a  race  of  Indian  savages,  possessing  both  the  virtues  and 
the  vices  peculiar  to  their  state.  At  first  they  treated  the  colonists  with 
kindness ;  but  misunderstandings,  from  various  causes,  ere  long  interrupted 
the  peace,  and  annoyed  the  proceedings  of  the  English.  Nor  was  the  hos- 
tility of  the  natives  the  only  occasion  of  discomfort ;  the  extreme  heat  of 
summer,  and  the  intense  cold  of  the  succeeding  winter,  were  alike  fatal 
to  the  colonists.  From  May  to  September,  fifty  persons  died,  among 
whom  was  Bartholomew  Gosnold,  a  member  of  the  Council.  The  store- 
house at  Jamestown  accidentally  taking  fire,  the  town,  thatched  with 
reeds,  burned  with  such  violence,  that  the  fortifications,  arms,  apparel, 
bedding,  and  a  great  quantity  of  private  goods  and  provision,  were  con- 
sumed. 

These  distresses  naturally  led  them  to  reflect  upon  their  situation ;  and 
having  become  sensible  of  their  injustice  to  Smith,  his  personal  talents 
and  activity  were,  in  their  adversity,  appealed  to  with  that  regard  and  de- 
ference which,  in  prosperous  times,  are  yielded  only  to  vested  authority 
and  official  station.  From  some  unaccountable  jealousy  on  the  part  of 
the  Governor,  the  fort  had  been  left  in  an  unprotected  state,  but,  by  the 
advice  of  Smith,  it  was  now  put  into  a  state  to  defend  them  against  the 
attacks  of  the  Indians.  To  procure  provisions  and  explore  the  country, 
he  made  frequent  and  distant  excursions  into  the  wilderness.  In  one  of 
these,  he  seized  an  Indian  idol,  made  with  skins  stuffed  with  moss,  for 
the  redemption  of  which  as  much  ~orn  was  brought  him  as  he  required. 
Some  tribes  he  gained  by  caresses  and  presents,  and  procured  from  them 
a  supply  of  provisions ;  others  he  attacked  with  open  force,  and  defeat 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  453 

ing  them  on  every  occasion,  whatever  their  superiority  in  numbers  might 
be,  compelled  them  to  impart  to  him  some  portion  of  their  winter  stores. 
As  the  recompense  of  all  his  toils  and  dangers,  he  saw  abundance  and 
contentment  re-established  in  the  colony,  and  hoped  that  he  should  be 
able  to  maintain  them  in  that  happy  state,  until  the  arrival  of  ships  from 
England  in  the  spring.  But  in  the  midst  of  his  energetic  measures,  while 
exploring  the  source  of  the  river  Chickahominy,  he  was  surprised  and  at- 
tacked by  a  party  of  Indians.  He  defended  himself  bravely  until  his 
companions  were  killed,  when  he  took  to  flight ;  but  running  incautiously, 
he  sunk  up  to  his  shoulders  in  a  swamp  and  was  taken  prisoner.  The 
exulting  savages  conducted  him  in  triumph  through  several  towns  to 
Werowocomoco,  where  Powhatan,  their  King,  resided  in  state,  with  a 
strong  guard  of  Indians  around  him.  When  the  prisoner  entered  the 
apartment  of  the  sovereign,  all  the  people  gave  a  shout.  The  queen  of 
Appamatuck  was  appointed  to  bring  him  water  to  wash  his  hands  ;  and 
another  person  brought  a  bunch  of  feathers,  instead  of  a  towel,  to  dry 
them.  Having  feasted  him  in  their  best  manner,  and  exhibited  some  of 


their  Indian  dances  before  him,  they  held  a  long  consultation,  at  the  con- 
clusion of  which,  two  great  stones  were  brought  before  Powhatan.  Smith 
had  now  reason  to  consider  his  career  as  drawing  to  a  close  ;  by  the  unit- 
ed efforts  of  the  attendants,  he  was  forcibly  dragged,  his  head  laid  upon 
one  of  the  stones,  and  the  mighty  club  upraised,  a  few  blows  from  which 
were  to  terminate  his  existence.  But  a  very  unexpected  interposition 
now  took  place.  Pocahontas,  the  favorite  daughter  of  Powhatan,  was 
seized  with  emotions  of  tender  pity,  and  ran  up  to  her  father,  pathetically 
pleading  for  the  life  of  the  stranger.  When  all  entreaties  were  lost  on 
that  stern  and  savage  potentate,  she  hastened  to  Smith,  snatched  his  head 
in  her  arms,  and  laid  her  own  on  his,  declaring  that  the  first  blow  must 
fall  upon  her.  The  heart  even  of  a  savage  father  was  at  last  melted, 
and  Powhatan  granted  to  his  favorite  daughter  the  life  of  Smith. 

During  his  captivity  among  the  Indians,  Smith  found  many  opportuni- 
ties of  witnessing  their  peculiar  manners  and  ceremonies,  and  has  described 


454 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 


them,  in  some  respects,  with  much  minuteness.  Among  other  things,  he 
describes  the  magical  performances  to  which  they  had  recourse,  in  order 
to  ascertain  whether  Smith  intended  them  good  or  evil ;  for  they  were 
still  greatly  in  awe  of  him.  Early  one  morning,  therefore,  a  great  fire 
was  made  in  a  log-house,  and  a  large  mat  spread  on  two  opposite  sides. 
They  made  Smith  sit  down  upon  one ;  and  his  guard,  still  consisting  of 
some  twenty  or  thirty  stout  Indians,  then  left  the  house. 

Presently  a  large  grim  looking  savage  came  skipping  and  flourishing 
in,  like  a  wire-dancer.     He  was  all  painted  over  with  coal,  mingled  with  oil. 


On  this  creature's  head,  to  complete  his  attractions,  was  a  large  orna- 
mental bunch  of  snake  and  weasel  skins,  stuffed  with  moss,  and  their 
tails  so  tied  together,  as  to  meet  on  the  crown  of  his  head,  like  a  tassel. 
The  skins  hung  down  about  his  face  and  shoulders,  and  a  coronet  of  long 
feathers  streamed  round  about  from  his  tassel.  Thi;;  character  now  be- 
gan his  invocation.  He  shouted  like  a  fiend,  with  all  possible  gestures, 
postures,  and  grimaces.  He  carried  a  tremendous  rattle  in  his  hand, 
moreover,  to  complete  the  concert.  This  being  over,  three  more  people 
of  the  same  description,  painted  half  red  and  half  black,  came  rushing  in 
like  the  first,  and  performed  nearly  the  same  kind  of  dance  ;  but  the  eyes 
of  the  last  three  were  painted  white ;  and  some  rough  strokes  of  paint 
were  daubed  along  their  jaws,  as  an  imitation  of  English  mustachios  and 
whiskers.  These  men  having  skipped  and  howled  round  about  Smith  till 
he  was  nearly  stunned  with  their  noise,  retired  into  the  ante-chamber, 
probably  to  refresh  themselves.  But  the  ceremony  was  not  yet  over. 
Three  more  now  leaped  into  the  room,  not  a  whit  less  ugly  than  the  oth- 
ers, with  red  eyes  and  white  mustachios,  painted  upon  faces  as  black  as  a 
kettle.  At  last,  all  the  dancers  seated  themselves  on  the  mat  opposite  to 
Smith — three  on  one  side  of  the  chief  performer,  and  three  on  the  oth- 
er. He  soon  commenced  a  song,  accompanied  with  the  noise  of  rattles. 
The  chief  man  then  laid  down  five  grains  of  wheat,  and  commenced  an 
oration,  straining  his  arms  and  hands  with  such  violence,  that  his  veins 
swelled.  At  the  conclusion  of  this  performance,  they  all  gave  a  short 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  455 

groan,  by  way  of  assent  to  what  was  said,  and  laid  down  three  grains 
more.  Smith  was  then  entertained  with  another  song  and  oration,  the 
grain  being  laid  down  as  before.  All  this  continued  till  night,  neither 
he  nor  they  having  a  morsel  of  food.  The  Indians  then  feasted  merrily 
upon  all  the  provisions  they  could  muster,  giving  Smith  a  good  share  of 
them.  The  ceremonies  just  described  were  repeated  the  two  following 
days.  Some  maize  meal  which  they  strewed  around  him  in  circles,  rep- 
resented their  country,  they  said  ;  the  wheat,  the  bounds  of  the  sea  ;  and 
something  else  was  used  to  signify  the  country  of  the  whites.  They  gave 
Smith  to  understand,  that  the  earth  was  flat  and  round,  like  a  trencher, 
themselves  being  situated,  they  said,  precisely  in  the  middle.  After  this 
they  showed  him  a  bag  of  English  gunpowder,  which  'they  had  taken 
from  some  of  his  men.  They  said  they  were  going  to  preserve  it  care- 
fully till  the  next  spring,  supposing  it  to  be  some  new  kind  of  grain  which 
would  yield  them  a  harvest. 

After  an  absence  of  seven  weeks,  Smith  arrived  at  the  colony  just  in 
season  to  prevent  its  abandonment ;  and  it  was  with  much  difficulty  that 
he  could  dissuade  his  companions  from  their  determination  to  return  to 
England.  Pocahontas  continued  to  display  her  partiality  towards  the 
whites,  by  furnishing  the  rolony  with  supplies  of  provisions,  till  the  arri 
val  of  a  vessel  from  the  other  side  of  the  water.  In  the  course  of  the 
year  1608,  Smith  made  an  exploring  voyage  up  the  Potomac.  Here 
three  or  four  thousand  Indians,  having  a  hint  of  his  coming,  lay  in  wait 
to  kill  him.  They  were  frightened  into  peace,  however,  by  a  discharge 
of  Smith's  musketry,  and  even  confessed  that  Powhatan  had  persuaded 
them  to  take  up  arms. 

At  the  mouth  of  the  Rappahannock  river,  Smith  saw  a  fish,  called  the 
stingray,  lying  among  the  reeds  near  the  bank.  He  struck  at  the  fish 
with  his  sword,  and  received  a  severe  wound  in  the  wrist  from  the  thorn 
in  the  tail  of  the  stingray.  The  pain  produced  by  the  wound  was  so 
violent,  that  Smith's  life  was  for  a  time  despaired  of.  But  he  recovered, 
returned  to  Jamestown,  and  was  chosen  President  of  the  colony  the  same 
season.  Smith  made  another  voyage,  of  more  than  three  thousand  miles, 
along  the  coast  and  up  the  rivers,  in  August  and  September  of  this  same 
year.  He  spent  some  time  with  the  Susquehannock  Indians,  a  tribe 
which  knew  nothing  of  Powhatan  but  his  name.  They  had  iron  hatchets 
and  other  tools,  which  they  had  obtained  from  the  French  in  Canada. 
These  Indians  are  represented  as  giants  in  stature,  the  leg  of  one  of  them 
being  three  quarters  of  a  yard  round  ;  but  there  was  probably  some  mis- 
take about  this. 

In  1609,  Smith  went  to  see  the  Indians  again,  and  Powhatan  endea- 
vored to  get  possession  of  his  person ;  but  his  life  was  saved  by  Pocahon- 
tas, who  came  through  the  woods  in  the  night,  to  his  camp,  and  warned 
him  of  his  danger.  After  this,  Smith  visited  Opechancanough,  the 
Indian  King,  at  Pamunkey  They  had  agreed  upon  a  place  where  they 
might  meet  to  trade  ;  but  when  Smith  came  there,  he  was  beset  by  seven 
hundred  savages.  He  boldly  seized  Opechancanough  by  the  hair,  and 
led  him,  trembling,  into  the  midst  of  his  people.  The  latter  laid  down 
their  arms,  and  ransomed  their  prisoner  by  a  large  present  of  corn  to 


456  EARLY    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

Smith.  He  left  them  the  next  day.  At  another  time,  as  Sr  dtn  was 
straying  alone  in  the  woods,  he  was  attacked  by  the  King  Paspahey,  a 
giant  savage.  After  a  violent  struggle,  Smith  succeeded  in  getting  him 
to  the  ground,  bound  him,  and  carried  him  on  his  shoulders  to  Jamestown. 


Soon  after  this  occurrence,  Smith  received  a  dangerous  wound  from 
an  accidental  explosion  of  some  gunpowder,  and  was  compelled  to  return 
to  England  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  medical  assistance.  "  It  was  natu- 
ral," observes  the  historian,  Grahame, "  that  he  should  abandon  with  regret 
the  society  he  had  so  often  preserved,  the  settlement  he  had  conducted 
through  difficulties  as  formidable  as  the  infancy  of  Carthage  or  Rome  had  to 
encounter,  and  the  scenes  he  had  dignified  by  so  much  wisdom  and  virtue. 
But  our  sympathy  with  his  regret  is  abated  by  the  reflection,  that  a  longer 
residence  in  the  colony  would  speedily  have  consigned  him  to  a  very  subor- 
dinate office,  and  might  have  deprived  the  world  of  that  stock  of  valuable 
knowledge,  and  his  own  character  of  that  accession  of  fame,  which  the 
publication  of  his  travels  has  been  the  means  of  perpetuating."  Unfor- 
tunately, Smith  never  returned  to  Virginia,  and  his  loss,  as  might  have 
been  anticipated,  was  a  most  lamentable  circumstance  for  the  colony.  At 
the  end  of  six  months  from  the  time  of  his  departure,  sixty  only  of  five 
hundred  colonists  remained  alive.  They  were  soon  after  so  disheartened 
that  they  embarked  on  board  their  vessels,  with  all  their  stores,  and 
actually  dropped  down  the  James  river  as  far  as  Mulberry  island,  with  the 
intention  of  leaving  the  country  forever.  But,  as  they  lay  anchored  at 
the  island,  a  boat  suddenly  came  in  sight,  which  brought  the  news  that 
Lord  de  la  War  was  close  at  hand  with  an  English  fleet,  and  a  supply 
of  stores.  With  this  fleet  the  colonists  returned  to  Jamestown. 

Pocahontas  afterwards  married  an  Englishman,  and  went  with  her 
husband  to  his  native  country,  where  she  was  for  several  years  an  object 
of  great  curiosity  and  attention.  She  died  at  Gravesend,  in  1616.  The 
old  King,  Powhatan,  died  at  a  later  period,  at  the  age  of  nearly  one  hun- 
dred years. 

In  the  year  1622,  about  sixteen  months  after  the  landing  of  the  pil- 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF   AMERICA.  457 

grims  at  Plymouth,  Jamestown,  and  the  smaller  English  settlements  in  Vir- 
ginia, were  simultaneously  threatened  with  a  general  massacre.  This  was 
on  the  22d  of  March,  the  tribes  round  about  having  all  been  drawn  together 
by  Opechancanough,  the  brother  of  Powhatan.  They  had  assembled 
from  various  parts  of  the  country,  marching  secretly  through  the  woods 
by  night.  The  English  were  in  perfect  security, ;  meanwhile,  supposing 
the  Indians  to  be  friendly  as  ever.  Opechancanough  .was  so  artful  as  to 
send  presents  of  venison  and  wild  fowl  to  the  English  on  the  morning  of 
the  fatal  day.  "  Sooner  shall  the  sky  fall,"  said  this  deceitful  old  sachem, 
"  than  the  peace  shall  be  violated  on  my  part." 

But  the  terrible  hour  soon  came.  At  mid-day  the  savages  rushed  out 
in  immense  numbers  from  the  woods,  all  around  the  villages  and  houses 
of  the  whites,  falling  upon  man,  woman,  and  child,  without  mercy,  mang- 
ling even  the  dead  bodies  of  the  murdered  English,  with  the  most  fero- 
cious cruelty.  In  one  hour,  three  hundred  and  forty-seven  of  the  English 
"were  killed.  So  sudden  was  the  attack,  that  the  people  hardly  knew 
who  were  their  enemies,  or  where  they  had  come  from.  It  was  mere 
chance  that  saved  the  colony  from  entire  ruin.  A  Christian  Indian, 
named  Chanco,  lived  with  one  Richard  Pace,  and  was  kindly  treated  by 
him  and  his  family.  The  night  before  the  massacre,  a  brother  of  Chanco 
came  and  slept  with  him,  told  him  the  whole  Indian  plot,  and  directed 
him  to  undertake  the  murder  of  his  master  the  next  day.  .  Poor  Chanco 
was  shocked,  and  the  moment  his  brother  had  gone,  disclosed  the  scheme 
to  his  master.  Notice  was  immediately  given  in  all  directions  among  the 
English  ;  and  thus  Jamestown  and  some  other  places  wers  saved.  The 
Indians  were  severely  punished  for  this  massacre  within  a  few  years,  and 
never  after  gave  the  colony  much  trouble. 

After  the  massacre  just  related,  nothing  of  great  interest  occurred  in 
Virginia  till  the  period  of  the  revolutionary  struggle.  The  settlements 
increased,  village  after  village  sprung  up  in  the  wilderness,  and  the  colony 
became  rich  and  powerful ;  the  Indians  gradually  retired  to  the  interior, 
as  the  white  people  encroached  upon  their  hunting  grounds,  and,  after 
many  years,  there  were  only  a  few  scattered  remnants  of  the  mighty 
tribes  who  once  threatened  to  drive  the  English  emigrants  away  from 
the  country. 


NORTH  AND  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

THE  final  and  effectual  settlement  of  Carolina  originated  with  the  Earl 
of  Clarendon,  and  other  courtiers  of  Charles  II.  On  their  application 
for  a  charter,  he  granted  them  all  the  lands  lying  between  the  thirty-first 
and  thirty-sixth  degrees  of  north  latitude,  to  hold  in  absolute  proprietor- 
ship, only  reserving  the  sovereign  dominion  to  the  crown.  The  first 
grant  was  made  in  1663.  A  second  and  more  definite  charter  was  given 
to  them  in  1665,  at  which  date  there  were  two  settlements  within  what  is 
now  North  Carolina.  The  principal  one  was  located  a  I'/ tie  north  of  Albe- 
58 


458  EARLY  HISTORY  OF   AMERICA. 

marie  sound.  The  other  was  a  small  colony,  which  had  removed  from  Mas- 
sachusetts in  1660,  and  settled  on  what  is  now  called  Oldtown  creek,  near  the 
south  side  of  Clarendon  river.  They  deserted  their  habitations  in  less  than 
two  years,  and  returned  home,  leaving  many  hogs  and  neat  cattle  in  the 
hands  of  the  Indians.  The  latter  had  quarrelled  with  them,  and  killed  and 
stolen  their  cattle,  for  having  sent  off  a  few  of  their  Indian  children,  to  be 
educated  in  Massachusetts,  as  the  colonists  said,  but  as  the  Indians  sus- 
pected, for  the  purpose  of  making  them  slaves.  The  loss  of  this  colony 
was  soon  supplied  by  another  of  English  planters  from  the  island  of 
Barbadoes.  These  planters,  wishing  to  settle  on  the  American  continent, 
employed  one  Captain  Hitten  to  explore  the  coast,  in  a  small  vessel,  with 
a  crew  of  fifteen  or  twenty  men.  He  was  ordered  to  be  particular  in 
examining  the  lands  which  the  Massachusetts  people  had  just  left. 
In  September,  1663,  he  landed  within  Cape  Fear,  and  proceeded  up 
Clarendon  river  with  his  boat,  till  his  progress  was  stopped  by  floating 
logs.  Soon  after  this,  he  purchased  from  the  Indians  a  large  tract  of 
land,  for  which  he  paid  them  in  kettles  and  beads. 

Proprietary  governments  have  seldom  been  known  to  flourish.  Seve- 
ral colonies  were  established  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  and  various 
regulations  were  made  for  their  management ;  and  it  is  worthy  of  remark, 
that  a  Constitution  of  an  aristocratic  character,  framed  by  the  celebrated 
John  Locke,  was  found  to  be  entirely  impracticable.  In  1680,  Charleston 
was  founded,  and  emigration  to  Carolina  from  different  parts  of  Europe 
became  frequent ;  but  by  the  neglect  and  incapacity  of  the  Governors, 
the  affairs  of  the  colony  were  often  involved  in  confusion. 

The  colonists  of  Carolina  suffered  but  little  from  the  Indians,  till  about 
the  year  1703.  At  that  time  Governor  Daniel  stipulated  by  the  treaty 
with  the  Indian  chiefs,  that  no  rum  should  be  sold  to  an  Indian  by  any 
trader.  The  young  Indians,  however,  complained  of  this,  as  a  restraint 
upon  their  natural  liberty.  Some  time  afterwards,  they  demanded  and 
obtained  the  usual  supply  of  rum,  unawed  by  the  great  havoc  which 
strong  drink  had  occasioned  among  the  tribes. 

The  Chowanoke  Indians,  who  could  bring  three  thousand  bowmen  into 
the  field  in  Smith's  time,  were  now  reduced  to  fifteen  men,  and  lived  in 
a  single  miserable  village  on  Bennett's  creek.  The  Mangoacks  had 
equally  diminished  in  strength,  and  the  powerful  Muatocks  had  wholly 
disappeared.  Fifteen  hundred  volunteers,  living  on  the  north  side  of 
Albemarle  sound,  had  assembled  at  Dasamonquipo,  in  1585,  for  the  mas- 
sacre of  the  English  colony  on  Roanoke  island  ;  but  all  the  tribes  to 
which  these  Indians  belonged,  were  now  reduced  to  forty-six  fighting 
men. 

In  fact,  the  Tuscaroras,  who  lived  on  the  Neuse  river,  were  now  the 
only  powerful  tribe  in  North  Carolina  ;  they  could  muster  one  thousand 
two  hundred  fighting  men  ;  the  Waccon  Indians  one  hundred  and  twenty ; 
and  about  a  dozen  other  tribes  together  might  muster  half  as  many  more. 
These  Indians  had  observed,  with  natural  indignation,  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  whites  upon  the  reserved  squares  of  the  various  tribes. 
Their  temper  was  soured,  too,  by  the  frequent  impositions  of  fraudulent 
traders. 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF   AMERICA.  459 

The  first  white  man  who  fell  a  sacrifice  to  their  jealousy,  was  one  John 
Lawson,  well  known  among  them  as  Surveyor-General  of  the  province 
of  North  Carolina.  He  had  marked  off  some  of  their  lands,  and  among 
the  rest,  a  tract  of  five  thousand  acres,  and  another  of  ten  thousand,  had 
been  lately  surveyed  for  Graffenried.  Soon  after  this,  Lawson  and  Graf- 
fenried,  together,  undertook  to  explore  the  waters  of  the  Neuse.  They 
took  a  small  boat  at  Newbern,  and  ascended  the  river.  In  the  evening 
of  the  first  day,  they  stopped  at  Coram,  an  Indian  village,  where  they  in- 
tended to  lodge.  Here  they  met  two  Tuskaroras,  though  Lawson  had 
assured  GrafFenried,  that  the  banks  were  uninhabited.  These  two  were 
soon  after  joined  by  a  great  number  more,  well  armed.  The  Baron  now 
grew  uneasy.  He  whispered  to  Lawson,  that  they  had  better  proceed  up 
the  river.  Lawson  assented,  not  liking  the  looks  of  the  Indians  himself; 
and  they  began  to  move  off  from  the  fire  they  had  made,  towards  the 
river.  They  had  no  sooner  reached  their  boats,  however,  than  such  a 
press  of  the  savages  followed  close  after  them,  that  it  became  impossible 
to  keep  them  off.  They  took  the  arms  and  provisions  of  the  two  travel- 


lers, and  then  stripped  them  of  every  thing  else.  The  Indians  afterwards 
compelled  them  to  accompany  them  to  an  Indian  village,  at  a  considerable 
distance  from  the  river.  There  the  two  captives  were  delivered  to  the 
sachem  of  the  village,  who  immediately  called  a  council,  at  which  one  of 
the  Indians  delivered  a  long  and  violent  speech.  The  question  was  then 
put,  whether  the  whites  should  be  bound :  this  was  decided  in  the  nega- 
tive. The  reason  given  was,  that  the  guilty  should  always  have  an 
opportunity  to  defend  and  explain  their  conduct. 

The  next  morning,  the  captives,  anxious  as  to  their  fate,  desired  to 
know  what  the  Indians  intended  to  do  with  them.  They  were  told,  that 
the  sachem  would  that  evening  invite  a  number  of  neighboring  sachems 
to  an  entertainment,  who  would  also  assist  in  the  trial,  and  the  decision 
of  the  prisoners'  fate.  In  the  evening,  accordingly,  upwards  of  two  hun- 
dred Indians  collected,  forty  of  whom  were  chiefs  or  leading  men.  By 
these  forty,  the  prisoners  were  interrogated  very  closely,  as  to  their 


460  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 

intention  in  ascending  the  river.  The  latter  replied,  that  they  were 
endeavoring  to  find  and  lay  out  some  shorter  and  better  road  to  Virginia 
than  the  present  one  travelled  by  the  Carolina  settlers.  Such  a  road,  they 
said,  would  accommodate  the  Indians  as  much  as  the  English. 

The  sachems  were  still  dissatisfied.  They  complained  much  of  the 
conduct  of  the  Carolina  colonies  towards  them,  and  charged  Lawson,  in 
particular,  with  having  stolen  their  land.  '  The  result  of  this  unfortunate 
affair  was  the  execution  of  Lawson,  and  the  detention  of  Graffenried. 

Fears  of  punishment  for  this  outrage  led  to  still  further  cruelties  on 
die  part  of  the  Indians.  A  plan  of  general  massacre  was  laid,  and  car- 
ried into  too  successful  execution.  About  Roanoke,  one  hundred  and 
thirty-seven  of  the  whites  were  slain  in  a  single  evening.  The  Indian 
force  amounted  to  twelve  hundred  bowmen,  dispersed  in  small  bands 
through  the  settlements.  North  Carolina  did  not  contain  two  thousand 
fighting  men  in  all,  at  this  time.  An  express,  therefore,  had  been  imme- 
diately dispatched  to  the  southern  province  for  assistance. 

Governor  Craven  lost  no  time  in  sending  a  force,  as  requested.  The 
Charleston  Assembly  voted  four  thousand  pounds  for  the  service  of  the 
war ;  and  a  body  of  militia,  under  Colonel  Barn  well,  marched  against 
the  savages.  Directly  after,  were  sent  two  hundred  and  eighteen  friendly 
Cherokee  Indians,  seventy-nine  Creeks,  forty-one  Catabaws,  and  twenty- 
eight  Yamassees,  well  furnished  with  arms,  and  commanded  by  five 
Carolinian  captains.  In  this  expedition,  nearly  one  thousand  of  the  enemy 
were  slain  But  the  savages  still  continued  to  cause  great  alarm,  and 
the  settlers  on  the  Neuse  and  Pamlico  rivers  were  almost  ruined  by  their 
incursions. 

In  1719,  South  Carolina  ceased  to  be  governed  by  the  Proprietors,  and 
became  a  royal  province,  subject,  like  Massachusetts  and  most  of  the 
other  colonies,  only  to  the  King,  through  the  Govern  or  by  him  appointed. 
Carolina  was  divided  into  Northern  and  Southern  about  the  same  time. 
This  revolution  was  effected  by  the  people,  taking  their  own  cause  into 
their  own  hands.  They  were  dissatisfied  with  the  Proprietors,  and  abjur- 
ed their  authority.  The  King  afterwards  sanctioned  their  doings,  and 
declared  the  rights  of  the  Proprietors  forfeited.  In  1715,  South  Carolina 
was  devastated  by  an  Indian  war.  Even  in  the  large  and  fortified  town  of 
Charleston,  they  excited  great  apprehensions.  Martial  law  was  proclaimed 
there  by  the  Governor,  and  all  vessels  were  forbidden  to  leave  the  harbor. 
Agents  were  dispatched  to  Virginia  and  to  England  for  assistance,  and 
bills  stamped  for  the  payment  of  the  troops,  within  a  few  days.  Governor 
Craven  marched  out  into  the  -back  country,  at  the  head  of  the  militia, 
against  the  largest  body  of  savar'js. 

Meanwhile,  the  more  northern  Indians  had  advanced  to  within  fifty 
miles  from  Charleston.  Thomas  Barker,  a  militia  captain,  collected  ninety 
horsemen,  and  advanced  against  the  enemy.  But  he  was  led,  unfortu- 
nately," by  the  treachery  of  an  Indian  guide,  into  an  ambuscade,  where  a 
large  party  of  savages  lay  concealed  on  the  ground.  He  advanced  into 
the  midst  )f  them  without  suspecting  his  danger.  They  then  suddenly 
sprang  up  from  the  bushes  all  around  him,  raised  the  war  whorp,  and 


EARLY   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


461 


fired  upon  his  men.     The  captain  and  several  more  of  the  whites  fell  at 
the  first  onset,  and  the  remainder  retreated  in  disorder.     In  this  war  four 


hundred  Carolinians  were  massacred,  and  the  loss  of  the  Indians  wa? 
very  considerable. 

GEORGIA — as  well  as  what  are  now  MISSISSIPPI  and  ALABAMA,  both 
which  have  been  cut  off  from  it  into  separate  States — was  included  in  the 
patent  granted  to  the  Proprietors  of  Carolina.  It  was  not  till  June  9, 
1732,  indeed,  that  a  separate  charter  was  granted  by  King  George  II.  to 
a  company  of  twenty-one  English  gentleman,  entitled  "Trustees  for 
establishing  the  colony  of  Georgia  in  America." 

James  Edward  Oglethorpe,  one  of  the  trustees,  was  among  the  emi- 
grants. So  also  was  Mr.  Herbert,  an  Episcopal  English  clergyman,  and 
an  Italian,  engaged  by  the  trustees  to  instruct  the  colonists  in  the  art  of 


winding  silk.     They  left  England,  November  16,  1732,  in  the  ship  Anne, 
Captain  Thomas,  and  arrived  at  Charleston,  January  13th  of  the  next 


462  EARLY   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

year.  There  Oglethorpe  and  his  colony  were  very  kindly  treated,  and 
furnished  with  all  possible  aid.  Many  of  the  Carolinians  sent  them 
provisions,  and  hogs,  and  cattle,  to  begin  their  stock.  The  Assembly 
voted  to  furnish  them  one  hundred  and  four  head  of  breeding  cattle, 
twenty-five  hogs,  and  twenty  barrels  of  rice.  Some  scout  boats  were 
also  ordered,  with  a  body  of  rangers,  to  protect  the  new  adventurers  from 
the  savages  in  Georgia,  while  they  should  be  preparing  houses,  or  explor- 
ing the  Georgian  coast. 

Oglethorpe  now  s"et  sail  again  from  Charleston,  and  landed,  in  a  few 
days,  near  Yamacraw  bluff.  Here  he  tarried  to  examine  the  country ; 
and,  being  pleased  with  the  high  spot  of  ground  just  named,  situated  on 
a  large  navigable  river,  he  fixed  on  it  for  his  new  settlement.  He  marked 
out  a  town  on  the  hill,  and,  from  the  Indian  name  of  the  river  which 
ran  past  it,  called  it  Savannah. 

The  company  for  the  settlement  of  Georgia  was  incorporated  by  George 
II.  for  exporting  to  this  part  of  America,  free  of  expense,  families  laboring 
under  the  hardships  of  poverty.  The  design  was  laudable,  but  the  exe- 
cution of  the  project  was  not  well  managed.  Impolitic  restrictions  laid 
upon  the  colonists,  produced  a  languor  from  which  their  affairs  never 
recovered  while  they  continued  to  be  proprietary.  In  1752,  the  charter 
was  surrendered  to  the  King,  and  the  government  modelled  according  to 
that  of  the  other  colonies.* 

*  Virginia,  and  North  and  South  Carolina,  engaged  at  an  early  period  in  the  war 
of  the  Revolution ;  Georgia  did  not  join  the  confederation  till  the  year  1775. 

Virginia  was  originally  much  more  extensive  than  it  is  at  present.  It  included 
what  now  constitutes  the  State  of  Kentucky ;  this  became  a  separate  district  in  1786. 
and  in  1792  was  admitted  as  one  of  the  United  States. 

Tennessee  was  a  part  of  the  two  Carolinas  until  1729 ;  these  colonies  then  being 
divided  into  North  and  South  Carolina,  Tennessee  was  attached  to  the  former ;  in 
1789,  it  was  ceded  to  the  United  States,  and  in  1796  became  an  independent  State. 


463 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  NORTHERN  STATES. 


QUEEN  MARY  the  Catholic  ascended  the  throne  of  England  in  1553, 
and  in  less  than  six  years,  two  hundred  and  seventy  persons  were 
burned,  and  more  than  twelve  thousand  Protestant  or  Puritan  clergy- 
men were  driven  from  their  pulpits.  The  persecuted  religion,  however, 
still  found  thousands  to  profess  it ;  for  there  never  was  a  creed  or  faith 
which  has  not  flourished  from  being  trampled  on.  A  congregation  of 
two  hundred  persons  were  in  the  habit  of  holding  their  meetings  in  the 
very  heart  of  London.  These  assemblies  were  held  in  secret,  and 
under  the  cover  of  night.  No  secresy,  however,  could  elude  the  vigi- 
lance of  the  Catholics,  and  the  meeting  was  discovered.  The  house  in 
which  it  was  held,  overhung  the  Thames,  and  it  was  watched  only  on 
the  land  side.  This  circumstance  saved  the  congregation.  A  seaman 
belonging  to  it  discovered  the  danger,  leaped  into  the  river,  and  procured 


a  boat,  in  which  the  Puritans  were  in  a  few  hours  conveyed  to  a  place 
of  safety. 

When  the  spirited  and  absolute  Elizabeth  succeeded  to  the  crown,  she 
persecuted  vast  numbers  Tor  refusing  to  conform  to  the  ceremonies  of  the 
English  church.  In  1602,  a  large  company  of  those  who  refused  to 
obey  these  rites,  determined  to  leave  England,  for  the  Netherlands. 
They  assembled,  for  this  purpose,  at  a  place  near  Boston,  the  capital  of 
Lincolnshire,  and  a  seaport.  Their  intended  enterprize  was  discovered, 
and  prevented  by  the  interposition  of  public  authority.  In  the  following 


464  EARLY   HISTORY   OF    AMERICA- 

year,  a  number  of  them  resolved  upon  a  second  trial,  and  agreed  with  a 
Dutch  captain  to  carry  them  to  Holland.  After  various  accidents,  they 
reached  the  place  of  their  destination,  and  after  remaining  a  year  at  Am- 
sterdam, they  removed  to  Leyden.  Here  they  remained  twelve  years, 
when  they  procured  a  patent  for  land  of  the  Virginia  company  in 
England,  and  on  the  5th  of  August,  1620,  set  sail  for  the  New  World. 
They  intended  to  settle  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Hudson,  but  as  was 
supposed,  through  the  connivance  of  the  captain,  they  were  carried  much 
further  north,  and  on  the  llth  of  November,  anchored  in  the  harbor  of 
Cape  Cod.  The  very  day  they  landed,  an  armed  party  was  sent  to 
make  discoveries.  They  returned  at  night,  having  found  nothing  but 
water,  woods,  and  sand  hills.  The  next  day  was  the  Sabbath,  and  they 
all  rested.  On  Monday,  the  men  went  on  shore  to  refresh  themselves ; 
the  women  to  wash,  attended  by  a  guard;  and  the  carpenter  began  to 
repair  the  shallop  for  the  purpose  of  coasting.  On  Wednesday,  Captain 
Miles  Standish  took  a  party  of  sixteen  men,  well  armed,  and  went  to 
make  further  discoveries.  About  a  mile  from  the  sea,  they  saw  five  In- 
dians who  fled.  They  pursued  them  ten  miles ;  but,  night  coming  on, 
they  stationed  sentinels,  kindled  a  fire,  and  rested  quietly  around  it. 

On  Wednesday,  the  6th  of  December,  the  pilgrims  sent  out  a  fourth 
expedition.  The  ground  was  now  covered  with  snow ;  and  the  cold 
wind  froze  the  salt  water  on  the  clothes  of  the  men,  like  coats  of  mail. 
Having  landed,  they  made  a  fire,  and  slept  in  the  woods  the  first  night. 
The  next  day,  they  discovered  an  Indian  burying-yard,  surrounded  by 
palisadoes.  Many  of  the  graves  were  staked  around  with  a  circle  of 
wood.  At  five  in  the  morning  of  the  next  day,  there  was  a  cry  of  "  In- 
dians !  Indians !"  by  the  guard  they  had  set,  and  a  shower  of  arrows  fell 


in  among  them,  followed  by  horrible  yells.  But  the  noise  of  the  Eng- 
lish guns  was  still  more  terrible  to  the  savages.  They  thought  the  re- 
port a  sort  of  thunder  and  lightning,  and  fled  in  great  fear,  Their  ar- 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


465 


rows  were  kept,  by  the  white  men,  as  curiosities.  They  were  pointed 
with  deers'  horn  and  eagles'  claws. 

On  the  22d  of  December,  the  whole  party  of  the  pilgrims  landed  at 
the  place  afterwards  called  Plymouth,  and  having  determined  to  plant  a 
settlement  there,  began  to  cut  timber  for  building.  The  rock  on  which 
they  first  stepped  in  landing,  still  exists,  and  strangers  from  all  quarters 
visit  it,  as  they  pass  through  the  town.  When  they  left  England,  the 
whole  number  of  the  emigrants  was  one  hundred  and  one.  When  the 
spring  came,  forty-six  were  dead.  All  these  had  died  from  the  various 
hardships  to  which  they  had  been  exposed.  But  by  the  3d  of  March, 
those  who  remained  rejoiced  to  find  that  the  winter  was  past.  There  were 
now  warm  showers,  the  spring  having  set  in  earlier  than  usual.  The 
settlers  had  laid  out  the  town  into  streets  and  lots,  and  erected  buildings 
of  considerable  size.  They  deposited  their  provisions  and  ammunition 
in  a  storehouse,  with  a  thatched  roof.  Though  this  was  constantly 
guarded,  the  roof  took  fire  during  the  winter;  but  the  lower  part  of  the 
building,  with  its  contents,  was  saved.  They  could  scarcely  have  pre- 
served life,  had  their  stores  been  consumed. 

The  English  soon  formed  an  acquaintance  with  Massassoit,  a  power- 
ful Indian  chieftain,  and  entered  into  a  treaty  of  peace,  which  was  pre- 
served by  him  and  his  successors  for  fifty  years.  Through  his  influence, 
nine  of  the  petty  sachems,  or  Indian  chiefs,  in  his  neighborhood,  who 
had  been  jealous  of  the  English,  came  to  Plymouth,  and  subscribed  a 
treaty  of  submission  to  the  King  of  England.  Others,  from  the  island 
Capawoc,  since  called  Martha's  Vineyard,  sent  messengers  for  the  same 
purpose. 

In  September,  1621,  a  shallop,  with  ten  men,  was  sent  to  explore 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  which  they  found  numerous  fertile  and  beautiful 


islands,  mostly  cleared  of  wood.     The  Indians  seemed  to  lead  a  very 
happy  life  here,  and  it  was  a  subject  of  regret  to  the  settlers,  at  Plymouth, 
59      • 


466  EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 

that  this  vicinity  had  not  been  selected  for  the  site  of  the  new  col- 
ony. 

In  November,  1621,  a  ship,  with  thirty-five  passengers,  arrived  from 
England.  Unfortunately  she  was  out  of  provisions,  and  the  colonists 
were  obliged  to  victual  her  home.  They  were  without  bread  in  conse- 
quence, for  two  months  of  the  winter. 

The  summer  of  1622  being  dry,  the  harvest  was  scanty,  and  the  colo- 
nists were  compelled  to  procure  a  supply  from  the  Indians.  Governor 
Bradford  travelled  among  the  tribes  for  this  purpose,  and  obtained  twen- 
ty-eight hogsheads  of  corn,  which  he  paid  for  in  knives,  blankets,  beads, 


and  other  things  of  that  kind.  Squanto,  a  friendly  Indian,  who  guided 
him  upon  this  route,  fell  sick  and  died.  He  asked  the  Governor,  on  his 
death-bed,  to  pray  for  him,  "  that  he  might  go  to  the  Englishman's  hea- 
ven." This  Indian  was  of  great  service  to  the  colony,  but  was  a  fellow 
of  great  cunning  and  deceit.  He  sometimes  sent  word  to  a  tribe,  secret- 
ly, that  the  English  were  coming  to  kill  them,  assuring  them,  at  the  same 
time,  that  he  could  obtain  peace  for  them,  and  he  only.  The  tribe  would 
send  him  presents,  accordingly,  to  procure  peace,  when,  in  fact,  no  war 
had  been  thought  of.  They  considered  him  a  very  great  man,  supposing 
that  he  prevented  the  war.  He  now  and  then  frightened  them  by  telling 
rather  large  stories  about  the  English  gunpowder.  He  told  them,  also, 
that  the  colonists  kept  the  plague  barrelled  up  in  a  cellar  under  the 
Plymouth  meeting-house,  ready  to  send  among  the  Indian  tribes,  when- 
ever they  wished  to  destroy  them.  It  is  probable  that  these  dishonest 
accounts  had  some  effect  in  keeping  the  Indians  peaceable. 

The  aborigines  of  this  part  of  the  continent  lived  together  in  tribes  of 
a  few  hundreds,  and  sometimes  a  few  thousands,  procuring  their  subsist- 
ence chiefly  by  hunting  and  fishing.  Flesh  and  fish  they  roasted  on  a  stick, 
or  broiled  on  the  fire.  Sometimes  they  boiled  their  meat  and  corn  by  plit- 
hot  stones  into  water ;  but  the  latter  was  usually  parched.  They 


EARLY   HISTORY   OF    AMERICA. 


467 


also  raised  peas,  beans,  and  pumpkins.  There  was  generally  a  sort  of 
rude  garden  near  each  wigwam,  with  a  small  cornfield.  The  women 
cultivated  the  land ;  they  used  large  oyster  and  other  shells  for  hoes,  till 
the  whites  supplied  them  with  iron  ones.  They  performed  all  the 


drudgery  about  the  house.  The  men  were  usually  abroad,  engaged  in 
hunting,  fishing,  or  fighting ;  when  at  home,  they  lounged  lazily  about 
the  wigwams.  In  fishing,  they  used  crooked  bones  for  hooks,  and  made 
nets  of  the  bark  of  the  Indian  hemp,  or  of  the  sinews  of  the  moose  and 
deer.  Those  who  lived  along  the  coast  were  skilful  fishermen,  and 
caught  great  numbers  of  seal. 

It  does  not  come  within  our  plan  to  give  any  detailed  narrative  of  the 
events  of  the  Indian  wars.  The  most  formidable  of  these  was  that 
known  as  King  Philip's  War.  The  capture  of  Fort  Mystic  from  the 
Pequots  at  the  mouth  of  Mystic  river,  near  the  present  site  of  Stonington, 
was  an  achievement  of  some  note  on  the  part  of  the  settlers.  Ninety 
men  were  mustered  for  this  purpose  in  Connecticut,  and  placed  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Mason  of  Massachusetts;  these  were  joined  by  a 
large  party  of  friendly  Indians,  and  the  whole  body  entered  the  Pequot 
territory,  and  commenced  their  march  towards  the  fort. 

The  number  of  the  Indian  allies  was  near  five  hundred.  They  march- 
ed in  one  body  before  the  English  force,  and  were  constantly  boasting 
how  gallantly  they  should  fight.  But  when  Captain  Mason  informed 
them  he  was  resolved  to  attack  the  Pequots  in  their  fort,  they  were  hor- 
ror-struck, and  quite  a  number  of  the  Narragansetts  took  the  liberty  to 
return  home.  Mason,  however,  marched  on  through  the  wilderness,  till 
he  came  to  a  small  swamp  between  two  hills,  just  at  dusk.  The  camp 
was  pitched,  that  night,  near  two  large  rocks  in  Groton,  since  called  Por- 
ter's rocks.  The  soldiers  were  tired,  and  slept  soundly  on  the  ground, 
with  stones  for  their  pillo\V|.  Guards  were  kept  watching  in  advance, 
who  could  hear  the  Pequots  at  the  fort,  yelling  and  singing,  and  making 


468 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERiOA. 


merry,  till  midnight.  They  were  rejoicing  because  the  English  vessels 
had  passed  down  the  river  some  days  before,  and  they  supposed  they 
had  gone  away. 

About  two  hours  before  day,  the  Captain  roused  his  Indians,  and  the 
eighty  brave  white  men,  who  were  with  him,  and  marched  on  a  mile  or 
two,  to  the  foot  of  a  large  hill.  The  moon  shone  brightly,  and  he  per- 
ceived, as  he  halted  here,  that  his  Indians,  who  had  been  in  the  habit 
of  marching  a  long  way  in  front,  were  now  lingering  far  in  the  rear. 
He  sent  a  messenger  back  to  Uncas,  to  ask  where  the  fort  was.  He 
answered,  on  the  top  of  the  hill.  He  was  asked  what  was  the  matter 
with  the  Indians  ?  and  he  replied,  that  they  were  horribly  frightened. 
"  Sassacus,"  they  said,  "  was  in  the  fort ;  and  he  was  all  one  devil ; 
nobody  could  kill  him."  Mason  now  told  the  Indians  to  surround  the 
fort  as  far  off  as  they  pleased,  and  look  at  the  English,  during  the  battle. 
They  agreed  to  this  arrangement,  and  posted  themselves  in  a  circle 
uround  the  fort,  at  about  twenty  rods  distance. 

The  day  was  now  daAvning.  and  the  fort  was  still  perfectly  silent. 
The  English  had  come  within  a  rod  or  two  of  it,  when  an  Indian  dog 
barked,  and  a  Pequot  roared  out,  "  Owannux  !  Owannux  !"  "  The  En- 


glish." The  English  pressed  on,  fired  upon  the  Indians  through  the 
palisadoes,  as  they  sprang  up  from  sleep,  and  then  entered  the  principal 
door  of  the  fort,  sword  in  hand.  The  flashing  and  roar  of  arms,  the 
shrieks  and  yells  of  the  men,  women,  and  children  within,  and  the 
shouting  of  the  circle  of  Narragansetts  without,  were  tremendous.  The 
Pequots  fought  well ;  but  they  were  driven,  at  last,  to  shelter  themselves 
in  their  wigwams,  inclosed  within  the  walls  of  the  fort,  where,  from 
every  window  and  door,  they  made  a  most  obstinate  defence.  Captain. 
Mason  now  cried  out,  "  We  must  burn  them !"  He  entered  a  wigwam, 
and  fired  the  mats  of  the  roof  with  a  brand.  .  The  flames  ran  from  roof 
to  roof,  till  every  wigwam  was  blazing.  The  English  now  left  the  fort, 
and  compassed  it  about  on  all  sides ;  their  Indian  allies  plucking 


EARLY   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA.  469 

( 

up  courage,  and  forming  a  line  behind  them.  These  did  little  execu- 
tion, to  be  sure,  except  to  frighten  the  Pequots  with  their  horrible  war- 
whoop. 

The  enemy  were  panic-struck.  The  flames  forced  them  from  their 
hiding-places  into  the  open  light ;  and  the  English,  from  without,  shot 
them  down  like  a  herd  of  deer.  Some  climbed  the  palisadoes,  but  there 
they  were  pierced  by  the  English  bullets.  Some  sallied  out  in  despera- 
tion, and  were  cut  down ;  others  waited  for  the  English  in  their  burning 
wigwams.  When  they  found  that  the  women  were  spared,  many  of 
them  cried  out,  "I  squaw,  I  squaw;"  but  it  could  not  save  them.  Si* 
or  seven  hundred  of  them  were  slaughtered. 


Several  adventurers  from  England  settled  in  the  countries  of  MAINE 
and  NEW-HAMPSHIRE  ;  these  remained,  for  some  time,  separate  govern- 
ments, but  were  afterwards  united  to  that  of  Massachusetts.  By  Wil- 
liam III.  Plymouth  and  Maine  were  annexed  to  Massachusetts ;  but 
New-Hampshire  was  made  a  distinct  government  dependent  on  the 
crown. 

The  dangers  to  which  the  Colonies  of  New-England  were  subjected 
by  attacks  from  the  Indians,  and  the  difficulties  attending  an  effectual  co- 
operation while  in  a  separate  state,  became  early  visible  ;  and  a  confe- 
deration had  been  projected  prior  to  1638.  This  important  confederation, 
however,  was  not  completely  arranged  and  digested  till  1643.  It  was 
then  agreed,  that  a  Congress  should  be  formed,  of  two  Commissioners 
from  each  colony,  chosen  annually,  to  be  called  "  the  Representatives  of 
the  United  Colonies  of  New-England."  Rhode  Isknd  was  desirous  of 
being  admitted  to  the  Union ;  but  was  not  then  received.  From  this 
period,  the  New-England  States  may  be  considered  as  forming  one  po- 
litical body.  Hudson's  river  was  first  discovered  by  Henry  Hudson,  an 
Englishman,  from  whom  the  Dutch  purchased  the  right  of  establishing  a 
colony  on  its  banks.  Attempts  were  soon  made  to  settle  upon  it ;  and  in 
1615,  a  fort  was  built,  and  a  small  number  of  inhabitants  fixed  on  the 
south-west  point  of  Manhattan's  Island,  now  the  site  of  New-York.  In 
1664,  it  was  seized  by  the  English  ;  and,  at  the  peace  of  Breda,  in  1667, 
they  were  confirmed  in  the  possession  of  it  in  return  for  Surinam,  which 
they  ceded  to  the  Dutch.  This  fort,  and  consequently  the  whole  colony, 
fell  again  into  the  hands  of  the  Dutch  in  1678,  through  the  treachery  of 
its  Governor ;  but,  in  the  year  following,  it  was  restored  to  the  English, 
who  retained  it  till  the  revolution. 

NEW  JERSEY,  like  NEW-YORK,  was  first  settled  by  the  Dutch,  who  plant- 
ed a  colony  in  the  county  of  Bergen,  between  the  years  1614  and  1620. 
A  few  Swedes  and  Finns  joined  them  in  1627 ;  and,  though  the  Dutch 
and  Swedes  were  often  at  variance,  they  kept  joint  possession  of  the 
country  for  a  considerable  time.  Charles  II.  in  1634,  granted  the  whole 
territory  called  by  the  Dutch,  New  Netherlands,  and  of  which  New  Jer- 
sey formed  a  part,  to  the  Duke  of  York  his  brother,  who,  in  1664,  grant- 
ed New  Jersey  to  Lord  Berkley,  and  Sir  George  Carteret.  The  colony 


470  EARLY   HISTORY   OF    AMERICA. 

was  in  1672  reduced  by  the  Dutch ;  but,  in  1674,  it  was  restored  to  the 
English.  In  the  same  year,  the  Duke  of  York  received  a  new  patent 
for  the  same  country,  and  again  divided  it  between  the  assigns  of  Lord 
Berkley,  and  Sir  George  Carteret.  The  government  of  New  Jersey 
continued  to  be  proprietary,  till  it  was  divided  into  portions  so  small,  and 
the  number  of  proprietors  had  become  so  great,  that  the  functions  of  go- 
vernment were  continually  impeded.  The  Proprietors,  influenced  by 
this  and  other  inconveniences,  at  last,  in  1702,  surrendered  their  au- 
thority to  the  British  Government,  in  consequence  of  which  New  Jersey 
continued  till  the  revolution  to  be  a  Royal  Government. 

The  history  of  the  colony  of  PENNSYLVANIA  consists  not,  like  that  of 
many  others,  of  a  detail  of  religious  dissensions ;  for  such  dissensions 
were  prevented  by  a  universal  toleration  in  religion,  from  the  first  com- 
mencement of  the  settlement.  Pennsylvania  continued  a  proprietary 
government  till  the  revolution.  William  Penn,  a  celebrated  Quaker,  in 
return  for  his  father's  services  to  the  crown,  and  a  large  sum  due  from 
the  crown  to  himself,  obtained,  in  1681,  a  grant  of  the  country  which, 
from  his  own  name,  was  called  Pennsylvania.  In  1682,  a  settlement 
was  ft,ade,  and  a  form  of  government  established.  In  the  year  following, 
Penn  prevailed  on  the  colonists  to  accept  a  form  of  government  different 
from  that  which  had  been  first  adopted.  Penn's  presence  in  England  be- 
coming necessary,  on  account  of  a  dispute  with  Lord  Baltimore,  concern- 
ing the  bounds  of  their  respective  American  possessions,  he  delegated 
the  powers  of  government,  in  his  absence,  to  five  Commissioners.  In  a 
short  time,  the  Proprietary  superseded  his  five  Commissioners,  and  sent 
deputies  to  govern  in  his  name.  While  Markham  was  Governor,  in 
1696,  another  change  in  the  administration  was  effected.  Penn,  once 
more,  visited  the  colony  in  1699,  and  during  his  stay  the  political  in- 
stitutions were  for  the  last  time  revised,  and  that  frame  of  government 
established  which  remained  unaltered  till  the  revolution.  The  Pennsyl- 
vanians,  at  an  early  period  began  to  show  that  they  both  understood  and 
valued  freedom ;  and  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  deputies,  instigated  by  the 
arbitrary  disposition  of  Proprietaries,  they  maintained  that  freedom,  and 
preserved  the  charter  of  privileges  which  they  had  originally  maintained. 
It  deserves  to  be  specially  recorded,  that  the  Pennsylvanians  always 
treated  the  Indians  in  a  kind  and  just  manner.  They  purchased  from 
them  the  lands  which  they  occupied,  with  what  the  Indians  accounted 
equivalent,  and  observed  with  punctuality  the  articles  of  every  truce ; 
and  thus  won  from  the  natives  that  esteem  and  good-will  which  proved 
the  best  preservative  of  the  peace  and  safety  of  the  settlement. 

The  Dutch,  in  consequence  of  the  purchase  of  the  banks  of  Hudson's 
River,  imagined  that  they  had  acquired  some  right  to  all  the  unsettled 
countries  in  their  neighborhood,  They  accordingly,  in  1623,  planted  a 
colony  on  the  river  Delaware.  This  colony  was,  in  a  short  time,  sup- 
planted by  one  from  Sweden ;  and  the  country  was  alternately  possessed 
by  the  Swedes  and  Dutch,  till,  at  length,  both  parties  were  subjected  to 
the  English.  In  1674,  Charles  II.  granted  this  district,  as  forming  a 
part  of  the  Dutch  New  Netherlands,  to  his  brother  the  Duke  of  York, 
who,  in  1683,  sold  it  to  Penn ;  from  that  time  till  the  revolution  it  made 


EARLY   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA.  471 

part  of  Pennsylvania.     The  Assemblies  were   different,  but  the  same 
Governor  presided  in  both. 

Many  of  the  States  of  North  America  owe  their  first  settlement  to  re- 
ligious disputes.  We  have  seen  how  the  persecution  of  the  Puritans 
peopled  the  States  of  New-England ;  and  MARYLAND,  we  are  informed, 
owed  its  first  settlement  to  a  persecution  little  less  severe,  which,  in 
Britain,  was  carried  on  against  the  Roman  Catholics.  About  two  hun- 
dred gentlemen  of  fortune  and  considerable  respectability,  with  their  fol- 
lowers, embarked  for  Maryland,  hoping  to  enjoy  that  peace  and  that 
liberty  of  conscience,  which  their  native  country  did  not  afford  them. 
This  colony  arrived  in  Maryland  in  1633,  and  Leonard  Calvert,  brother 
to  Lord  Baltimore,  was  appointed  the  first  Governor.  Lands  were  pur- 
chased of  the  Indians ;  and,  in  a  short  time,  the  colony  had  increased  in 
numbers  and  in  importance.  In  1638,  the  first  Assembly  was  appointed. 
The  grand  Convention  of  England,  in  1689,  took  the  government  from 
Lord  Baltimore,  and  made  it  a  Royal  Government ;  and  the  dread  of 
Popery,  which  had  so  much  influence  in  producing  the  revolution  in 
Britain,  procured,  in  1692,  the  establishment  of  the  Protestant  religion  in 
Maryland.  Lord  Baltimore,  however,  recovered  the  property  of  this 
government  in  1716;  and  retained  it  till  the  American  revolution, 
during  which  his  property  in  lands  was  confiscated.  The  petition  of  his 
heir,  at  the  close  of  the  war,  for  the  recovery  of  his  right,  was  rejected  by 
the  Legislature  of  this  State. 


473 


THE    FRENCH    WARS. 


BEING  in  possession  of  the  inland  seas  of  Canada,  as  they  are  justly 
termed,  and  of  the  mouths  of  the  grand  receiver  of  most  of  the  principal 
rivers  of  North  America,  the  French  conceived  the  bold  idea  of  uniting  their 
northern  and  southern  possessions  by  a  chain  of  forts  along  the  banks  of 
the  Ohio  and  Mississippi ;  and  by  that  means  also  to  confine  the  English 
colonists  to  the  eastern  side  of  the  Alleghanies.  In  their  northern  colo- 
nies their  military  strength  was  considerable ;  Quebec  and  Montreal 
were  strongly  fortified  ;  and  at  other  points,  Louisburg,  Cape  Breton,  and 
the  forts  of  Lake  Champlain,  Niagara,  Crown  Point,  Frontignac,  Ticon- 
deroga,  and  several  others,  defended  the  frontj 3rs.  They  had  also  erected 
a  considerable  fort  at  the  junction  of  the  Alleghany  with  the  Mononga- 
hela,  then  called  Du  Quesne,  but  now  forming  the  site  of  Pittsburg,  the 
Birmingham  of  America. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1755,  the  British  government  dispatched  Gen- 
eral Braddock  to  America,  with  a  respectable  force  to  expel  the  French, 
and  keep  possession  of  the  territory ;  and  preparations  having  been 
made  by  France  to  dispatch  a  reinforcement  to  her  armies  in  Canada,  Ad- 
miral Boscawen  was  ordered  to  endeavor  to  intercept  the  French  fleet  be- 
fore it  should  enter  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.  In  April,  General 
Braddock  met  the  Governors  of  the  several  provinces  to  confer  upon 
the  plan  of  the  ensuing  campaign.  Three  expeditions  were  resolved  upon  ; 
one  against  Du  Quesne,  to  be  commanded  by  General  Braddock ;  one 
against  forts  Niagara  and  Frontignac,  to  be  commanded  by  Governor  Shir- 
ley;  and  one  against  Crown  Point,  to  be  commanded  by  General  Johnson 
This  last  originated  with  Massachusetts,  and  was  to  be  executed  by  colo- 
nial troops  raised  in  New  England  and  New  York. 

While  preparations  were  making  for  these  expeditions,  another,  which 
had  been  previously  concerted,  was  carried  on  against  the  French  forts 
in  Nova  Scotia.  This  province  was  settled  by  the  French,  but  was 
ceded  to  the  English  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht.  Its  boundaries  not  having 
been  defined,  the  French  continued  to  occupy  a  portion  of  the  territory 
claimed  by  the  English,  and  had  built  forts  for  their  defence.  To  gain 
possession  of  these  was  the  object  of  the  expedition.  About  two  thou- 
sand militia,  commanded  by  Colonel  Winslow,  embarked  at  Boston;  and 
being  joined  on  their  passage  by  three  hundred  regulars,  arrived  in  April 
at  the  place  of  their  destination.  The  forts  were  invested,  the  resistance 
made  was  trifling  and  ineffectual,  and  in  a  short  time  the  English  gained 
entire  possession  of  the  province,  according  to  their  own  definition  of  its 
boundaries.  Three  only  of  their  men  were  killed. 
60 


474  THE    FRENCH   WARS. 

Of  the  unfortunate  issue  of  Braddock's  expedition  we  have  already  given 
an  account.  The  two  northern  expeditions,  though  not  so  disastrous, 
did  not  either  of  them  succeed  in  attaining  the  object  proposed.  In  that 
against  Crown  Point  much  delay  was  occasioned  by  the  distracted  coun- 
cils of  so  many  different  governments  ;  and  it  was  not  till  the  last  of 
August,  that  General  Johnson,  with  three  thousand  seven  hundred  men, 
arrived  at  the  fort  of  Lake  George,  on  his  way  to  Ticonderoga.  Mean- 
while the  French  squadron  had  eluded  Admiral  Boscawen  ;  and,  as  soon 
as  it  arrived  at  Quebec,  Baron  Dieskau,  the  commander,  resolved  to  march 
against  Oswego  with  his  own  twelve  hundred  regulars,  and  about  six 
hundred  Canadians  and  Indians.  The  news  of  General  Johnson's  move- 
ment determined  Dieskau  to  change  his  plan,  and  to  lead  his  forces 
directly  against  the  American  camp.  General  Johnson  called  for  rein- 
forcements :  eight  hundred  troops,  raised  as  a  corps  of  reserve  by  Massa- 
chusetts, were  immediately  ordered  to  his  assistance  ;  and  the  same  colony 
undertook  to  raise  an  additional  number  of  two  thousand  men.  Colonel 
Williams  was  sent  forward  with  one  thousand  men  to  amuse  and  reconnoi- 
tre the  enemy.  He  met  them  four  miles  from  the  camp,  offered  battle,  and 
was  defeated.  Another  detachment  shared  the  same  fate  ;  and  the  French 
were  now  within  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  of  the  camp,  when  a  halt 
for  a  short  time  enabled  the  Americans  to  recover  their  alarm,  and  to 
make  good  use  of  their  artillery  through  the  fallen  trees,  behind  which 
they  were  posted.  Dieskau  advanced  to  the  charge  ;  but  he  was  so 
firmly  received,  that  the  Indians  and  militia  gave  way  and  fled  :  he  was 
obliged  to  order  a  retreat  of  the  regulars ;  and,  in  the  ardent  pursuit 
which  ensued,  he  was  himself  mortally  wounded  and  made  prisoner.  A 
scouting  party  had,  in  the  meantime,  taken  the  enemy's  baggage  ;  and 
when  the  retreating  army  came  up,  they  attacked  it  so  successfully  from 
behind  the  trees,  that  the  panic-struck  soldiers  dropped  all  their  accoutre- 
ments, and  fled  in  the  utmost  confusion  for  their  posts  on  the  lakes. 
This  victory  revived  the  spirits  of  the  colonists,  depressed  by  the  recent 
defeat  of  General  Braddock,  but  the  success  was  not  improved  in  any 
proportion  to  their  expectation.  General  Shirley,  now  the  commander 
in  chief,  urged  an  attempt  on  Ticonderoga ;  but  a  council  of  war  judging 
it  unadvisable,  Johnson  employed  the  remainder  of  the  campaign  in  forti- 
fying his  camp.  On  a  meeting  of  Commissioners  from  Massachu- 
setts and  Connecticut  with  the  Governor  and  Council  of  New  York,  in 
October,  it  was  unanimously  agreed,  that  the  army  under  General  John- 
son should  be .  discharged,  excepting  six  hundred  men,  who  should  be 
engaged  to  garrison  Fort  Edward  and  Fort  William  Henry.  The  French 
retained  possession  of  Ticonderoga  and  fortified  it. 

General  Shirley,  who  was  to  conduct  the  expedition  against  Niagara 
and  Fort  Frontignac,  experienced  such  delays,  that  he  did  not  reach 
Oswego  until  the  21st  of  August.  On  his  arrival,  he  made  all  necessary 
preparations  for  the  expedition  to  Niagara ;  but,  through  the  desertion  of 
batteaux  men,  the  scarcity  of  wagons  on  the  Mohawk  river,  and  the 
desertion  of  sledgemen  at  the  great  carrying  place,  the  conveyance  of 
provisions  and  stores  was  so  much  retarded,  that  nearly  four  weeks 
elapsed  before  he  could  commence  any  further  operations  ;  and  from  a 


THE    FRENCH   WARS.  475 

continued  succession  of  adverse  circumstances,  in  a  council  of  war  called 
on  the  27th  of  September,  it  was  unanimously  resolved  to  defer  the  ex- 
pedition to  the  succeeding  year ;  to  leave  Colonel  Mercer  at  Oswego, 
with  a  garrison  of  seven  hundred  men,  and  to  build  two  additional  forts 
for  the  security  of  the  place  ;  while  the  General  should  return  with  the 
rest  of  the  army  to  Albany.  Thus  ended  the  campaign  of  1755 :  it 
opened  with  the  brightest  prospects ;  immense  preparations  had  been 
made,  yet  not  one  of  the  objects  of  the  three  principal  expeditions  had 
been  attained ;  and  by  this  failure  the  whole  frontier  was  exposed  to  the 
ravages  of  the  Indians,  which  were  accompanied  by  their  usual  acts 
of  barbarity. 

The  colonies,  however,  far  from  being  discouraged  by  the  misfortunes 
of  the  last  campaign,  determined  to  renew  and  increase  their  exertions. 
General  Shirley,  to  whom  the  superintendence  of  all  the  military  opera- 
tions had  been  confided,  assembled  a  council  of  war  at  New  York  to 
concert  a  plan  for  the  ensuing  year.  The  plan  adopted  by  the  council 
embraced  expeditions  against  Du  Quesne,  Niagara,  and  Crown  Point, 
and  the  dispatching  a  body  of  troops  by  way  of  the  rivers  Kennebeck 
and  Chaudiere,  to  create  alarm  for  the  safety  of  Quebec.  Major-General 
Winslow  was  appointed  to  lead  the  expedition  against  Crown  Point.  He 
was  a  popular  officer,  and  the  colonists  felt  a  deep  interest  in  the  expedi- 
tion ;  but,  for  want  of  an  established  financial  system,  (their  only  taxes 
were  upon  lands  and  polls,)  the  requisite  funds  were  raised  with  difficulty, 
and  the  recruiting  service  made  very  slow  progress.  Only  seven  thousand 
men  assembled  at  the  posts  on  Lake  George.  General  Winslow  declared, 
that,  without  more  forces,  he  could  not  undertake  the  expedition ;  and  it 
would  probably  have  been  abandoned,  had  he  not  been  reinforced  by  the 
timely  arrival  of  some  British  troops.  They  came  over  with  General 
Abercrombie,  who  had  superseded  General  Shirley,  and  who  soon  after 
gave  place  to  the  Earl  of  Loudoun.  These  changes  produced  some 
unpleasant  contests  for  priority  of  rank.  General  Winslow  asserted 
frankly,  that  the  provincials  would  never  bt  commanded  by  British 
officers ;  and  the  Earl  of  Loudoun  seriously  propounded  the  question, 
whether  the  colonial  troops,  with  his  Majesty's  arms  in  their  hands,  would 
refuse  obedience  to  his  Majesty's  commanders  ?  He  was  answered  in 
the  affirmative  ;  and  when  he  understood  that  the  New  England  troops, 
in  particular,  had  enlisted  under  the  condition  of  being  led  by  their  own 
officers,  he  agreed  to  let  those  troops  act  separately. 

While  the  English  were  adjusting  these  differences,  and  debating 
whether  it  would  be  expedient  to  attack  Fort  Niagara,  or  Fort  Du  Quesne, 
Montcalm,  the  successor  of  Dieskau,  marched  against  Oswego  with  about 
five  thousand  French,  Canadians,  and  Indians.  His  artillery  played  with 
such  effect  upon  the  fort,  that  it  was  soon  declared  untenable ;  and  to 
avoid  an  assault,  the  garrison,  who  were  sixteen  hundred  in  number,  and 
had  stores  for  five  months,  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war. 
The  fort  had  been  an  object  of  considerable  jealousy  to  the  Five  Nations ; 
and  Montcalm  made  a  wise  use  of  his  conquest  by  demolishing  it  in  their 
presence.  The  English  and  American  army  was  now  thrown  upon  the 
defensive.  Instead  of  attacking  Ticonderoga,  General  Winslow  was 


476  THE   FRENCH  WARS. 

ordered  to  fortify  his  own  camp ;  Major-Gen eral  Webb,  with  fourteen 
hundred  regulars,  took  post  near  Wood  Creek  ;  and  Sir  William  Johnson, 
with  one  thousand  militia,  was  stationed  at  the  German  Flats.  The 
colonists  were  now  called  upon  for  reinforcements ;  and,  as  Parliament 
had  distributed  among  them  one  hundred  and  fifteen  thousand  pounds 
for  the  last  year's  expenses,  they  were  enabled  to  answer  the  call  with 
perhaps  more  promptitude  than  was  anticipated.  The  recruits  were 
on  their  way  to  the  camp,  when  intelligence  of  the  small-pox  at  Albany 
frightened  them  home  again.  The  other  provincials  were  equally  alarm- 
ed ;  and  all,  except  a  New  York  regiment,  were  dismissed.  Thus 
terminated  the  second  campaign.  The  expedition  up  the  Kennebeck  had 
been  abandoned  ;  that  against  Niagara  was  not  commenced ;  and  not 
even  a  preparation  had  been  made  for  that  against  Du  Quesne. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  following  year,  a  council  was  held  at 
Boston,  composed  of  L'jrd  Loudoun,  and  the  Governors  of  the  New 
England  provinces  and  of  Nova  Scotia.  At  this  council  his  Lordship 
proposed  that  New  England  should  raise  four  thousand  men  for  the 
ensuing  campaign  ;  and  that  a  proportionate  number  should  be  raised  by 
New  York  and  New  Jersey.  These  requisitions  were  complied  with ; 
and  in  the  spring  his  Lordship  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a  very  con- 
siderable army.  Admiral  Holbourn  arriving  in  the  beginning  of  July  at 
Halifax  with  a  powerful  squadron,  and  a  reinforcement  of  five  thousand 
British  troops,  under  George  Viscount  Howe,  Lord  Loudoun  sailed  from 
New  York  with  six  thousand  regulars,  to  join  those  troops  at  the  place 
of  their  arrival.  Instead  of  the  complex  operations  undertaken  in  pre- 
vious campaigns,  his  Lordship  limited  his  plan  to  a  single  object.  Leav- 
ing the  posts  on  the  lakes  strongly  garrisoned,  he  resolved  to  direct  his 
whole  disposable  force  aga;nst  Louisburg;  Halifax  having  been  deter- 
mined on  as  the  place  of  rendezvous  for  the  fleet  and  army  destined  for 
the  expedition.  Information  was,  however,  soon  received,  that  a  French 
fleet  had  lately  sailed  from  Brest ;  that  Louisburg  was  garrisoned  by 
six  thousand  regulars,  exclusive  of  provincials;  and  that  it  was  also 
defended  by  seventeen  line  of  battle  ships,  which  were  moored  in  the 
harbor.  There  being  no  hope  of  success  against  so  formidable  a  force, 
the  enterprise  was  deferred  to  the  next  year  ;  the  General  and  Admi- 
ral on  the  last  of  August  proceeded  to  New  York ;  and  the  provincials 
were  dismissed. 

The  Marquis  De  Montcalm,  availing  himself  of  the  absence  of  the 
principal  part  of  the  British  force,  advanced  with  an  army  of  nine  thou- 
sand men,  and  laid  siege  to  Fort  William  Henry.  The  garrison  at  this 
fort  consisted  of  between  two  and  three  thousand  regulars,  and  its  forti- 
fications were  strong  and  in  very  good  order  ;  and  for  the  additional 
security  of  this  important  post,  General  Webb  was  stationed  at  Fort 
Edward  with  an  army  of  four  thousand  men.  The  French  commander, 
however,  urged  his  approaches  with  such  vigor,  that,  within  six  days 
after  the  investment  of  the  fort,  Colonel  Monro,  the  commandant,  having 
in  vain  solicited  succor  from  General  Webb,  found  it  necessary  to  surren- 
der by  capitulation.  The  garrison  was  to  be  allowed  the  honors  of  war, 
and  to  be  protected  against  the  Indians  until  within  the  reach  of  Fort 


THE    FRENCH    WARS.  477 

Edward  ;  but  the  next  morning,  a  great  number  of  Indians  having  been 
permitted  to  enter  the  lines,  began  to  plunder ;  and  meeting  with  no 
opposition,  they  fell  upon  the  sick  and  wounded,  whom  they  immediately 
massacred.  Their  appetite  for  carnage  being  excited,  the  defenceless 
troops  were  attacked  with  fiend-like  fury.  Monro  in  vain  implored 
Montcalm  to  provide  the  stipulated  guard,  and  the  massacre  proceeded. 
All  was  turbulence  and  horror.  On  every  side  savages  were  butchering 
and  scalping  their  wretched  victims.  Their  hideous  yells,  the  groans  of 
the  dying,  and  the  frantic  shrieks  of  others  shrinking  from  the  uplifted 
tomahawk,  were  heard  by  the  French  unmoved.  The  fury  of  the  sava- 
ges was  permitted  to  rage  without  restraint,  until  fifteen  hundred  were 
killed,  or  hurried  captives  into  the  wilderness.  The  day  after  this  awful 
tragedy,  Major  Putnam  was  sent  with  his  rangers  to  watch  the  motions 
of  the  enemy.  When  he  came  to  the  shore  of  the  lake,  their  rear  was 
hardly  beyond  the  reach  of  musket  shot.  The  prospect  was  horrible  in 
the  extreme  ;  the  fort  demolished ;  the  barracks  and  buildings  yet  burn- 
ing ;  innumerable  fragments  of  human  carcasses  still  broiling  in  the  de- 
caying fires  ;  and  dead  bodies,  mangled  with  tomahawks  and  scalping 
knives,  in  all  the  wantonness  of  Indian  barbarity,  were  every  where  scat- 
tered around. 

Thus  ended  the  third  campaign^  in  America  ;  happily  forming  the 
last  of  a  series  of  disasters  resulting  from  folly  and  mismanagement, 
rather  than  from  want  of  means  and  military  strength.  The  successes 

*  While  the  army  was  in  winter  quarters,  a  circumstance  occurred,  which  exhibits 
the  watchful  jealousy  the  colonists  ever  exercised  over  their  liberties.  "The  General 
Court  had  provided  barracks  on  Castle  Island  for  a  regiment  of  Highlanders,  which 
had  been  expected  at  Boston.  Some  recruiting  officers  soon  afterwards  arrived  at 
Nova  Scotia ;  and,  protesting  that  their  regiments  would  never  be  filled  up  if  the  men 
must  be  lodged  in  these  barracks,  they  required  the  justices  of  the  peace  to  furnish 
quarters,  according  to  the  act  of  Parliament.  The  justices  denied  that  the  act  of  Par- 
liament extended  to  this  country.  Lord  Loudoun  wrote  the  Court  a  letter,  and  assert- 
ed roundly  that  it  did;  that,  moreover,  he  had  '  used  gentleness  and  patience'  long 
enough  ;  and  that,  unless  the' requisitions  were  complied  within  forty-eight  hours  from 
the  receipt  of  his  letter,  he  should  be  '  under  the  necessity'  of  ordering  '  into  Boston 
the  three  battalions  from  New  York,  Long  Island,  and  Connecticut ;  and  if  more  were 
wanting,  he  had  two  in  the  Jerseys  at  hand,  beside  those  in  Pennsylvania.'  The  Gene- 
ral  Court  now  passed  an  act  very  similar  to  that  of  Parliament,  on  the  subject  of  re- 
cruits ;  but  it  did  not  fully  answer  Lord  Loudoun's  expectations,  nor  did  he  fail  to  let 
them  know  it  in  a  second  epistle.  The  answer  of  the  General  Court  was  merely  a  re- 
iteration of  what  we  have  so  often  heard  from  the  same  body.  They  asserted  their 
rights  as  Englishmen  ;  said  they  had  conformed  to  the  act  of  Parliament  as  nearly  as 
the  case  would  admit ;  and  declared  that  it  was  their  misfortune,  if  a  strict  adherence 
to  their  duty  should  give  offence  to  Lord  Loudoun.  He,  in  turn,  applauded  the  zeal 
of  the  province  in  the  service  of  his  majesty,  affected  to  rely  on  its  compliance  with 
his  wishes,  and  countermanded  his  orders  for  the  march  of  the  troops.  The  Gene- 
ral Court  sent  his  excellency  a  concluding  message,  in  which  they  asserted  that  they 
were  entirely  dependent  on  Parliament ;  that  its  acts  were  the  rule  of  all  their  judicial 
proceedings  ;  that  its  authority  had  never  been  questioned  ;  and  that  if  they  had  not 
made  this  avowal '  in  times  past,  it  was  because  there  had  been  no  occasion  for  it.' 
Judge  Marshal  seems  to  think  that  this  language  was  sincere,  but  Mr.  Minot  attri- 
butes it  to  the  desire  of  the  Court  to  keep  friends  with  Parliament  till  they  were  reim- 
bursed for  the  expenses  which  they  had  incurred  during  the  war.  The  truth  is  probably 
between  the  two  opinions." — Sanford's  History  of  the  United  States,  p.  145,  146. 


478  THE    FRENCH    WARS. 

of  the  French  left  the  colonies  in  a  gloomy  state.  By  the  acquisition  of 
Fort  William  Henry,  they  had  obtained  full  possession  of  the  Lakes  Cham- 
plain  and  George ;  and  by  the  destruction  of  Oswego,  they  had  acquir- 
ed the  dominion  of  those  other  lakes  which  connect  the  St.  Lawrence  with 
the  waters  of  the  Mississippi.  The  first  afforded  the  easiest  admission 
from  the  northern  colonies  into  Canada,  or  from  Canada  into  those  colo- 
nies ;  the  last  united  Canada  to  Louisiana.  By  the  continued  possession 
of  Fort  Du  Quesne,  they  preserved  their  ascendancy  over  the  Indians, 
and  held  undisturbed  control  of  all  the  country  west  of  the  Alleghany 
mountains.  The  British  nation  was  alarmed  and  indignant,  and  the 
King  found  it  necessary  to  change  his  councils.  At  the  head  of  the  new 
ministry,  he  placed  the  celebrated  William  Pitt,  afterwards  Earl  of  Chat- 
ham, who  was  raised  by  his  talents  from  the  humble  post  of  ensign  in 
the  guards  to  the  control  of  the  destinies  of  a  mighty  empire ;  under  his 
administration  public  confidence  revived,  and  the  nation  seemed  inspired 
with  new  life  and  vigor.  He  was  equally  popular  in  both  hemispheres ; 
and  so  promptly  did  the  Governors  of  the  northern  colonies  obey  the  re- 
quisitions of  his  circular  letter  of- 1757,  that  by  May  in  the  following  year, 
Massachusetts  had  seven  thousand,  Connecticut  five  thousand,  and  New 
Hampshire  three  thousand  troops,  prepared  to  take  the  field.  The  zeal 
of  Massachusetts  was  particularly  ardent.  The  people  of  Boston  sup- 
ported taxes  which  took  away  two  thirds  of  the  income  on  real  estate ; 
one  half  of  the  effective  men  in  the  province  were  on  some  sort  of  mili- 
tary duty;  and  the  transports  for  carrying  the  troops  to  Halifax  were 
ready  to  sail  in  fourteen  days  from  the  time  of  th?ir  encrrreinent.  The 
mother  country  was  not  less  active.  While  her  fleets  blockaded  or  cap- 
tured the  French  armaments,  she  dispatched  Admiral  Boscawen  to  Halifax 
with  a  formidable  squadron  of  ships,  and  an  army  of  twelve  thousand 
men.  Lord  Loudoun  was  replaced  by  General  Abercrombie,  who,  early  in 
the  spring  of  1758,  was  ready  to  enter  upon  the  campaign  at  the  head  of 
fifty  thousand  men,  the  most  powerful  army  ever  seen  in  America. 

Three  points  of  attack  were  marked  out  for  this  campaign  ;  the  first, 
Louisburg;  the  second,  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point ;  and  the  third, 
Fort  Du  Quesne.  On  the  first  expedition  Admiral  Boscawen  sailed  from 
Halifax  on  the  28th  of  May,  with  a  fleet  of  twenty  ships  of  the  line  and 
eighteen  frigates,  and  an  army  of  fourteen  thousand  men  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Amherst,  and  arrived  before  Louisburg  on  the  2d  of 
June.  The  garrison  of  that  place,  commanded  by  the  Chevalier  De  Dru- 
court,  an  officer  of  courage  and  experience,  was  composed  of  two  thou- 
sand five  hundred  regulars,  aided  by  six  hundred  militia.  The  harbor 
being  secured  by  five  ships  of  the  line,  one  fifty  gun  ship,  and  five  frigates, 
three  of  which  were  sunk  across  the  mouth  of  the  basin,  it  was  found 
necessary  to  land  at  some  distance  from  the  town.  This  being  effected, 
and  the  artillery  and  stores  brought  onshore,  General  Wolfe  was  detach- 
ed with  two  thousand  men  to  seize  a  post  occupied  by  the  enemy  at 
the  Lighthouse  point,  from  which  the  ships  in  the  harbor,  and  the 
fortifications  in  the  town,  might  be  greatly  annoyed.  On  the  approach 
of  that  gallant  officer,  the  post  was  abandoned  by  the  enemy,  and  several 
very  strong  batteries  were  erected  there  by  their  opponents.  Approaches 


THE    FRENCH    WARS.  479 

were  also  made  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  town,  and  the  siege  was  press- 
ed with  resolution  and  vigor,  though  with  great  caution.  A  very  heavy 
cannonade  being  kept  up  against  the  town  and  the  vessels  in  the  harhor, 
a  bomb  was  at  length  set  on  fire  and  blew  up  one  of  the  largest  ships, 
and  the  flames  were  communicated  to  two  others,  which  shared  the  same 
fate.  The  English  Admiral  now  sent  six  hundred  men  in  boats  into  the 
harbor,  to  make  an  attempt  on  two  ships  of  the  line,  which  still  remained 
in  the  basin  ;  one  of  which,  being  aground,  was  destroyed,  the  other  was 
towed  off  in  triumph.  This  gallant  exploit  putting  the  English  in  com- 
plete possession  of  the  harbor,  and  several  breaches  being  made  practica- 
ble in  the  works,  the  place  was  deemed  no  longer  defensible,  and  the  Go- 
vernor offered  to  capitulate.  It  was  required  that  the  garrison  should  sur- 
render as  prisoners  of  war.  These  humiliating  terms,  though  at  first  re- 
jected, were  afterwards  acceded  to  ;  and  Louisburg,  with  all  its  artillery, 
provisions,  and  military  stores,  as  also  Island  Eoyal,  St.  Johns  and  their 
dependencies,  were  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  English,  who,  without 
farther  difficulty,  took  possession  of  the  island  of  Cape  Breton.  The 
conquerors  found  two  hundred  and  twenty-one  pieces  of  cannon,  and 
eighteen  mortars,  with  a  very  large  quantity  of  stores  and  ammunition. 
The  inhabitants  of  Cape  Breton  were  sent  to  France  in  English  ships ; 
but  the  garrison,  sea  officers,  sailors,  and  marines,  amounting  collectively 
to  nearly  six  thousand  men,  were  carried  prisoners  to  England. 

The  armies  destined  to  execute  the  plans  against  Ticonderoga  and  Fort 
Du  Quesne  were  appointed  to  rendezvous  respectively  at  Albany  and 
Philadelphia.  The  first  was  commanded  by  General  Abercrombie,  and 
consisted  of  upwards  of  fifteen  thousand  men,  attended  by  a  formidable 
train  of  artillery.  On  the  5th  of  July,  the  General  embarked  his  troops 
on  Lake  George,  on  board  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  whale  boats, 
and  nine  hundred  batteaux,  and  commenced  operations  against  Ticondero- 
ga. After  debarkation  at  the  landing-place  in  a  cove  on  the  west  side 
of  the  lake,  the  troops  were  formed  into  four  columns,  the  British  in  the 
centre,  and  the  provincials  on  the  flanks.  In  this  order  they  marched  to- 
wards the  advanced  guard  of  the  French,  which,  consisting  of  one  bat- 
talion only,  posted  in  a  logged  camp,  destroyed  what  was  in  their  power, 
and  made  a  precipitate  retreat.  While  Abercrombie  was  continuing 
his  march  in  the  woods  toward  Ticonderoga,  the  columns  were  thrown 
into  confusion,  and  in  some  degree  entangled  with  each  other.  At  this 
juncture,  Lord  Howe,  at  the  head  of  the  right  centre  column,  fell  in  with 
a  part  of  the  advance  guard  of  the  enemy  which  had  been  lost  in  the 
wood  in  retreating  from  Lake  George,  and  immediately  attacked  and  dis- 
persed it,  killing  a  considerable  number,  and  taking  one  hundred  and 
forty -eight  prisoners.  This  success  was,  however,  dearly  purchased,  by 
the  loss  of  the  gallant  nobleman  who  fell  in  leading  thr  attack.  The 
English  army,  without  further  opposition,  took  possession  of  a  post  within 
two  miles  of  Ticonderoga.  Abercrombie,  having  learned  from  the  prisoners 
the  strength  of  the  enemy  at  that  fortress,  and  from  an  engineer  the  condi- 
tion of  their  works,  resolved  on  an  immediate  storm,  and  made  instant  dispo- 
sition for  an  assault.  The  troops  having  received  orders  to  march  up  brisk- 
ly, rush  upon  the  enemy's  fire,  and  reserve  their  own  till  they  had  passed 


480  THE    FRENCH  WARS. 

a  breastwork,  marched  to  the  assault  with  great  intrepidity.  Unlock- 
ed for  impediments,  however,  occurred.  In  front  of  the  breastwork,  to  a 
considerable  distance,  trees  had  been  felled  with  their  branches  outward, 
many  of  which  were  sharpened  to  a  point,  by  means  of  which  the  as- 
sailants were  not  only  retarded  in  their  advance,  but,  becoming  entangled 
among  the  boughs,  were  exposed  to  a  very  galling  fire.  Finding  it  im- 
practicable to  pass  the  breastwork,  which  was  eight  or  nine  feet  high,  and 
much  stronger  than  had  been  represented,  General  Abercrombie,  after  a 
contest  of  near  four  hours,  ordered  a  retreat,  and  the  next  day  resumed 
his  former  camp  on  the  south  side  of  Lake  George.  In  this  brave  but  ill- 
judged  assault,  nearly  two  thousand  of  the  assailants  were  killed  and 
wounded,  while  the  loss  of  the  enemy,  who  were  covered  during  the 
whole  action,  was  inconsiderable.  General  Abercrombie  immediately  re- 
crossed  Lake  George,  and  entirely  abandoned  the  project  of  capturing 
Ticonderoga. 

The  campaign  was  not  destined,  however,  to  close  with  such  ill  success. 
Colonel  Bradstreet  proposed  an  expedition  against  Frontignac ;  a  fort, 
which,  by  being  placed  on  the  north  side  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  just  where  it 
issues  from  Lake  Ontario,  was  the  key  to  the  communication  between  Cana- 
da and  Louisiana.  It  served  also  to  keep  the  Indians  in  subjection,  and  was 
the  general  repository  of  stores  for  the  enemy's  western  and  southern  posts. 
Late  in  the  evening  of  the  25th  of  August,  Colonel  Bradstreet  landed  with- 
in a  mile  of  the  place,  with  three  thousand  men,  eight  pieces  of  cannon,  and 
three  mortars.  The  French  had  not  anticipated  an  attack  at  this  point, 
and  the  garrison  consisted  of  only  one  hundred  and  ten  men,  with  a  few 
Indian  auxiliaries.  It  was  impossible  to  hold  out  long.  Colonel  Brad- 
street  posted  his  mortars  so  near  the  fort,  that  every  shell  took  effect ;  and 
the  commander  was  very  soon  obliged  to  surrender  at  discretion.  The 
booty  consisted  of  sixty  pieces  of  cannon,  great  numbers  of  small  arms, 
provisions,  military  stores,  goods  to  a  large  amount,  and  nine  armed  ves- 
sels of  from  eight  to  eighteen  guns.  Colonel  Bradstreet  destroyed  the 
fort  and  vessels,  recrossed  the  Ontario,  and  returned  to  the  army. 

Had  it  not  been  for  this  fortunate  enterprise,  the  unaccountable 
delay  in  preparing  the  expedition  against  Du  Quesne  would  probably 
have  left  that  fort  a  third  time  in  possession  of  the  enemy.  It  was  not 
until  June  that  the  commander,  General  Forbes,  set  out  from  Philadel- 
phia ;  it  was  September  before  Colonel  Washington,  with  the  Virginia 
regulars,  was  ordered  to  join  the  main  body,  at  Ray's  Town ;  and, 
owing  to  the  difficulties  of  cutting  a  new  road,  it  was  as  late  as  Novem- 
ber, when  the  army  appeared  before  Du  Quesne.  The  garrison,  desert- 
ed by  the  Indians,  and  without  adequate  means  of  defence,  had  escaped 
down  the  Ohio,  the  evening  before  the  arrival  of  the  British,  who  had 
only  to  take  possession,  therefore,  in  the  King's  name.  The  fort  was 
supplied  with  a  new  garrison,  and  the  name  changed  to  Pittsburg.  The 
Indians,  as  usual,  joined  the  strongest  side.  A  peace  was  concluded 
with  all  the  tribes  between  the  Ohio  and  the  Lakes ;  and  the  frontier  in- 
habitants of  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia,  were  once  more 
relieved  from  the  terrors  of  fire  and  scalping  knives. 

The  campaign  of  1758  was  highly  honorable  to  the  British  arms,  and 


THE    FRENCH   WARS.  481 

the  results  of  it  very  important.  Of  the  three  expeditions,  two  had 
completely  succeeded,  and  the  leader  of  the  third  had  made  an  important 
conquest,  To  the  commanding  talents  of  Pitt,  and  the  confidence  which 
they  inspired,  this  change  of  fortune  must  be  chiefly  attributed ;  and  in 
no  respect  were  these  talents  more  strikingly  displayed  than  in  the 
choice  of  men  to  execute  his  plans.  The  advantages  of  this  campaign 
had,  however,  been  purchased  by  an  expensive  effort  and  corresponding 
exhaustion  of  provincial  strength ;  and,  when  a  circular  letter  from  Mr. 
Pitt  to  the  several  Governors  induced  the  colonies  to  resolve  upon  mak- 
ing the  most  vigorous  preparation  for  the  next,  they  soon  discovered  that 
their  resources  were  by  no  means  commensurate  with  their  zeal. 

Notwithstanding  these  difficulties,  it  was  resolved  to  signalize  the  year 
1759  by  the  complete  conquest  of  Canada.  The  plan  of  the  campaign 
was,  that  three  powerful  armies  should  enter  the  French  possessions  by 
three  different  routes,  and  attack  all  their  strong  holds  at  nearly  the  same 
rime.  At  the  head  of  one  division  of  the  army,  Brigadier  General  Wolfe, 
a  young  officer  who  had  signalized  himself  at  the  siege  of  Louisburg, 
was  to  ascend  the  St.  Lawrence  and  lay  siege  to  Quebec,  escorted  by  a 
strong  fleet  to  co-operate  with  his  troops.  The  central  and  main  army, 
composed  of  British  and  provincials,  was  to  be  conducted  against  Ticon- 
deroga  and  Crown  Point  by  General  Amherst,  the  new  Commander  in 
chief,  who,  after  making  himself  master  of  these  places,  was  to  proceed 
over  Lake  Champlain,  and  by  the  way  of  Richelieu  river,  to  the  St. 
Lawrence,  and,  descending  that  river,  form  a  junction  with  General 
Wolfe  before  the  walls  of  Quebec.  The  third  army,  to  be  composed 
principally  of  provincials,  reinforced  by  a  strong  body  of  friendly  In- 
dians, was  to  be  commanded  by  General  Prideaux,  who  was  to  lead  this 
division  first  against  Niagara,  and,  after  the  reduction  of  that  place, 
to  embark  on  Lake  Ontario,  and  proceed  down  the  St.  Lawrence  against 
Montreal.  It  has  been  observed  by  a  recent  author,  "  Had  the  elements 
been  laid,  and  the  enemy  spell-bound,  the  whole  of  this  brilliant  plan 
could  not  have  helped  succeeding."  This  sentence,  however,  betrays  a 
very  limited  view  of  a  plan  that  was  well  worthy  of  the  mind  of  Pitt. 
In  this  arrangement  immediate  advantage  was  not  sacrificed;  while  the 
more  remote  results  exhibited  a  prospect  highly  calculated  to  excite  the 
ambition  of  the  leaders,  and  to  arouse  all  the  energies  of  the  troops.  It 
is  in  thus  affording  motives  which  tend  to  bring  physical  force  into  most 
effective  and  persevering  action,  that  intellectual  superiority  becomes 
manifest,  confounding  the  calculations  of  ordinary  minds. 

Early  in  the  winter,  General  Amherst  commenced  preparations  for  his 
part  of  the  enterprise ;  but  it  was  not  till  the  last  of  May  that  his  troops 
were  assembled  at  Albany;  and  it  was  as  late  as  the  22d  of  July,  when 
he  appeared  before  Ticonderoga.  As  the  naval  superiority  of  Great 
Britain  had  prevented  France  from  sending  out  reinforcements,  none  of 
the  posts  in  this  quarter  were  able  to  withstand  so  great  a  force  as  that 
of  General  Amherst.  Ticonderoga  was  immediately  abandoned  ;  the 
example  was  followed  at  Crown  Point ;  and  the  only  way  in  which  the 
enemy  seemed  to  think  of  preserving  their  province  was  by  retarding  the 
English  army  with  shows  of  resistance  till  the  season  of  operation  should 
61 


482  THE    FRENCH    WARS. 

be  passed,  or  till,  by  the  gradual  concentration  of  their  forces,  they  should 
become  numerous  enough  to  make  an  effectual  stand.  From  Crown 
Point  they  retreated  to  Isle-aux-Noix,  where  General  Amherst  under- 
stood there  was  a  body  of  between  three  and  four  thousand  men,  and  a 
fleet  of  several  armed  vessels.  The  English  made  great  exertions  to  se- 
cure a  naval  superiority ;  and  had  it  not  been  for  a  succession  of  adverse 
storms  upon  the  lake,  they  would  most  probably  have  accomplished  the 
original  design  of  forming  a  junction  at  Quebec,  instead  of  being  obliged 
to  go  into  winter  quarters  at  Crown  Point.  In  prosecution  of  the  enter- 
prise against  Niagara,  General  Prideaux  had  embarked  with  an  army  on 
Lake  Ontario ;  and  on  the  6th  of  July,  landed  without  opposition,  within 
about  three  miles  from  the  fort,  which  he  invested  in  form.  While  di- 
recting the  operations  of  the  siege,  he  was  killed  by  the  bursting  of  a  co- 
horn,  and  the  command  devolved  upon  Sir  William  Johnson.  That 
General,  prosecuting  with  judgment  and  vigor  the  plan  of  his  predeces- 
sor, pushed  the  attack  of  Niagara  with  an  intrepidity  that  soon  brought 
the  besiegers  within  a  hundred  yards  of  the  covered  way.  Meanwhile, 
the  French,  alarmed  at  the  danger  of  losing  a  post  which  was  a  key  to 
their  interior  empire  in  America,  had  collected  a  large  body  of  regular 
troops  from  the  neighboring  garrisons  of  Detroit,  Venango,  and  Presqu' 
Isle,  with  which,  and  a  party  of  Indians,  they  resolved,  if  possible,  to 
raise  the  siege.  Apprised  of  their  intention  to  hazard  a  battle,  General 
Johnson  ordered  his  light  infantry,  supported  by  some  grenadiers  and  re- 
gular foot,  to  take  post  between  the  cataract  of  Niagara  and  the  fortress ; 
placed  the  auxiliary  Indians  on  his  flanks  ;  and,  together  with  this  prepa- 
ration for  an  engagement,  took  effectual  measures  for  securing  his  lines, 
and  bridling  the  garrison.  About  nine  in  the  morning  of  the  24th  of 
July,  the  enemy  appeared,  and  the  horrible  sound  of  the  war  whoop  from 
the  hostile  Indians  was  the  signal  of  battle.  The  French  charged  with 
great  impetuosity,  but  were  received  with  firmness ;  and  in  less  than  an 
hour  were  completely  routed.  This  battle  decided  the  fate  of  Niagara. 
Sir  William  Johnson,  the  next  morning,  opened  negociations  with  the 
French  commandant;  and  in  a  few  hours  a  capitulation  was  signed. 
The  garrison,  consisting  of  six  hundred  and  seven  men,  were  to  march 
out  with  the  honors  of  war,  to  be  embarked  on  the  lake,  and  carried  to 
New  York;  and  the  women  and  children  were  to  be  carried  to  Montreal. 
The  reduction  of  Niagara  effectually  cut  off  the  communication  between 
Canada  and  Louisiana. 

The  expedition  against  the  capital  of  Canada  was  the  most  daring  and 
important.  Strong  by  nature,  and  still  stronger  by  art,  Quebec  had  ob- 
tained the  appellation  of  the  Gibraltar  of  America ;  and  every  attempt 
against  it  had  failed.  It  was  now  commanded  by  Montcalm,  an  officer 
of  distinguished  reputation ;  and  its  capture  must  have  appeared  chime- 
rical to  any  one  but  Pitt.  He  judged  rightly,  however,  that  the  boldest  and 
most  dangerous  enterprises  are  often  the  most  successful,  especially  when 
committed  to  ardent  minds,  glowing  with  enthusiasm,  and  emulous  of 
glory.  Such  a  mind  he  had  discovered  in  General  Wolfe,  whose  con- 
duct at  Louisburg  had  attracted  his  attention.  He  appointed  him  to 
conduct  the  expedition,  and  gave  him  for  assistants  Brigadier  Generals 


THE    FRENCH    WARS.  483 

Moncklon,  Townshend,  and  Murray;  all,  like  himself,  young  and  ardent. 
Early  in  the  season  he  sailed  from  Halifax  with  eight  thousand  troops, 
and,  near  the  last  of  June,  landed  the  whole  army  on  the  island  of  Or- 
leans, a  few  miles  below  Quebec.  From  this  position  he  could  take  a 
near  and  distinct  view  of  the  obstacles  to  be  overcome.  These  were  so 
great,  that  even  the  bold  and  sanguine  Wolfe  perceived  more  to  fear  than 
to  hope.  In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Pitt,  written  before  commencing  operations, 
he  declared  that  he  saw  but  little  prospect  of  reducing  the  place. 

Quebec  stands  on  the  north  side  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  consists  of 
an  upper  and  lower  town.  The  lower  town  lies  between  the  river  and  a 
bold  and  lofty  eminence,  which  runs  parallel  to  it  far  to  the  westward. 
At  the  top  of  this  eminence  is  a  plain,  upon  which  the  upper  town  is 
situated.  Below,  or  east  of  the  city,  is  the  river  St.  Charles,  whose 
channel  is  rough,  and  whose  banks  are  steep  and  broken.  At  a  short 
distance  farther  down  is  the  Montmorency ;  and  between  these  two  ri- 
vers, and  reaching  from  one  to  the  other,  was  encamped  the  French 
army,  strongly  intrenched,  and  at  least  equal  in  number  to  that  of  the 
English.  General  Wolfe  took  possession  of  Point  Levi,  on  the  southern 
bank  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  there  erected  batteries  against  the  town. 
The  cannonade  which  was  kept  up,  though  it  destroyed  many  houses, 
made  but  little  impression  on  the  works,  which  were  too  strong  and  too 
remote  to  be  materially  affected  ;  their  elevation,  at  the  same  time,  placing 
them  beyond  the  reach  of  the  fleet.  Convinced  of  the  impossibility  of  re- 
ducing the  place,  unless  he  could  erect  batteries  on  the  north  side  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  Wolfe  soon  decided  on  more  daring  measures.  The  northern 
shore  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  to  a  considerable  distance  above  Quebec,  is 
so  bold  and  rocky  as  to  render  a  landing  in  the  face  of  an  enemy  im- 
practicable. If  an  attempt  were  made  below  the  town,  the  river  Mont- 
morency passed,  and  the  French  driven  from  their  intrenchments,  the 
St.  Charles  would  present  a  new,  and  perhaps  an  insuperable  barrier. 
With  every  obstacle  fully  in  view,  Wolfe,  heroically  observing  that  "  a 
victorious  army  finds  no  difficulties,"  resolved  to  pass  the  Montmorency, 
and  bring  Montcalm  to  an  engagement.  In  pursuance  of  this  resolution, 
thirteen  companies  of  English  grenadiers,  and  part  of  the  second  batta- 
lion of  royal  Americans,  were  landed  at  the  mouth  of  that  river,  while 
two  divisions,  under  Generals  Townshend  and  Murray,  prepared  to  cross 
it  higher  up.  Wolfe's  plan  was  to  attack  first  a  redoubt,  close  to  the 
water's  edge,  apparently  beyond  reach  of  the  fire  from  the  enemy's  in- 
trenchments, in  the  belief  that  the  French,  by  attempting  to  support  that 
fortification,  would  put  it  in  his  power  to  bring  on  a  general  engagement ; 
or,  if  they  should  submit  to  the  loss  of  the  redoubt,  that  he  could  after- 
wards examine  their  situation  with  coolness,  and  advantageously  regu- 
late his  future  operations.  On  the  approach  of  the  British  troops  the 
redoubt  was  evacuated ;  and  the  General,  observing  some  confusion  in 
the  French  camp,  changed  his  original  plan,  and  determined  not  to  delay 
an  attack.  Orders  were  immediately  dispatched  to  the  Generals  Towns- 
hend and  Murray,  to  keep  their  divisions  in  readiness  for  fording  the 
river ;  and  the  grenadiers  and  royal  Americans  were  directed  to  form  on 
the  beach  until  they  could  be  properly  sustained.  These  troops,  how- 


484  THE    FRENCH    WARS. 

ever,  not  waiting  for  support,  rushed  impetuously  toward  the  enemy's  in- 
trenchments ;  but  they  were  received  with  so  strong  and  steady  a  fire 
from  the  French  musketry,  that  they  were  instantly  thrown  into  disor- 
der, and  obliged  to  seek  shelter  at  the  redoubt  which  the  enemy  had 
abandoned.  Detained  here  awhile  by  a  dreadful  thunder  storm,  they 
were  still  within  reach  of  a  severe  fire  from  the  French ;  and  many 
gallant  officers,  exposing  their  persons  in  attempting  to  form  the  troops, 
were  killed,  the  whole  loss  amounting  to  nearly  five  hundred  men.  The 
plan  of  attack  being  effectually  disconcerted,  the  English  General  gave 
orders  for  repassing  the  river,  and  returning  to  the  isle  of  Orleans. 

Compelled  to  abandon  the  attack  on  that  side,  Wolfe  deemed  that  ad- 
vantage might  result  from  attempting  to  destroy  the  French  fleet,  and  by 
distracting  the  attention  of  Montcalm  with  continual  descents  upon  the 
northern  shore.  General  Murray,  with  twelve  hundred  men  in  trans- 
ports, made  two  vigorous  but  abortive  attempts  to  land ;  and  though 
more  successful  in  the  third,  he  did  nothing  more  than  burn  a  magazine 
of  warlike  stores.  The  enemy's  fleet  was  effectually  secured  against  at- 
tacks, either  by  land  or  by  water,  and  the  Commander  in  chief  was  again 
obliged  to  submit  to  the  mortification  of  recalling  his  troops.  At  this 
juncture,  intelligence  arrived  that  Niagara  was  taken,  that  Ticonderoga 
and  Crown  Point  had  been  abandoned,  but  that  General  Amherst,  in- 
stead of  pressing  forward  to  their  assistance,  was  preparing  to  attack  the 
Isle-aux-Noix.  While  Wolfe  rejoiced  at  the  triumph  of  his  brethren  in 
arms,  he  could  not  avoid  contrasting  their  stuccess  with  his  own  disas- 
trous efforts.  His  mind,  alike  lofty  and  susceptible,  VM.>  Jjjply  impress- 
ed by  the  disasters  at  Montmorency ;  and  his  extreme  anxiety,  preying 
upon  his  delicate  frame,  sensibly  affected  his  health.  He  was  observed 
frequently  to  sigh  ;  and,  as  if  life  was  only  valuable  while  it  added  to 
his  glory,  he  declared  to  his  intimate  friends,  that  he  would  not  survive 
the  disgrace  which  he  imagined  would  attend  the  failure  of  his  enter- 
prise. Nothing,  however,  could  shake  the  resolution  of  this  valiant 
commander,  or  induce  him  to  abandon  the  attempt.  In  a  council  of  his 
principal  officers*  called  on  this  critical  occasion,  it  was  resolved,  that  all 
the  future  operations  should  be  above  the  town.  The  camp  at  the  isle 
of  Orleans  was  accordingly  abandoned ;  and  the  whole  army  having  em- 
barked on  board  the  fleet,  a  part  of  it  was  landed  at  Point  Levi,  and  a 
part  higher  up  the  river.  Montcalm,  apprehending  from  this  movement 
that  the  invaders  might  make  a  distant  descent  and  come  on  the  back  of 
the  city  of  Quebec,  detached  M.  de  Bougainville  with  fifteen  hundred 
men  to  watch  their  motions,  and  prevent  their  landing. 

Baffled  and  harassed  in  all  his  previous  assaults,  General  Wolfe 
seems  to  have  determined  to  finish  the  enterprise  by  a  single  bold  and 
desperate  effort.  The  Admiral  sailed  several  leagues  up  the  river, 
making  occasional  demonstrations  of  a  design  to  land  troops  ;  and,  du- 
ring the  night,  a  strong  detachment  in  flat-bottomed  boats  fell  silently 
down  with  the  stream,  to  a  point  about  a  mile  above  the  city.  The 
beach  was  shelving,  the  bank  high  and  precipitous,  and  the  only  part  by 
which  it  could  be  scaled,  was  now  defended  by  a  Captain's  guard  and  a 
battery  of  four  guns.  Colonel  Howe,  with  the  van,  soon  climbed  up 


THE    FRENCH   WARS.  485 

the  rocks,  drove  away  the  guard,  and  seized  upon  the  battery.  The 
army  landed  about  an  hour  before  day,  and  by  daybreak  was  marshalled 
on  the  heights  of  Abraham. 

•  Montcalm  could  not  at  first  believe  the  intelligence  ;  but,  as  soon  as 
he  was  assured  of  its  truth,  he  made  all  prudent  haste  to  decide  a  battle 
which  it  was  no  longer  possible  to  avoid.  Leaving  his  camp  at  Mont- 
morency,  he  crossed  the  river  St.  Charles  with  the  intention  of  attacking 
the  English  army.  No  sooner  did  Wolfe  observe  this  movement,  than 
he  began  to  form  his  order  of  battle.  His  troops  consisted  of  six  bat- 
talions, and  the  Louisburg  grenadiers.  The  right  wing  was  commanded 
by  General  Monckton,  and  the  left  by  General  Murray.  The  right  flank 
was  covered  by  the  Louisburg  grenadiers,  and  the  rear  and  left  by 
Howe's  light  infantry.  The  form  in  which  the  French  advanced  indicat- 
ing an  intention  to  outflank  the  left  of  the  English .  army,  General 
Townshend  was  sent  with  the  battalion  of  Amherst,  and  the  two  batta- 
lions of  royal  Americans,  to  that  part  of  the  line,  and  they  were  formed 
en  potence,  so  as  to  present  a  double  front  to  the  enemy.  The  body  of 
reserve  consisted  of  one  regiment,  drawn  up  in  eight  divisions,  with 
large  intervals.  The  dispositions  made  by  the  French  General  were  not 
less  masterly.  The  right  and  left  wings  were  composed  about  equally 
of  European  and  colonial  troops.  The  centre  consisted  of  a  column, 
formed  of  two  battalions  of  regulars.  Fifteen  hundred  Indians  and  Ca- 
nadians, excellent  marksmen,  advancing  in  front,  screened  by  surround- 
ing thickets,  began  the  battle.  Their  irregular  fire  proved  fatal  to  many 
British  officers,  but  it  was  soon  silenced  by  the  steady  fire  of  the  En- 
glish. About  nine  in  the  morning  the  main  body  of  the  French  advanc- 
ed briskly  to  the  charge,  and  the  action  soon  became  general.  Mont- 
calm  having  taken  post  on  the  left  of  the  French  army,  and  Wolfe  on 
the  right  of  the  English,  the  two  Generals  met  each  other  where  the 
battle  was  most  severe.  The  English  troops  reserved  their  fire  until  the 
French  had  advanced  within  forty  yards  of  their  line,  and  then,  by  a 
general  discharge,  made  terrible  havoc  among  their  ranks.  The  fire  of 
the  English  was  vigorously  maintained,  and  the  enemy  every  where 
yielded  to  it.  General  Wolfe,  who,  exposed  in  the  front  of  his  bat- 
talions, had  been  wounded  in  the  wrist,  betraying  no  symptom  of  pain, 
wrapped  a  handkerchief  round  his  arm,  and  continued  to  encourage  his 
men.  Soon  after,  he  received  a  shot  in  the  groin  ;  but,  concealing  the 
wound,  he  was  pressing  on  at  the  head  of  his  grenadiers  with  fixed 
bayonets,  when  a  third  ball  pierced  his  breast.*  The  army,  not  discon- 

*  On  receiving  his  mortal  wound,  Wolfe  was  conveyed  into  the  rear,  where,  careless 
about  himself,  he  discovered,  in  the  agonies  of  death,  the  most  anxious  solicitude  con- 
cerning the  fate  of  the  dayf  From  extreme  faintness,  he  had  reclined  his  head  on  the 
arm  of  an  officer,  but  was  soon  aroused  by  the  cry  of  "They  fly,  they  fly!"  "Who 
fly?"  exclaimed  the  dying  hero.  "The  French,"  answered  his  attendant.  "Then," 
said  he,  "I  die  contented,"  and  immediately  expired.  A  death  more  full  of  military 
glory  has  seldom  been  recorded  by  the  pen  of  the  historian,  or  celebrated  by  the  pencil 
of  the  painter.  General  Wolfe  was  only  thirty-three  years  of  age.  He  possessed 
those  military  talents,  which,  with  the  advantage  of  years  and  opportunity  of  action, 
"to  moderate  his  ardor,  expand  his  faculties,  and  give  to  his  intuitive  perception  and 
scientific  knowledge  the  correctness  of  judgment  perfected  by  experience/'  would 


486  THE    FRENCH   WARS. 

eerted  by  his  fall,  continued  the  action  under  Monckton,  on  whom  the 
command  now  devolved,  but  who,  receiving  a  ball  through  his  body,  soon 
yielded  the  command  to  General  Townshend.  Montcalm,  fighting  in 
front  of  his  battalions,  received  a  mortal  wound  about  the  same  time  ; 
and  General  Senezergus,  the  second  in  command,  also  fell.  The  Bri 
tish  grenadiers  pressed  on  with  their  bayonets.  General  Murray,  briskly 
advancing  with  the  troops  under  his  direction,  broke  the  centre  of  the 
French  army.  The  Highlanders,  drawing  their  broadswords,  completed 
the  confusion  of  the  enemy  ;  and  after  having  lost  their  first  and  second  in 
command,  the  right  and  centre  of  the  French  were  entirely  driven  from  the 
field;  and  the  left  was  following  the  example,  when  Bougainville  ap- 
peared in  the  rear,  with  the  fifteen  hundred  men  who  had  been  sent  to 
oppose  the  landing  of  the  English.  Two  battalions  and  two  pieces  of 
artillery  were  detached  to  meet  him ;  but  he  retired,  and  the  British 
troops  were  left  the  undisputed  masters  of  the  field.  The  loss  of  the 
French  was  much  greater  than  that  of  the  English.  The  corps  of 
French  regulars  was  almost  entirely  annihilated.  The  killed  and 
wounded  of  the  English  army  did  not  amount  to  six  hundred  men. 
Although  Quebec  was  still  strongly  defended  by  its  fortifications,  and 
might  possibly  be  relieved  by  Bougainville,  or  from  Montreal,  yet  Ge- 
neral Townshend  had  scarcely  finished  a  road  in  the  bank  to  get  up  his 
heavy  artillery  for  a  siege,  when  the  inhabitants  capitulated,  on  condition 
that  during  the  war  they  might  still  enjoy  their  own  civil  and  religious 
rights.  A  garrison  of  five  thousand  men  was  left  under  General  Murray, 
and  the  fleet  sailed  out  of  the  St.  Lawrence. 

The  fall  of  Quebec  did  not  immediately  produce  the  submission  of 
Canada.  The  main  body  of  the  French  army,  which,  after  the  battle  on 
the  plains  of  Abraham,  retired  to  Montreal,  and  which  still  consisted  of 
ten  battalions  of  regulars,  had  been  reinforced  by  six  thousand  Canadian 
militia,  and  a  body  of  Indians.  With  these  forces  M.  de  Levi,  who  had 
succeeded  the  Marquis  de  Montcalm  in  the  chief  command,  resolved  to 
attempt  the  recovery  of  Quebec.  He  had  hoped  to  carry  the  place  by  a 
coup  de  main  during  the  winter ;  but,  on  reconnoitring,  he  found  the  out- 
posts so  well  secured,  and  the  Governor  so  vigilant  and  active,  that  he 
postponed  the  enterprise  until  spring.  In  the  month  of  April,  when  the 
upper  part  of  the  St.  Lawrence  was  so  open  as  to  admit  a  transportation 
by  water,  his  artillery,  military  stores,  and  heavy  baggage,  were  embark- 
ed at  Montreal,  and  fell  down  the  river  under  convoy  of  six  frigates ; 
and  M.  de  Levi,  after  a  march  of  ten  days,  arrived  with  his  army  at 
Point  au  Tremble,  within  a  few  miles  of  Quebec.  General  Murray,  to 
•whom  the  care  of  maintaining  the  English  conquest  had  been  in- 
trusted, had  taken  every  precaution  to  preserve  it;  but  his  troops  had 

have  "placed  him  on  a  level  with  the  most  celebrated  generals  of  any  age  or  nation." 
Montcalm  was  every  way  worthy  to  be  a  competitor  of  Wolfe.  He  had  the  truest: 
military  genius  of  any  officer  whom  the  French  had  ever  employed  in  America. 
After  he  had  received  his  mortal  wound,  he  was  carried  into  the  city ;  and  when 
informed  that  it  was  mortal,  his  reply  was,  "  I  am  glad  of  it."  On  being  told  that  he 
could  survive  but  a  few  hours,  "  So  much  the  better,."  he  replied,  "I  shaU  not  then 
live  to  see  the  surrender  of  Quebec." 


THE    FRENCH   WARS.  487 

suffered  so  much  by  the  extreme  cold  of  the  winter,  and  by  the  want  of 
vegetables  and  fresh  provisions,  that  instead  of  five  thousand,  the  original 
number  of  his  garrison,  there  were  not  at  this  time  above  three  thousand 
men  fit  for  service.  With  this  small  but  valiant  body  he  resolved  to 
meet  the  enemy  in  the  field ;  and  on  the  28th  of  April  marched  out  to 
the  heights  of  Abraham,  where,  near  Sillery,  he  attacked  the  French 
under  M.  de  Levi  with  great  impetuosity.  He  was  received  with  firm- 
ness ;  and,  after  a  fierce  encounter,  finding  himself  outflanked,  and  in 
danger  of  being  surrounded  by  superior  numbers,  he  called  off  his  troops, 
and  retired  into  the  city.  In  this  action  the  loss  of  the  English  was 
near  a  thousand  men,  and  that  of  the  French  still  greater.  The  French 
General  lost  no  time  in  improving  his  victory.  On  the  very  evening  of 
the  battle  he  opened  trenches  before  the  town,  but  it  was  the  llth  of 
May  before  he  could  mount  his  batteries,  and  bring  his  guns  to  bear  on 
the  fortifications.  By  that  time  General  Murray,  who  had  been  indefati- 
gable in  his  exertions,  had  completed  some  outworks,  and  planted  so 
numerous  an  artillery  on  his  ramparts,  that  his  fire  was  very  superior  to 
that  of  the  besiegers,  and  in  a  manner  silenced  their  batteries.  A  Bri- 
tish fleet  most  opportunely  arriving  a  few  days  after,  M.  de  Levi  imme- 
diately raised  the  siege,  and  precipitately  retired  to  Montreal.  Here  the 
Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  Governor-General  of  Canada,  had  fixed  his  head- 
quarters, and  determined  to  make  his  last  stand.  For  this  purpose  he 
called  in  all  his  detachments,  and  collected  around  him  the  whole  force 
of  the  colony. 

The  English,  on  the  other  hand,  were  resolved  upon  the  utter  annihi- 
lation of  the  French  power  in  Canada ;  and  General  Amhers'  pre- 
pared to  overwhelm  it  with  an  irresistible  superiority  of  numbers. 
Almost  on  the  same  day,  the  armies  from  Quebec,  from  Lake  Ontario, 
and  from  Lake  Champlain,  were  concentrated  before  Montreal :  a  capitu- 
lation was  immediately  signed ;  Detroit,  Michilimackinac,  and,  indeed, 
all  New  France,  surrendered  to  the  English.  The  French  troops  were 
to  be  carried  home  ;  and  the  Canadians  to  retain  their  civil  and  religious 
privileges. 

The  history  of  modern  Europe,  with  whose  destiny  that  of  the  colonies 
was  closely  interwoven,  may  be  designated  as  the  annals  of  an  intermi- 
nable war.  Her  sovereigns,  ever  having  the  oily  words  of  peace  on  their 
lips,  have  seldom  had  recourse  to  the  olive  branch  but  as  the  signal  of  a 
truce,  the  duration  of  which  should  be  coeval  with  the  reinvigoration  of 
military  strength.  It  was  thus  with  France  on  the  present  occasion. 
Equally  unsuccessful  on  both  continents,  and  exhausted  by  her  strenuous 
and  continued  efforts,  she  was  at  length  induced  to  make  overtures  of 
peace  ;  and  every  thing  seemed  to  be  in  a  fair  train  for  adjustment,  when 
the  treaty  was  suddenly  broken  off  by  an  attempt  of  the  court  of  Ver- 
seilles  to  mingle  the  politics  of  Spain  and  of  Germany  with  the  disputes 
between  France  and  Great  Britain.  A  secret  family  compact  between 
the  Bourbons  to  support  each  other  through  evil  and  good,  in  peace  and 
in  war,  had  rendered  Spain  desirous  of  war,  and  induced  France  once 
more  to  try  her  fortune.  As  the  interests  of  the  two  nations  were  now 
identified,  it  only  remained  for  England  to  make  a  formal  declaration  of 


48C  THE   FRENCH   WARS. 

hostility  against  Spain.  The  colonies  of  New  England  being  chiefly 
interested  in  the  reduction  of  the  West  India  islands,  furnished  a  con- 
siderable body  of  troops  to  carry  on  the  war.  A  large  fleet  was  dis- 
patched from  England;  the  land  forces  amounted  to  sixteen  thousand; 
and  before  the  end  of  the  second  year,  Great  Britain  had  the  important 
city  of  Havana,  the  key  of  the  Mexican  Gulf,  together  with  the  French 
provinces  of  Martinique,  Grenada,  St.  Lucia,  St.  Vincent,  and  the  Carib- 
bee  islands. 

The  progress  of  the  British  conquests,  which  threatened  all  the  re- 
maining colonial  possessions  of  their  opponents,  was  arrested  by  prelimi- 
nary articles  of  peace,  which,  towards  the  close  of  1762,  Avere  exchanged 
at  Fontainbleau  between  the  Ministers  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and 
Spain.  On  the  10th  of  February  in  the  following  year,  a  definitive 
treaty  of  peace  was  signed  at  Paris,  and  soon  after  ratified.  France 
ceded  to  Great  Britain  all  the  conquests  which  the  latter  had  made  in 
North  America ;  and  it  was  stipulated  between  the  two  crowns,  that  the 
boundary  line  of  their  respective  dominions  in  the  new  hemisphere  should 
run  along  the  middle  of  the  Mississippi,  from  its  source  as  far  as  the 
Iberville,  and  along  the  middle  of  that  river,  and  of  Lakes  Maurepas  and 
Pontchartrain. 

Thus  terminated  a  war,  which  originated  in  an  attempt  on  the  part  of 
the  French  to  surround  the  English  colonists,  and  chain  them  to  a  nar- 
row strip  of  country  along  the  coast  of  the  Atlantic ;  and  ended  with 
their  giving  up  the  whole  of  what  was  then  their  only  valuable  territory 
in  North  America.  The  immediate  advantage  the  colonies  derived  from 
the  successful  issue  of  the  contest  was  great  and  apparent.  Although, 
ior  a  short  period  after  the  conquest  of  Canada  had  been  effected,  they 
were  subject  to  attacks  from  the  Indian  tribes  attached  to  the  French, 
and  also  from  the  Cherokees  on  their  south-western  borders,  they  were 
soon  enabled  to  visit  their  cruelties  with  severe  retribution,  and  to  pro- 
cure a  lasting  repose,  as  the  Indians  had  no  forts  to  which  to  repair 
for  protection  or  aid.  But  the  indirect  results,  though  almost  unper- 
ceived  at  first,  were  far  more  important,  and  prepared  the  way  for  those 
momentous  efforts  which  issued  in  the  loss  to  Great  Britain  of  the  fairest 
portion  of  her  colonies,  and  the  establishment  of  her  vassal  as  a  rival. 
The  colonists  became  inured  to  the  habits  and  hardships  of  a  military 
life,  and  skilled  in  the  arts  of  European  warfare ;  while  the  desire  of 
revenge  for  the  loss  of  Canada,  which  France  did  not  fail  to  harbor,  was 
preparing  for  them  a  most  efficient  friend,  and  making  way  for  the  ano- 
malous exhibition  of  a  despotic  sovereign  exerting  all  his  power  in  the 
cause  of  liberty  and  independence. 


489 


ANECDOTES  OF    THE   REVOLUTION 


FIFTH  OF  MARCH.  1770. 

EARLY  in  the  evening  of  the  5th  of  March,  1770,  the  inhabitants  of  Bos- 
ton were  observed  to  assemble  in  different  quarters  of  the  town ;  parties 
of  soldiers  were  also  driving  about  the  streets,  as  if  both  the  one  and  the 
other  had  something  more  than  ordinary  upon  their  minds.  About  eight 
o'clock,  one  of  the  bells  of  the  town  was  rung  in  such  manner  as  is  usual 
in  case  of  fire.  This  called  people  into  the  streets.  A  large  number 
assembled  in  the  market-place,  not  far  from  King-street,  armed  with 
bludgeons,  or  clubs.  A  small  fray  between  some  of  the  inhabitants  and 
the  soldiers  arose  at  or  near  the  barracks  at  the  west  part  of  the  town, 
but  it  was  of  little  importance,  and  was  soon  over.  A  sentinel  who  was 
posted  at  the  custom-house,  not  far  from  the  main  guard,  was  next  insult- 
ed, and  pelted  wkh  pieces  of  ice  and  other  missiles,  which  caused  him 
to  call  to  the  main  guard  to  protect  him.  Notice  was  soon  given  to  Captain 
Preston,  whose  company  was  then  on  guard,  and  a  sergeant  with  six 
men  was  sent  to  protect  the  sentinel ;  but  the  Captain,  to  prevent  any 
precipitate  action,  followed  them  himself.  There  seem  to  have  been  but 
few  people  collected  when  the  assault  was  first  made  on  the  sentinel ;  but 
the  sergeant's  guard  drew  a  greater  number  together,  and  they  were  more 
insulted  than  the  sentinel  had  been,  and  received  frequent  blows  from  snow 
balls  and  lumps  of  ice.  Captain  Preston  thereupon  ordered  them  to 
charge ;  but  this  was  no  discouragement  to  the  assailants,  who  continued 
to  pelt  the  guard,  daring  them  to  fire.  Some  of  the  people  who  were  be- 
hind the  soldiers,  and  observed  the  abuse  of  them,  called  on  them  to  do 
so.  At  length  one  received  a  blow  with  a  club,  which  brought  him  to  the 
ground ;  but,  rising  again,  he  immediately  fired,  and  all  the  rest,  except 
one,  followed  the  example.  This  seems,  from  the  evidence  on  the  trials 
and  the  observation  of  persons  present,  to  have  been  the  course  of  the 
material  facts.  Three  men  were  killed,  two  mortally  wounded,  who  died 
soon  after,  and  several  slightly  wounded. 

The  soldiers  immediately  withdrew  to  the  main  guard,  which  was 
strengthened  by  additional  companies.  Two  or  three  of  the  persons  who 
had  seen  the  action  ran  to  the  Lieutenant-Governor's  house,  which  was 
about  half  a  mile  distant,  and  begged  he  would  go  to  King-street,  where 
they  feared  a  general  action  would  come  on  between  the  troops  and  the 
inhabitants.  He  went  immediately,  and,  to  satisfy  the  people,  called  for 
Captain  Preston,  and  inquired  why  he  had  fired  upon  the  inhabitants 
without  the  direction  of  a  civil  magistrate.  The  noise  was  so  great  that 
h.s  answer  could  not  be  understood;  and  some  persons,  who  were  appre- 
62 


490  ANECDOTES    OF    THE    REVOLUTION. 

hensive  of  the  Lieutenant-Governor's  danger  from  the  general  confusion, 
called  out  "  The  town-house,  the  town-house !"  when,  with  irresistible 
violence,  he  was  forced  up  by  the  crowd  into  the  council  chamber. 
There  demand  was  immediately  made  of  him,  to  order  the  troops  to 
withdraw  from  the  town-house  to  their  barracks.  He  refused ;  but  calling 
from  the  balcony  to  the  great  body  of  people  who  remained  in  th-j  street, 
he  expressed  his  great  concern  at  the  unhappy  event ;  assured  them  he 
would  do  every  thing  in  his  power  to  obtain  a  full  and  impartial  inquiry, 
that  the  law  might  have  its  course ;  and  advised  them  to  go  peaceably  to 
their  homes.  Upon  this  there  was  a  cry — "  Home,  home !"  and  a  great 
part  separated,  and  went  home.  He  then  signified  his  opinion  to  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Carr,  that  if  the  companies  in  arms  were  ordered  to  their 
barracks,  the  streets  would  be  cleared  and  the  town  in  quiet  for  that  night. 
Upon  their  retiring,  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants,  except  those  in  the  coun- 
cil chamber,  retired  also. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Dalrymple,  at  the  desire  of  the  Lieutenant-Gover- 
nor,  came  to  the  council  chamber,  while  several  justices  were  examining 
persons  who  were  present  at  the  transactions  of  the  evening.  From  the 
evidence  it  was  apparent  that  the  justices  would  commit  Captain  Preston, 
if  taken.  Several  hours  passed  before  he  could  be  found,  and  the  people 
suspected  that  he  would  not  run  the  hazard  of  a  trial ;  but  at  length  he 
surrendered  himself  to  a  warrant  for  apprehending  him,  and,  having  been 
examined,  was  committed  to  prison.  The  next  morning  the  soldiers  who 
were  upon  guard  surrendered  also,  and  were  committed.  This  was  r<ot 
sufficient  to  satisfy  the  people,  and  early  in  the  forenoon  they  were  ;;i 
motion  again.  The  Lieutenant-Governor  caused  his  council  to  be  sum- 
moned, and  desired  the  two  Lieutenant-Colonels  of  the  regiments  to  be 
present.  The  selectmen  of  Boston  were  waiting  the  Lieutenant-Gover- 
nor's coming  to  council,  and,  being  admitted,  made  their  representation, 
that,  from  the  contentions  arising  from  the  troops  quartered  in  Boston, 
and,  above  all,  from  the  tragedy  of  the  last  night,  the  minds  of  the 
inhabitants  were  exceedingly  disturbed ;  that  they  would  presently  be 
assembled  in  a  town-meeting  ;  and  that,  unless  the  troops  should  be  remov- 
ed, the  most  terrible  consequences  were  to  be  expected.  The  justices 
also  of  Boston  and  several  of  the  neighboring  towns  had  assembled,  and 
desired  to  signify  their  opinion,  that  it  would  not  be  possible  to  keep 
the  people  under  restraint,  if  the  troops  remained  in  town.  The  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor acquainted  both  the  selectmen  and  the  justices,  that  he 
had  no  authority  to  alter  the  place  of  destination  of  the  King's  troops  ; 
but  that  he  expected  the  commanding  officers  of  the  two  regiments,  and 
would  let  them  know  the  applications  which  had  been  made.  Presently 
after  their  coming,  a  large  committee  from  the  town-meeting  presented 
an  address  to  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  declaring  it  to  be  the  unanimous 
opinion  of  the  meeting,  that  nothing  could  rationally  be  expected  to  restore 
the  peace  of  the  town,  "  and  prevent  blood  and  carnage,"  but  the  imme- 
diate removal  of  the  troops.  The  committee  withdrew  into  another  room 
to  wait  for  an  answer.  Some  of  the  council  urged  the  necessity  of  com- 
plying with  the  people's  demand ;  but  the  Lieutenant-Governor  declared 
that  he  would,  upon  no  consideration  whatever,  give  orders  for  their 


ANECDOTES  OF  THE  REVOLUTION.       491 

removal.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Dalrymple  then  signified,  that,  as  the 
twenty-ninth  regiment  had  originally  been  designed  to  be  placed  at  the 
castle,  and  was  now  peculiarly  obnoxious  to  the  town,  he  was  content 
that  it  should  be  removed  to  the  castle,  until  the  General's  pleasure  should 
be  known.  The  committee  was  informed  of  this  offer,  and  the  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor rose  from  council,  intending  to  receive  no  further  appli- 
cation upon  the  subject ;  but  the  council  prayed  that  he  would  meet  them 
again  in  the  afternoon,  and  Colonel  Dalrymple  desiring  it  also,  he  com- 
plied. Before  the  council  met  again,  it  had  been  intimated  to  them  that 
the  "desire"  of  the  Governor  and  council  to  the  commanding  officer  to 
remove  the  troops,  would  cause  him  to  do  it,  though  he  should  receive  no 
authoritative  "order."  As  soon  as  they  met,  a  committee  from  the  town- 
meeting  attended  with  a  second  message,  to  acquaint  the  Lieutenant- 
Governor,  that  it  was  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  people  assembled, 
consisting,  as  they  said,  of  near  three  thousand  persons,  that  nothing  less 
than  a  total  and  immediate  removal  of  the  troops  would  satisfy  them. 
Ultimately  the  scruples  of  the  Lieutenant-Governor  were  overcome,  and 
he  expressed  a  desire  that  the  troops  should  be  wholly  withdrawn  from 
the  town  to  the  castle,  which  was  accordingly  done.  The  funeral  of  the 
victims  was  attended  with  extraordinary  pomp.  Most  of  the  shops  were 
closed,  all  the  bells  of  the  town  tolled  on  the  occasion,  and  the  corpses 
were  followed  to  the  grave  by  an  immense  concourse  of  people  arranged 
six  abreast,  the  procession  being  closed  by  a  long  train  of  carriages  be- 
longing to  the  principal  gentry  of  the  town.  Captain  Preston  and  the 
party  of  soldiers  were  afterwards  tried.  The  Captain  and  six  of  the  men 
were  acquitted,  and  two  were  brought  in  guilty  of  manslaughter ;  a  result 
which  reflected  great  honor  on  John  Adams  and  Josiah  Quincy,  the 
counsel  for  the  prisoners,  and  on  the  jury. 


THE  STAMP  ACT. 

THE  Stamp  Act  was  not  passed  in  Parliament  until  March,  1765. 
Before  that  time,  and  while  the  law  was  under  consideration,  all  the  Colo- 
nies protested  against  it,  and  most  of  them  sent  agents  to  London  to 
reason  with  the  English  Ministers  ;  but  in  vain.  The  act  passed  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  by  a  vote  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  members  against 
fifty.  Doctor  Franklin,  then  in  London,  wrote,  the  same  evening,  to 
Charles  Thomson,  afterwards  Secretary  of  the  American  Congress,  as 
follows: — "The  sun  of  liberty  is  set;  the  Americans  must  light  the 
lamps  of  industry  and  economy."  The  gentleman  answered,  "  Be  as- 
sured we  shall  light  torches  of  quite  another  kind." 

The  people  of  Virginia  and  Massachusetts  were  among  the  first  to 
oppose  the  Stamp  Act.  But  the  same  feeling  was  soon  spread  over  the 
whole  country.  The  newspapers  were  still  published  on  paper  not 
stamped,  and  these  were  filled  with  warm  discussions  upon  this  subject. 
The  lawyers  also  agreed  to  use  no  stamped  paper ;  a  great  many  public 
officers  gave  up  their  commissions,  and  vast  numbers  of  the  people, 


492  ANECDOTES   OF   THE   REVOLUTION. 

calling  themselves  sons  of  liberty,  agreed  to  oppose  the  Stamp  Act,  and 
to  assist  each  other,  at  all  hazards. 

In  Boston,  early  in  the  morning  of  August  14th,  two  effigies  were 
found  hanging  on  the  branch  of  an  old  elm,  near  the  southern  entrance 
of  the  city.  One  represented  a  stamp  officer.  There  was  a  great  jack- 


JiMS^Sm 


boot  also,  out  of  which  rose  a  horned  head.  The  people  collected  in 
crowds  from  the  city  and  country.  About  dusk,  the  images  were  taken 
down,  placed  on  a  bier,  and  carried  about  in  solemn  procession,  the 
people  following,  stamping  and  shouting,  "  Liberty  and  property  for- 
ever— no  stamps."  They  passed  through  the  town-house,  down  King- 
street,  into  Kilby-street,  halted  at  the  house  of  one  Oliver,  which  they 
supposed  to  be  meant  for  a  stamp  office,  and  demolished  it  from  top  to 
bottom ;  they  carried  off  the  wood,  marched  through  the  streets,  with  a 
tremendous  noise,  to  the  dwelling  of  Oliver  himself ;  and  there,  having 
gone  through  the  ceremony  of  chopping  off  that  gentleman's  head,  in 
effigy,  broke  in  his  windows  in  an  instant. 

They  then  marched  up  Fort  Hill,  still  following  the  two  figures,  jack- 
boot, horns  and  all.  Here  they  kindled  a  bonfire  with  them,  returned  to 
Oliver's  house  with  clubs  and  staves,  and  destroyed  every  part  of  his 
gardens,  fences  and  out-houses.  Oliver  left  a  few  friends  in  his  house, 
and  fled  with  all  possible  speed.  His  friends  offended  the  multitude,  and 
they  broke  open  the  doors,  and  destroyed  all  the  furniture  in  the  lower 
story.  Mr.  Oliver  gave  notice  the  next  day,  that  he  had  concluded  not 
to  serve  as  a  stamp  officer.  The  people  went  to  his  house  in  the 
evening  again,  gave  him  three  cheers  of  encouragement,  and  left  him 
without  further  damage  to  himself,  his  house,  or  his  effigy. 

The  people  had  now  another  person  to  attend  to.  Having  heard  that 
Lieutenant-Governor  Hutchinson  had  written  to  England  in  favor  of  the 
stamp  duties,  they  visited  his  house  in  great  numbers.  As  he  assured 
them,  however,  that  he  had  written  no  such  thing,  they  applauded  him 
with  shouts,  kindled  a  bonfire,  and  went  home.  On  the  26th  of  August, 


ANECDOTES  OF  THE  REVOLUTION.       493, 

the  disorders  began  again.  Some  boys  were  playing  round  a  fire  in 
King-street.  The  fireward  coming  to  extinguish  it,  some  one  whispered 
him  to  keep  back.  The  advice  was  followed  by  a  few  blows  and  kicks, 
and  he  soon  withdrew. 

Meanwhile,  a  particular  whistle  was  heard  from  several  quarters,  fol- 
lowed by  cries  of  "  Sirrah  !  Sirrah !"  A  long  train  of  persons  then 
came  up,  disguised,  and  armed  with  clubs  and  bludgeons.  They  pro- 
ceeded to  surround  the  house  of  one  Paxton,  harbor-master.  He  thought 
it  well  to  absent  himself;  but  the  crowd  followed  him  to  a  tavern,  where 
he  persuaded  them  not  to  destroy  his  house.  They  broke  open  the 
office  and  house  of  Story,  another  crown  officer,  opposite  the  court-house ; 
burned  the  files  and  records  in  the  first,  and  destroyed  the  furniture  in 
the  other. 

They  afterwards  paid  some  attentions  of  the  same  kind  to  Mr.  Hal- 
lowell,  collector  of  the  duties,  drank  up  the  wine  in  his  cellar,  and 
carried  off  some  hundred  dollars  of  his  money.  They  visited  Mr.  Hutch- 
inson  once  more  about  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  carried  off  his 
plate,  pictures,  furniture,  clothing,  manuscripts,  and  about  three  thousand 
dollars  in  cash.  Some  of  the  ringleaders  of  these  riots  were  imprisoned, 
though  soon  released.  The  Governor  offered  rewards  for  the  discovery 
of  others  :  a  nightly  watch  was  appointed,  and,  at  a  numerous  town- 
meeting,  the  selectmen  of  the  town  were  desired  to  use  every  effort  to 
prevent  these  disorders  for  the  future. 

But  the  Stamp  Act  was  received  every  where  in  a  similar  manner. 
At  Newport  and  Providence,  in  Rhode  Island,  vast  multitudes  got  to- 
gether, and  dragged  about  the  effigies  of  several  of  the  crown  officers  in 
carts,  with  halters  on  their  necks ;  then  they  hung  them  up,  and  cut 
them  down  to  be  burned.  Some  houses,  also,  were  pillaged.  So  it  was, 
too,  in  Connecticut,  at  New  Haven,  Lebanon,  and  other  towns ;  in 
New-Hampshire,  Maryland,  New  York,  and  as  far  south  as>  the  Ca- 
rolinas. 


GENERAL  PUTNAM. 

WHEN  the  intelligence  of  the  battle  of  Lexington,  which  took  place  on 
ihe  19th  of  April,  1775,  reached  General  Putnam,  he  was  engaged  in 
ploughing  on  his  farm,  at  Brooklyn,  in  Connecticut.  He  instantly  un- 
yoked his  cattle,  left  his  plough  standing  in  the  unfinished  furrow,  in  the 
midst  of  the  field,  and  without  stopping  to  change  his  dress,  immediately 
set  off  for  the  scene  of  military  transactions,  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston. 
Upon  entering  the  army,  he  was  appointed  to  the  rank  of  Major-General. 
On  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  General  Washington  wrote  a  letter  to 
General  Putnam,  in  which  he  warmly  expressed  the  sense  he  entertained 
of  his  services.  "  The  name  of  Putnam,"  says  he,  "  is  not  forgotten ; 
nor  will  it  be,  but  with  that  stroke  of  time  which  shall  obliterate  from 
my  mind  the  remembrance  of  all  those  toils  and  fatigues  through  which 


494 


ANECDOTES  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


we  have  struggled,  for  the  preservation  and  establishment  of  the  rights, 
liberties,  and  independence  of  our  country." 


When  General  Putnam  was  pursued  by  General  Tyron  at  the  head 
of  fifteen  hundred  men,  his  only  method  of  escape  was  precipitating  his 
horse  down  the  steep  declivity  of  the  rock,  called  Horseneck ;  and  as 
none  of  his  pursuers  dared  to  follow,  he  escaped.  An  act  of  still  more 


daring  intrepidity,  was  his  clearing  in  a  boat  the  tremendous  waterfalls 
of  Hudson's  river.  This  was  in  the  year  1756,  when  Putnam  was  en- 
gaged in  a  war  with  the  French  and  their  allies,  the  Indians.  He  was 
accidentally  with  a  boat  and  five  men  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river, 
when  the  men  on  the  opposite  side  informed  him,  by  signal,  that  a  large 
body  of  savages  were  advancing  to  surround  him,  and  that  there  was  not 
a  moment  to  lose.  Three  modes  of  conduct  were  at  his  option — to  re- 
main, fight,  arid  be  sacrificed ;  to  attempt  to  pass  on  the  other  side,  ex- 


ANECDOTES    OF   THE   REVOLUTION.  495 

posed  to  the  full  shot  of  the  enemy ;  or  to  sail  down  the  waterfalls,  with 
almost  a  certainty  of  being  overwhelmed.  Putnam  did  not  hesitate, 
and  jumped  into  his  boat  at  a  fortunate  instant ;  for  one  of  his  compan- 
ions, who  was  at  a  little  distance,  was  a  victim  to  the  Indians.  His 
enemies  soon  arrived,  and  discharged  their  muskets  at  the  boat,  before 
he  could  get  out  of  their  reach.  No  sooner  had  he  escaped  this  danger, 
through  the  rapidity  of  the  current,  but  death  presented  itself  under  a 
more  terriffic  form.  Rocks,  whose  points  projected  above  the  surface  of 
the  water ;  large  masses  of  timber,  that  nearly  closed  the  passage  ;  ab- 
sorbing gulfs,  and  rapid  descents  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  left 
him  little  hope  of  escape.  Putnam,  however,  directed  the  helm  with 
the  utmost  tranquillity.  His  companions  saw  him  with  admiration,  ter- 
ror, and  astonishment,  avoid  with  the  utmost  address  the  rocks  and 
threatening  gulfs,  which  they  every  instant  expected  to  devour  him.  He 
disappeared,  and  rose  again,  till  he  at  length  gained  the  even  surface  of 
the  river,  at  the  bottom  of  this  dreadful  cascade.  The  Indians  considered 
it  a  miracle.  They  looked  upon  Putnam  as  invulnerable  ;  and  they 
feared  to  offend  the  Great  Spirit,  by  attempting  the  life  of  a  man  so 
visibly  under  his  immediate  protection. 


CAPTAIN  MOLLY. 

BEFORE  the  two  armies,  American  and  English,  had  begun  the  gene- 
ral action  of  Monmouth,  two  of  the  advanced  batteries  commenced 
a  very  severe  fire  against  each  other.  As  the  warmth  was  excessive, 
the  wife  of  a  cannonier  constantly  ran  to  bring  him  water  from  a  neigh- 
boring spring.  At  the  moment  when  she  started  from  the  spring,  to 
pass  the  post  of  her  husband,  she  saw  him  fall,  and  hastened  to  assist 


him ;  but  he  was  dead.     At  the  same  moment  she  heard  an  officer  order 
the  cannon  to  be  removed  from  its  place,  complaining  that  he  could  not 


496 


ANECDOTES   OF  THE    REVOLUTION. 


fill  his  post  by  as  brave  a  man  as  had  been  killed.  "  No,"  said  the 
intrepid  Molly,  fixing  her  eyes  upon  the  officer,  "  the  cannon  shall  not 
be  removed  for  the  want  of  some  one  to  serve  it ;  since  my  brave  hus- 
band is  no  more,  I  will  use  my  utmost  exertions  to  avenge  his  death." 
The  activity  and  courage  with  which  she  performed  the  office  of  can- 
Donier  during  the  action,  attracted  the  attention  of  all  who  witnessed  it, 
finally  of  General  Washington  himself,  who  afterwards  gave  her  the 
rank  of  Lieutenant,  and  granted  her  half-pay  during  life.  She  wore  an 
epaulette,  and  every  body  called  her  Captain  Molly. 


MAJOR  BURNET'S  CUE. 

IN  the  battle  of  Germantown,  Major  Burnet,  the  aid-de-camp  of  Gene- 
ral Greene,  wore  a  long  cue  after  the  fashion  of  the  times,  and  as  he 
turned  round  to  attend  to  a  dismounted  cannon,  his  cue  was  cut  off  by  a 


musket  ball  from  the  enemy.  "  Don't  hurry,  my  dear  Major,"  cried 
Greene,  laughing ;  "  pray  dismount  and  get  that  long  cue  of  yours  ,  don  * 
be  in  haste." 


GENERAL  VIEW   OF   THE    UNITED   STATES. 


AGRICULTURE. 

THE  chief  agricultural  occupations  in  the  eastern  States  are  grazing  and  the  dairy. 
The  middle  States  are  principally  devoted  to  the  cultivation  of  wheat  and  maize ;  the 
southern  to  that  of  tobacco,  cotton,  sugar,  and  rice,  and  the  western  to  maize  and 
wheat.  Slave  labor  is  chiefly  employed  in  the  southern  States,  and  in  some  of  the 
middle  and  western.  The  cotton  raised  in  1830  amounted  to  nine  hundred  and 
seventy-six  thousand,  eight  hundred  and  forty-eight  bales.  The  flour  and  met 
inspected  at  the  different  ports  of  the  United  States,  in  1830,  amounted  to  the  follow- 
ing :  two  million,  eight  hundred  and  fifty-one  thousand,  eight  hundred  and  seventy- 
six  barrels  of  wheat  flour  ;  forty-one  thousand,  three  hundred  and  fifty-one  barrels  of 
rye  flour  ;  eighteen  thousand,  three  hundred  and  seventy-two  hogsheads,  and  thirty- 
five  thousand,  seventy  barrels  of  corn  meal. 


COMMERCE. 

The  imports  into  the  United  States  for  the  year,  ending  September  31st,  1831, 
amounted  to  one  hundred  and  three  million,  one  hundred  and  ninety-one  thou- 
sand, one  hundred  and  twenty-four  dollars.  The  exports  of  domestic  produce  for  the 
same  time,  to  sixty-one  million,  two  hundred  and  seventy-seven  thousand,  and  fifty- 
seven  dollars  ;  of  foreign  produce,  to  twenty  million,  thirty-three  thousand,  five  hun- 
dred and  twenty-six  dollars.  Total  exports,  eighty-one  million,  three  hundred  and 
ten  thousand,  five  hundred  and  eighty-three  dollars.  The  registered  and  licens- 
ed shipping  amounted  on  the  last  day  of  December,  1828,  to  one  million,  seven 
hundred  and  fort]  one  thousand,  three  hundred  and  ninety-one  tons.  The  most 
important  exports'  are  those  of  cotton,  flour,  rice,  tobacco,  beef,  pork,  lumber,  cat- 
tle, and  horses.  New  Orleans  has  the  greatest  export  trade,  and  New  York  the 
greatest  imports.  Most  of  the  shipping  is  owned  in  the  New  England  States  and 
N*ew  York. 


MANUFACTURES. 

In  1810,  the  annual  value  of  all  the  manufactures  was  estimated  at  one  hundred 
and  seventy-two  million,  seven  hundred  and  sixty-two  thousand,  eight  hundred  and 
seventy-six  dollars.  In  addition  to  the  large  establishments,  it  is  estimated  that  two 
thirds  of  the  clothing  worn  by  the  agricultural  population  are  the  product  of  domes 
tic  manufactures.  The  greater  portion  of  American  manufactures  are  designed  for 
63 


498  GENERAL    VIEW   OF 

internal  consumption,  yet,  in  1829,  there  were  exported  from  the  United  States, 
manufactured  articles  to  the  value  of  six  million,  twenty-five  thousand,  and  two 
hundred  dollars. 


FISHERIES. 

Nearly  all  the  fisheries  are  carried  on  by  the  New  England  States.  The  whale 
fishery  alone  employs  three  hundred  ships,  averaging  three  hundred  and  forty  tons 
each,  and  in  1830  produced  one  hundred  and  six  thousand,  eight  hundred  barrels  of 
spermaceti  oil,  and  an  equal  quantity  of  black  oil,  and  two  million,  five  hundred 
thousand  pounds  of  spermaceti  candles.  The  mackerel  and  herring  fishery  is  pur- 
sued along  the  northern  coast,  and  the  cod  fishery  on  that  of  Labrador  and  the  New- 
foundland banks.  Fish  to  the  value  of  a  million  of  dollars  are  yearly  exported. 


PUBLIC    LANDS. 

The  national  domain,  or  public  lands,  consist  of  tracts  of  territory  ceded  to  the 
General  Government  by  the  several  States  ;  of  the  lands  in  the  Territory  of  Louisia- 
na, purchased  of  France  ;  and  those  in  Florida,  acquired  by  treaty  from  Spain.  A 
vast  portion  of  this  land  is  occupied  by  the  Indians,  who  are  considered  as  proprietors 
of  the  soil  till  the  Government  extinguish  their  title  by  purchase.  A  General  Land 
Office,  at  "Washington,  directs  the  sale  of  these  territories.  All  the  lands  are  sun-ey- 
ed before  sale ;  they  are  divided  into  townships  of  six  miles  square,  which  are  sub- 
divided into  sections  of  one  mile  square,  containing  each  six  hundred  and  forty  acres.. 
and  sold  in  sections,  half,  quarter,  and  half-quarter  sections.  The  minimum  price  i.s 
fixed  by  law  at  a  dollar  and  a  quarter.  All  sales  are  made  for  cash.  Salt  springs 
and  lead  mines  are  reserved,  but  may  be  sold  by  special  orders  from  the  President. 
One  section  of  six  hundred  and  forty  acres  is  reserved  in  each  township,  as  a  fund 
for  the  perpetual  support  of  schools.  Five  per  cent,  on  all  sales  of  land  are  reserved, 
three  fifths  of  which  are  expended  by  Congress  in  making  roads  leading  to  the  States 
in  which  the  lands  are  situated,  and  two  fifths  are  expended  by  the  States  for  the 
promotion  of  learning.  Up  to  the  present  time  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  million 
acres  of  the  public  lands  have  been  surveyed,  of  which  thirty  million  have  not  been 
proclaimed  for  sale  ;  twenty  million  have  been  sold,  and  as  much  more  granted  by 
Congress  for  education,  internal  improvement,  and  other  purposes.  There  remain 
one  hundred  and  ten  million  acres  surveyed  and  unsold  ;  eighty  million  of  which  are 
in  the  market.  The  whole  quantity  of  land  owned  by  the  United  States  amounts  to 
one  billion,  sixty-two  million,  four  hundred  and  sixty-three  thousand,  one  hundred  and 
seventy-one  acres. 


REVENUE,  EXPENDITURE,  AND  DEBT. 

The  revenues  of  the  United  States  are  derived  from  customs,  sales  of  land,  the 
post  office,  iead  mines,  and  stock  of  the  United  States  Bank.  Of  these  the  customs 
constitute  much  the  largest  item.  In  1830  the  revenue  was  as  follows :  customs, 
twenty-one  million,  nine  hundred  and  twenty-two  thousand,  three  hundred  and  ninety- 
one  dollars,  and  thirty-nine  cents ;  lands,  two  million,  three  hundred  and  twenty-nine 
thousand,  three  hundred  and  fifty-six  dollars,  and  fourteen  cents  ;  dividends  on  bank 
stock,  four  hundred  and  ninety  thousand  dollars  ;  other  sources,  one  hundred  and  two 
thousand,  three  hundred  and  sixty-eight  dollars,  and  ninety-eight  cents.  Total  reve- 
nue, twenty-four  million,  eight  hundred  and  forty-four  thousand,  one  hundred  and 
sixteen  dollars,  and  fifty-one  cents.  The  expenditure  for  the  same  year  amounted, 
exclusive  of  the  payment  toward  the  public  debt,  to  twelve  million,  seven  hundred 
and  twenty-nine  thousand,  five  hundred  and  thirtv-three  dollars,  and  thirty-three  cent*. 


THE    UNITED    STATES.  499 

ARMY    AND   NAVY. 

The  army  is  restricted  by  law  to  six  thousand,  one  hundred  and  eighty-eight  men  ; 
and  consists  of  four  regiments  of  artillery,  and  seven  regiments  of  infantry,  under 
the  command  of  one  major  general  and  two  brigadier  generals.  The  army  expenses 
of  1830,  including  fortifications,  arsenals,  armories,  ordnance,  internal  improvements, 
<kc.,  amounted  to  four  million,  seven  hundred  and  sixty-seven  thousand,  one  hundred 
and  twenty-eight  dollars,  and  eighty-eight  cents.  The  navy  consists  of  seven  ships 
of  seventy-four  guns,  seven  of  forty-four,  three  of  thirty-six,  two  of  twenty-three,  thir- 
teen of  eighteen,  and  five  smaller  vessels.  There  are  building,  five  of  seventy-four 
guns,  and  six  frigates  :  total,  forty-eight.  The  force  in  commission,  consists  of  five 
frigates,  eleven  sloops  of  war,  and  seven  schooners.  There  are  navy  yards  at  Ports- 
mouth, N.  H.,  Boston,  Philadelphia,  Washington,  Norfolk,  Va.,  and  Pensacola.  There 
are  dry  docks  at  Boston  and  Norfolk.  The  expenses  of  the  naval  establishment  for 
1830,  were  three  million,  two  hundred  and  thirty-nine  thousand,  four  hundred  and 
twenty-eight  dollars,  and  sixty-three  cents.  There  is  no  rank  in  the  navy  above  that 
of  a  captain. 


BANKS. 

The  Bank  of  the  United  States  was  chartered  in  1816,  with  a  capital  of  thirty-five 
million  of  dollars.  Of  this  stock,  the  government  own  seven  million  of  dollars,  or 
one  fifth.  The  bank  is  at  Philadelphia,  with  branches  in  twenty-five  other  places. 
The  present  charter  extends  to  March  3d,  1836. 


POSTOFFICE. 

The  postroads  in  the  United  States,  amount  to  one  hundred  and  fifteen  thousand, 
one  hundred  and  seventy-six  miles ;  and  the  yearly  transportation  of  the  mail,  is 
equal  to  fifteen  million,  four  hundred  and  sixty-eight  thousand,  six  hundred  and 
ninety-two  miles ;  namely,  ten  million,  seven  hundred  and  twenty-eight  thousand, 
three  hundred  and  forty-eight  miles  in  stages  and  steam-boats,  and  four  million,  seven 
hundred  and  forty  thousand,  three  hundred  and  forty  miles  on  horseback,  and  in 
sulkies.  The  number  of  postoffices  on  the  first  of  July,  1831,  was  eight  thousand, 
six  hundred  and  eighty-six.  The  expenses  of  the  postoffice  department  for  the  year 
ending  July  1st.  1831,  were  one  million,  nine  hundred  and  thirty-five  thousand,  five 
hundred  and  fifty-nine  dollars.  Receipts,  one  million,  nine  hundred  and  ninety-seven 
thousand,  eight  hundred  and  eleven  dollars  :  profits,  sixty-two  thousand,  two  hundred 
and  fifty-two  dollars.  The  revenue  derived  from  the  postoffice,  is  chiefly  expended 
upon  the  extension  and  improvement  of  the  mail  routes. 


MINT. 

The  mint  of  the  United  States  was  established  at  Philadelphia,  in  1792.  The 
coinage  of  gold  and  silver  bullion  is  performed  free  of  expense  to  the  owners.  In 
1831,  the  coinage  amounted  to  three  million,  nine  hundred  and  twenty-three  thou- 
sand, four  hundred  and  seventy-three  dollars,  and  sixty  cents ;  of  which  seven 
hundred  and  fourteen  thousand,  two  hundred  and  seventy  dollars  were  in  gold  ;  three 
million,  one  hundred  and  seventy  five  thousand,  and  six  hundred  dollars  in  silver ; 
and  thirty-three  thousand,  six  hundred  and  three  dollars  and  sixty  cents  in  copper. 
Amounting  in  all,  to  eleven  millions,  seven  hundred  and  ninety-two  thousand,  two 
hundred  and  eighty-four  pieces  :  namely,  one  hundred  and  forty  thousand,  five  hun- 


500  GENERAL    VIEW    OF 

dred  and  ninety-four  half  eagles — four  thousand,  five  hundred  and  twenty  quarter 
eagles — five  million,  eight  hundred  and  seventy-three  thousand,  six  hundred  and  sixty 
half  dollars — three  hundred  and  ninety-eight  thousand  quarter  dollars — seven  hundred 
and  seventy-one  thousand,  three  hundred  and  fifty  dimes — one  million,  two  hundred 
and  forty-two  thousand,  and  seven  hundred  half  dimes — three  million,  three  hundred 
and  fifty-nine  thousand,  two  hundred  and  sixty  cents,  and  two  thousand,  two  hundred 
half  cents.  The  expense  of  the  mint  establishment  for  1831,  was  twenty-eight  thou- 
sand dollars.  Of  the  gold  coined  in  this  year,  one  hundred  and  thirty  thousand 
dollars  were  received  from  Mexico,  South  America,  and  the  West  Indies ;  twenty- 
seven  thousand  dollars  from  Africa,  five  hundred  and  eighteen  thousand  dollars  from 
the  United  States,  and  the  remainder  from  unknown  sources. 


TAXATION. 

Congress  possess  the  power  to  impose  direct  taxes  ;  but  as  this  branch  of  the 
revenue  has  been  found  one  of  the  least  productive,  and  the  other  sources  of  supply 
being  abundant,  there  is  no  taxation  by  the  General  Government.  Each  State  levies 
its  own  tax  for  the  expenses  of  its  local  government ;  and  each  city  or  town  provides, 
by  taxation,  for  its  own  municipal  concerns. 


SALARIES— PENSIONS. 

The  highest  salary  is  that  of  the  President,  who  receives  twenty-five  thousand  dol- 
lars a  year ;  Ministers  Plenipotentiary  receive  nine  thousand  dollars  annually,  and 
the  same  sum  for  an  outfit ;  the  Secretaries  of  State,  the  Treasury,  War,  and  the 
Navy,  and  the  Postmaster  General,  nine  thousand ;  the  Vice-President  five  thousand. 
The  Chief  Justice,  five  thousand ;  the  Associate  Justices,  four  thousand,  five  hundred ; 
Charges  des  Affaires,  four  thousand,  five  hundred ;  Secretaries  of  Legation,  two  thou- 
sand ;  Members  of  Congress,  eight  dollars  a  day.  The  revolutionary  soldiers,  who  re- 
ceive pensions,  amounted  in  1831,  to  eleven  thousand,  eight  hundred  and  seventy-six. 
The  invalid  pensioners,  to  three  thousand,  eight  hundred  and  sixty-eight.  The  revolu- 
tionary pensions  amount  to  one  million,  sixty-seven  thousand,  nine  hundred  and 
forty-seven  dollars ;  other  pensions,  two  hundred  ninety-five  thousand,  three  hun- 
dred and  forty-nine  dollars. 


NEWSPAPERS. 

The  first  paper  printed  in  America,  was  the  Boston  News  Letter ;  the  first  number 
of  which,  was  issued  April  17th,  1704.  In  1775,  there  were  thirty-seven  periodi- 
cals, of  all  sorts,  published  in  different  parts  of  the  United  States.  In  1810,  three 
hundred  and  fifty-eight ;  in  1828,  eight  hundred  and  two  ;  at  present,  there  are  above 
one  thousand,  of  which  fifty  are  daily.  The  number  printed  annually,  cannot  be 
estimated  with  any  degree  of  accuracy ;  by  some,  it  is  calculated  at  sixty-four 
million. 


INTERNAL    NAVIGATION. 

About  two  thousand,  five  hundred  miles  of  canal  have  been  executed,  or  are  in  a 
tolerable  state  of  forwardness.  By  means  of  these  artificial  channels,  and  the  great 
lakes,  and  western  rivers,  with  which  they  open  a  communication,  the  internal  navi- 
gation far  surpasses  in  extent  that  of  any  other  country  in  the  world.  The  course 


THE    UNITED    STATES.  501 

upon  a  single  line  from  New  York  up  the  Hudson,  through  the  Erie  canal,  Lake 
Erie,  the  Ohio  canal  and  river,  up  to  the  highest  navigable  point  of  the  Missouri, 
would  equal  four  thousand,  three  hundred  and  twenty  miles. 


CHIEF     CITIES. 


NEW    YORK. 

The  city  of  New  York  occupies  the  first  rank  among  the  cities  of  the  western 
world,  for  population,  wealth,  and  trade.  Situated  upon  a  noble  harbor,  at  the  mouth 
of  one  of  the  finest  navigable  rivers  in  the  world,  it  enjoys  a  monopoly  of  the  trade 
of  a  large  and  wealthy  district  of  the  interior.  Hence,  the  increase  of  the  city  has 
kept  pace  with  the  development  of  trade  and  industry  in  the  neighboring  States.  The 
rapid  augmentation  of  population,  commerce,  and  every  material  of  prosperity  which 
New  York  has  witnessed  in  recent  years,  is  almost  without  a  parallel.  Founded  by 
the  Dutch,  in  1614,  by  the  name  of  New  Amsterdam,  it  did  not  for  a  century  exceed 
Boston  in  point  of  numbers  ;  but  with  the  settlement  of  the  interior  of  the  State,  and 
the  opening  of  the  navigation  of  the  great  lakes,  New  York  has  received  an  im- 
pulse, which,  added  to  other  advantages,  has  established  its  present  and  secured  its 
future  pre-eminence.  In  respect  to  commerce,  it  is  already  the  second  city  in  the 
world. 

It  stands  on  the  southern  point  of  an  island,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson ;  on  the 
east,  the  shore  of  this  island  is  watered  by  a  deep  channel,  called  East  River,  which 
separates  it  from  Long  Island,  and  affords  a  navigable  communication  between  New 
York  harbor  and  Long  Island  Sound.  The  harbor  extends  nine  miles  south  of  the 
city,  to  the  sea.  The  first  settlement  was  made  at  the  southern  extremity,  conse- 
quently that  portion  of  the  city  is  composed  of  narrow,  crooked,  inconvenient  streets, 
and  unsightly  old  buildings  ;  but  the  more  modern  parts,  and  especially  those  which 
have  grown  up  within  twenty  years,  are  regular  and  commodious.  The  finest  street 
is  Broadway,  which  traverses  the  whole  city  in  a  straight  line  from  north  to  south, 
being  three  miles  in  length,  and  eighty  feet  in  breadth.  It  is  occupied  chiefly  by 
shops  and  elegant  public  buildings,  aftd  few  streets  in  the  world  equal  it  for  the 
splendor,  bustle,  and  fashion  it  exhibits.  The  Battery  is  an  inclosed  promenade, 
on  the  shore  at  the  southern  extremity  of  the  city ;  it  is  planted  with  trees,  and 
though  not  extensive,  is  pleasant,  much  frequented,  and  offers  a  delightful  view  of 
the  harbor. 

The  Park  is  a  triangular  inclosure  of  eleven  acres,  in  the  centre  of  the  city ;  upon 
one  side  of  this  stands  the  City  Hall,  an  elegant  structure  with  a  front  of  white  marble. 
It  is  two  hundred  and  sixteen  feet  long,  and  one  hundred  and  five  broad  ;  and  is  one 
of  the  finest  buildings  in  the  country.  The  Merchants'  Exchange,  in  Wall-street,  is 
handsomely  built  of  white  marble.  The  United  States  Branch  Bank  is  also  a  fine 
marble  structure.  St.  Paul's  Chapel  is  esteemed  one  of  the  finest  buildings  in  the 
city  ;  its  spire  is  two  hundred  and  thirty-four  feet  high.  St.  John's  Chapel  has  a  spire 
two  hundfed  and  forty  feet  in  height,  and  is  the  most  costly  church  in  the  city  ;  hav- 
ing been  built  at  the  expense  of  two  hundred  thousand  dollars.  St.  Patrick's  Cathe- 
dral, a  Roman  Catholic  edifice,  is  the  largest  of  all  the  churches,  and  is  of  stone,  one 
hundred  and  twenty  feet  long,  and  eighty  feet  wide.  There  are  more  than  one  hundred 
additional  churches,  some  of  them  very  costly.  Trinity  Church  is  a  Gothic  edifice 
of  stone,  and  belongs  to  the  oldest  and  richest  Episcopal  establishment  in  America, 
possessing  a  property  to  the  amount  of  several  millions  of  dollars. 

Packets  sail  from  New  York,  to  Liverpool  and  London,  every  week ;  to  Havre 
every  ten  days ;  and  to  Hull,  Greenwich,  Belfast,  Vera  Cruz,  Carthagena,  and  all  the 


502 


GENERAL    VIEW    OF 


chief  ports  of  the  United  States,  at  different  times.  Fifty  steam-boats  constantly  pass 
oetween  New  York  and  the  towns  on  the  Hudson,  Long  Island  Sound,  and  other 
waters  in  the  neighborhood.  There  are  sixty-one  banks  in  the  city ;  twenty-eight 
insurance  companies  ;  four  hundred  and  sixty-three  schools  ;  forty  bookstores  ;  four 
hundred  and  fifty  lawyers ;  ninety-eight  clergymen ;  fifty  auctioneers  ;  three  hundred 
oyster  shops  ;  fifty-six  lottery  offices  ;  three  thousand  licensed  groceries  and  taverns  ; 
two  thousand  three  hundred  and  eighty  licensed  cartmen  and  porters  ;  two  thousand 
one  hundred  and  ten  paupers  in  the  almshouse.  The  real  estate  of  the  city  is  valu- 
ed at  eighty-seven  million,  six  hundred  and  three  thousand,  three  hundred  and 
eighty-nine  dollars ;  the  personal  estate,  at  thirty-seven  million,  six  hundred  and 
eighty-four  thousand,  nine  hundred  and  thirty-eight  dollars :  total,  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  million,  two  hundred  and  eighty-eight  thousand,  five  hundred  and  eigh- 
teen dollars. 


PHILADELPHIA. 

Philadelphia,  the  second  city  of  the  United  States,  in  size,  is  situated  on  the  west 
bank  of  the  Delaware,  one  hundred  and  twenty-six  miles  from  the  sea.  The  river 
is  navigable  for  ships  of  the  line,  up  to  the  city.  It  lies  three  miles  along  this  river. 
and  its  western  limit  is  washed  by  the  Schuylkill,  which  falls  into  the  Delaware 
about  six  miles  below.  The  ground  on  which  the  city  stands  is  an  almost  unbroken 
level ;  so  that  it  exhibits  no  striking  appearance  as  the  spectator  approaches  it.  The 
streets  are  perfectly  rectangular ;  and  Philadelphia  is,  probably,  the  most  regular 
and  uniform  city  in  the  world.  It  is  at  the  same  time  one  of  the  most  agreeable. 
The  climate  is  fine,  the  city  remarkably  clean,  and  abundantly  supplied  with  the 
best  of  water.  To  this  we  may  add,  that  the  markets  are  among  the  best  in  the 
country,  while  the  expenses  of  living  are  one  fourth  less  than  in  Boston,  and  one 
third  less  than  in  New  York.  The  streets  are  from  fifty  to  one  hundred  and  thirteen 
feet  wide.  The  houses  are  mostly  of  brick,  much  darker  in  color  than  in  the  Eastern 
States,  and  resembling,  at  a  short  distance,  the  common  red  sandstone.  The  streets 
are  generally  paved  and  kept  clean.  The  handsomest  of  the  public  buildings  in  the 
city,  and  perhaps  in  this  country,  is  the  United  States 'Bank,  in  Chesnut-street.  It  is 


of  white  marble,  with  a  front  on  the  model  of  the  Parthenon.  It  never  fails  to  excite 
an  agreeable  emotion  when  first  seen  by  a  stranger.  The  Old  Bank  has  an  elegant 
marble  front,  of  the  Corinthian  order,  but  the  effect  is  much  injuied  by  the  sides 
being  of  brick. 


THE    UNITED    STATES.  503 

The  Bank  of  Pennsylvania  is  also  a  handsome  marble  edifice.  The  State-House 
is  a  somewhat  antiquated  structure,  and  is  chiefly  remarkable  for  containing  the 
hall  in  which  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  signed ;  adjoining  this  building, 
is  a  beautiful  inclosed  walk,  planted  with  trees.  Another  handsome  public  walk  is 
Washington-square . 

The  city  and  suburbs  have  large  manufactures  of  cotton,  iron,  glass,  and  china 
ware,  besides  the  great  variety  of  articles  made  in  small  establishments.  The  cloth 
annually  manufactured,  is  estimated  at  twenty-four  million  of  yards.  In  point  of 
commerce,  Philadelphia  is  the  fourth  city  in  the  Union ;  the  shipping  amounted  in 
1828,  to  one  hundred  and  four  thousand,  and  eighty  tons. 


BALTIMORE. 

Baltimore,  upon  the  Patapsco,  fourteen  miles  from  the  Chesapeak,  is  a  large  city, 
and  the  chief  commercial  mart  for  all  the  country  upon  the  bay  and  its  waters.  It  is 
finely  situated,  and  regularly  built,  chiefly  of  brick ;  the  public  buildings  and  monu- 
ments indicate,  by  their  splendor,  a  high  degree  of  wealth  and  enterprise  in  the 
inhabitants.  The  Catholic  Cathedral  is  an  edifice  in  the  Ionic  style,  one  hundred 
and  ninety  feet  long,  and  one  hundred  and  seventy-seven  wide,  surmounted  by  a 
dome  and  cross,  which  rise  to  the  height  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  feet.  It 
has  some  fine  paintings,  and  the  largest  church  organ  in  the  United  States,  containing 
six  thousand  pipes.  The  Merchants'  Exchange  is  two  hundred  and  fifty-five  feet  in 
front,  and  contains  a  hall  eighty-six  feet  in  length,  lighted  from  a  dome,  ninety  feet 
above  the  floor.  St.  Paul's  Church,  the  Unitarian  Church,  the  Court-House,  and  the 
Union  Bank,  are  also  elegant  buildings. 

The  trade  of  Baltimore  is  great,  and  it  may  be  considered  the  best  flour  market  in 
the  world.  In  commerce,  it  is  the  third  city  in  the  United  States.  The  harbor  is 
good,  although  vessels  larger  than  two  hundred  tons,  cannot  ascend  below  the  lower 
suburb,  called  Fell's  Point ;  this  is  separated  from  the  city  by  a  small  stream,  over 
which  there  are  several  bridges.  The  shipping  of  Baltimore  amounted,  in  1828,  to 
one  hundred  and  six  thousand,  three  hundred  and  three  tons.  There  are  within  twen- 
ty miles  of  the  city,  above  sixty  flour  mills ;  one  of  which  has  ground  thirty-two  thou- 
sand barrels  in  a  year.  Within  the  same  space,  there  are  also  twelve  cotton  manu- 
factories, and  various  others  of  cloth,  powder,  paper,  iron,  copper,  glass,  steam- 
engines,  chemical  works,  &c. 


BOSTON. 

Boston,  the  largest  city  in  the  New  England  States,  and  the  capital  of  Massachu- 
setts, stands  on  an  oblong  peninsula  at  the  bottom  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  having  a 
beautiful  harbor  shut  in  from  the  sea  by  a  group  of  islands.  The  peninsula  is  hilly, 
and  in  almost  every  part  covered  with  buildings  ;  the  city  exhibits  a  noble  appear- 
ance as  the  spectator  sails  up  the  harbor,  or  approaches  it  from  the  country.  This 
splendid  exterior,  however,  has  not  a  corresponding  regularity  and  symmetry  within. 
The  city  was  built,  almost  from  the  beginning,  without  any  regard  to  plan,  beauty,  or 
future  convenience,  and  the  streets  were  left  to  fashion  themselves  into  a  tortuous 
intricacy  that  might  have  excited  the  envy  of  Daedalus  of  old.  We  must  except,  how- 
ever,  the  happy  reservation  of  the  vacant  spot  called  the  Common,  originally  a  cow 
pasture  for  the  house-keepers  of  the  town,  but  now  a  public  park  and  promenade  of 
unrivalled  beauty.  In  the  more  ancient  parts  of  the  city,  the  streets  are  still  narrow 
and  crooked,  and  a  great  proportion  of  the  buildings  are  of  wood. 

In  the  western  and  central  parts,  a  style  of  elegance  and  comparative  regularity 
prevails.  Many  of  the  streets  are  neat  and  spacious,  and  he  improvements  which 


504  GENERAL    VIEW    OF 

are  going  on  yearly,  in  widening  the  old  streets,  and  opening  new  cnes,  have  done, 
and  are  doing  much  to  remedy  the  defects  of  the  original  plan.  In  the  greater  part 
of  the  city  the  houses  are  either  of  brick  or  stone,  and  the  old  wooden  structures  are 
fast  disappearing.  A  large  number  of  the  public  edifices  are  of  striking  elegance, 
and  the  private  buildings  surpass  in  splendor  those  of  any  other  city  in  the  United 
States. 

The  largest  building  in  the  city,  is  Fanueil  Hall  Market,  a  granite  structure,  two 
stories  in  height,  and  five  hundred  and  thirty-six  feet  long.  The  centre  has  a  dome, 
and  at  each  end  is  a  portico  of  four  columns,  each  of  an  entire  stone.  This  is  the 
most  elegant  market  in  the  United  States,  and  probably  in  the  world ;  on  either  hand 
it  fronts  on  a  spacious  street,  one,  sixty-five,  and  the  other  one  hundred  and  two  feet 
in  width,  both  showing  a  solid  front  of  stone  stores  of  uniform  height  and  appearance. 
Old  Faneuil  Hall  stands  west  of  this  spot ;  it  is  a  lofty  brick  edifice,  and  the  spacious 
galleries  of  its  interior,  still  witness  the  throngs  and  the  oratory  of  popular  meetings. 
Painting  and  repairs  have  a  little  modernized  the  aspect  of  this  venerable  pile.  The 
Old  State-House,  now  the  City  Hall,  is  another  relic  of  ancient  architecture,  and  the 
scene  of  many  events  in  revolutionary  history.  In  this  building  are  now  the  Mer- 
chants' Reading  Room,  the  Postotfice,  and  other  public  offices. 

The  wharves  of  Boston  surpass  those  of  any  seaport  of  the  United  States,  for  size 
and  convenience.  Long  Wharf  at  the  bottom  of  State-street,  is  sixteen  hundred  and 
fifty  feet  long,  and  has  a  line  of  lofty  brick  stores  nearly  its  whole  extent.  Central 
Wharf  is  twelve  hundred  and  forty  feet  in  length,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  wide, 
aL  \  Cuntains  fifty-four  stores  in  a  single  pile,  with  a  spacious  observatory  in  the  cen« 
tre,  where  telegraphic  signals  are  received  from  the  islands  in  the  bay.  India  Wharf 
has  a  double  row  of  stores,  six  stories  high  ;  all  these  wharves  have  spacious  docks, 
and  wide  and  convenient  landings,  carriage  ways,  &c. 

The  Massachusetts  General  Hospital  is  a  beautiful  stone  edifice,  much  commended 
for  the  convenience  of  its  interior  arrangements.  The  Houses  of  Industry  and  Cor- 
rection, on  the  peninsula  of  South  Boston,  but  within  the  city  limits,  are  of  stone, 
each  two  hundred  and  twenty  feet  long,  and  of  a  uniform  architecture.  The  Court- 
house and  jail,  in  Leverett-street,  are  of  stone,  and  comprise  three  well  built  edifices. 
The  United  States  Bank,  in  State-street,  is  a  well  built  structure,  but  more  remarka- 
ble for  strength  than  classic  proportion  ;  the  columns  in  front  are  the  largest  in  the 
city,  and  are  each  of  a  single  stone.  The  Washington  Bank  has  a  more  symmetri- 
cal design  and  better  effect.  The  Masonic  Temple  is  a  new  building  of  granite,  and 
has  a  fine  front. 


NEW    ORLEANS. 

New  Orleans,  the  seat  of  government  of  Louisiana,  and  the  commercial  mart  of  all 
the  western  country,  stands  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  at  a  spot  where 
the  river  makes  a  great  bend  to  the  north-east.  It  is  one  hundred  and  five  miles 
above  the  mouth  of  the  stream,  by  its  windings,  and  ninety  in  a  direct  line.  The 
ground  is  level,  and  the  neighborhood  a  swamp.  It  consists  of  three  divisions  ;  the 
city  proper,  and  the  fauxbourgs  or  suburbs  of  St.  Marie  and  Marigny.  The  two  first 
are  compactly  built,  and  in  all  parts  the  streets  are  straight  and  regular,  generally  at 
right  angles.  In  the  city,  the  houses  are  built  in  the  French  and  'Spanish  style,  and 
are  stuccoed  of  a  white  or  yellow  color.  The  fauxbourg  St.  Marie  is  built  in  the 
American  fashion,  and  resembles  one  of  our  Atlantic  cities. 

As  a  place  of  trade,  New  Orleans  has  immense  advantages.  It  is  the  outport  for 
all  the  commerce  of  the  Mississippi  and  its  tributaries.  It  is  accessible  for  ships  of 
the  largest  size,  and  its  levee  is  constantly  crowded  with  all  kinds  of  maritime  and 
river  craft.  In  the  cotton  season,  its  streets  are  barricadoed  with  bales.  There  are 
often  fifteen  hundred  flat  boats  in  the  harbor  at  a  time.  Steam-boats  arrive  and  depart 
every  hour,  and  fifty  may  be  often  seen  together. 


THE    UNITED    STATES. 


505 


ALBANY. 

Albany  is  the  seat  of  government  of  New  York,  and  in  point  of  wealth,  population, 
trade,  and  resources,  is  the  second  city  in  the  State.  It  is  situated  on  the  west  bank 
of  the  Hudson,  one  hundred  and  sixty  miles  above  New  York,  near  the  head  of  tide- 
water. It  was  settled  by  the  Dutch,  in  1612,  and,  next  to  Jamestown  in  Virginia,  is 
the  oldest  settlement  in  the  United  States. 

Albany  is  a  place  of  great  trade,  and,  during  the  session  of  the  Legislature,  it  is 
much  crowded  with  strangers.  The  basin,  where  the  canal  joins  the  Hudson,  is 
formed  by  an  artificial  pier,  eighty  feet  in  width,  and  four  thousand  and  three  hun- 
dred feet  long.  It  is  connected  with  the  shore  by  drawbridges,  and  covered  with 
stores ;  in  which  immense  quantities  of  lumber  and  merchandise  are  deposited.  The 
basin  contains  a  surface  of  thirty-two  acres.  The  neighborhood  of  Albany  is  plea- 
sant, and  many  beautiful  and  thriving  villages  are  within  a  short  distance.  This 
city  has  a  library  of  eight  thousand  volumes,  eleven  newspapers,  and  a  population 
of  twenty-four  thousand,  two  hundred  and  thirty-eight. 


CHARLESTON. 

Charleston,  the  commercial  metropolis,  and  formerly  the  seat  of  government  of 
South  Carolina,  is  built  upon  a  point  of  land  at  the  junction  of  Ashley  and  Cooper 
rivers.  Its  harbor  is  capacious,  but  difficult  of  entrance.  The  city  is  regularly 
built,  and  though  the  site  is  low  the  approach  to  it  by  water  is  particularly  fine. 
Many  of  the  streets  are  very  handsome,  and  most  of  the  houses  are  furnished  with 
three  piazzas  to  each  story.  In  the  outer  parts  of  the  city,  the  houses  are  surrounl- 
ed  with  gardens,  and  ornamented  by  trees  and  shrubbery.  Groves  of  orange  and 
peach  trees  in  bloom,  present  here  a  most  inviting  appearance  to  the  traveller,  who 
arrives  from  the  north  in  the  early  season.  Population  in  1830,  30,289 


CINCINNATI. 

Cincinnati,  the  largest  city  in  Ohio,  and  indeed  in  all  the  western  country,  stands 
on  the  northern  bank  of  the  Ohio,  near  the  south-western  corner  of  the  State.     Its 


City  of  Cincinnati. 


site  is  the  eastern  part  of  an  alluvial  tract,  bounded  on  the  north  bv  a  ridge  of  hills. 
64 


506 


GENERAL    VIEW    OF 


This  plain  contains  about  four  square  miles,  and  consists  of  two  different  levels,  one 
about  fifty  feet  higher  than  the  other.  The  city  rises  gradually  from  the  river,  but 
does  not  make  a  very  bold  or  striking  appearance.  It  is  built  with  perfect  regularity, 
on  the  plan  of  Philadelphia.  The  principal  streets  are  sixty-six  feet  in  width.  The 
central  part  is  very  compact,  yet  the  whole  outline  of  the  city  is  but  partially  filled 
up,  and  the  greater  portion  of  the  buildings  are  scattered  irregularly  about.  Some 
of  the  public  edifices  are  of  stone  or  brick,  and  many  of  the  stores  and  houses  are 
of  brick.  Here  are  four  markets,  twenty-three  churches,  a  branch  of  the  United 
States  Bank,  a  medical  college,  eighteen  public  schools,  a  hospital,  a  theatre,  ten  news- 
papers, (two  of  which  are  daily,)  and  many  manufactories  of  iron,  brass,  copper, 
cotton,  woolen,  paper,  &c.  The  city  has  a  vast  trade  by  the  river  and  canal. 

Cincinnati  occupies  the  site  of  old  Fort  Washington  ;  and  the  outlines  of  the  city 
were  marked  in  1789.  There  were  five  hundred  inhabitants  here  in  1795,  and  nine 
hundred  and  fifty  in  1805.  The  first  settlers  were  principally  from  New  England 
and  New  Jersey.  Since  the  peace  of  1814,  the  city  has  augmented  with  wonderful 
rapidity ;  and  in  1830,  contained  a  population  of  twenty-six  thousand,  five  hundred 
unu  fifteen. 


PITTSBURG. 

Pittsburg,  in  the  west  of  Pennsylvania,  is  the  next,  in  this  State,  in  importance  to 
Philadelphia.  It  stands  upon  a  point  of  land  at  the  junction  of  the  Alleghany  and 
Monongahela  rivers,  which  here  take  the  name  of  Ohio.  It  is  built  on  a  regular  plan, 
upon  the  slope  of  an  eminence,  and  a  level  plain  at  its  foot.  It  is  finely  situated  for 


Ciiy 


trade,  and  enjoys  a  communication  by  steam-boats,  with  all  the  great  towns  on  the 
Ohio  and  Mississippi  ;  but  it  is  most  distinguished  for  its  large  and  flourishing 
manufactures  of  glass,  iron,  woolen,  and  cotton.  The  surrounding  country  is  ex- 
ceedingly rich  in  bituminous  coal,  which  is  delivered  at  the  houses  for  three  cents 
the  bushel.  The  constant  use  of  this  fuel  causes  a  perpetual  cloud  of  bl  ck  smoke 
to  hang  over  the  place. 


WASHINGTON. 

Washington,  the  seat  of  government  of  the  United  States,  stands  in  the  centre  of 
the  District  of  Columbia,  upon  the  north  bank  of  the  Potomac,  between  the  river  and 


THE    UNITED    STATES. 


507 


one  of  its  tributaries,  called  the  East  Branch.  The  actual  city  occupies  a  spot  about  a 
mile  and  a  half  above  the  junction  of  the  two  streams,  although  the  original  plan 
embraces  the  whole  extent  below. 

The  buildings  which  it  contains,  are  in  three  distinct  parts,  one  portion  being  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  navy  yard,  another  in  that  of  the  Capitol,  and  another  in  the 
Pennsylvania  Avenue,  which  extends  from  the  Capitol  to  the  President's  house.  The 
city  presents  the  appearance  of  a  group  of  villages,  the  spaces  between  the  inhabited 
parts  not  being  occupied  or  marked  out. 

The  Capitol  is  a  large  and  magnificent  building,  of  white  freestone,  three  hundred 
and  fifty-two  feet  long,  in  the  shape  of  a  cross,  with  the  Representatives  Hall  and  the 
Senate  Chamber  in  the  two  wings,  and  a  spacious  rotunda  in  the  centre. 

The  President's  house  is  an  elegant  structure  of  freestone,  one  hundred  and  seventy 
feet  in  front  and  two  stories  in  height,  ornamented  with  an  Ionic  porticc .  It  stands 
about  a  mile  west  of  the  Capitol.  It  is  surrounded  with  the  offices  of  the  heads  of 
departments.  At  the  patent  office,  is  kept  a  collection  of  all  the  models  of  patent 
inventions  in  the  country.  The  navy  yard,  on  the  east  branch,  exhibits  a  monument 
to  the  American  officers  who  fell  in  the  war  with  Tripoli. 

There  are  few  other  buildings  worthy  of  notice  for  their  architecture.  The  office 
of  the  Department  of  State,  is  a  large  edifice  of  brick,  with  a  portico  in  front ;  and 


Unilecl  States  Department. 


there  are  two  or  three  others  of  the  same  size  and  construction.  There  are  two 
public  free  schools  in  the  city.  Two  bridges  cross  the  eastern  branch,  and  one,  the 
main  stream  of  the  Potomac,  at  Washington. 


CANALS. 


ERIE    AND    HUDSON    CANAL. 

New  York  surpasses  every  State  in  the  Union  for  canals.  The  great  Erie  and 
Hudson  Canal,  from  Albany  to  Buifalo,  was  begun  in  1817,  and  finished  in  1825,  at 
the  cost  of  above  nine  millions  of  dollars.  It  is  three  hundred  and  sixty-three  miles 
long,  forty  feet  wide,  and  four  feet  deep. 


508 


GENERAL    VIEW    OF 


In  the  whole  length  of  the  canal,  are  eighty-three  locks  and  eighteen  aqueducts 
The  locks  are  built  in  the  most  durable  manner,  of  stone  laid  in  water  lime,  and 
are  each  ninety  feet  long  and  fifteen  wide.  Lake  Erie  is  five  hundred  and  sixty- 
five  feet  above  the  Hudson  at  Albany,  and  the.  whole  rise  and  fall  of  lockage  on  the 
canal  is  six  hundred  and  eighty-eight  feet.  One  of  the  aqueducts  crosses  the  Gene  - 
see  river,  at  Rochester,  and  is  eight  hundred  and  four  feet  in  length.  Another 
aqueduct  crosses  the  Mohawk,  at  Little  Falls,  on  three  arches  of  fifty  and  seventy 


Ar,tieduct  of  Ihe  Erie  Canal. 

ftet  span  ;  two  others  cross  the  same  river,  one  seven  hundred  n rui  forty-eight  feet, 
and  the  other  eleven  hundred  and  eighty-eight  feet  in  length.  The  sides  of  the  cana. 
are  sometimes  paved  with  stone,  and  sometimes  covered  with  thick  grass,  to  hinder 
the  soil  from  washing  away.  A  tow  path  four  feet  above  the  surface  of  the  water, 
and  ten  feet  wide,  runs  the  whole  length  of  the  canal.  A  number  of  side  cuts  branch 
off  from  the  canal  to  different  places  ;  one  of  these,  from  Syracuse  to  Oswego,  is  thirty- 
eight  miles  long ;  another  from  Montezuma  to  Cayuga  and  Sentx  i  Lake,  twenty  miles. 
The  canal  boats,  for  the  conveyance  of  passengers,  are  generally  eighty  feet  in 
length,  and  fourteen  in  width,  drawing  from  one  to  two  feet  of  water.  The  cabin 
occupies  nearly  the  whole  length  of  the  deck,  and  is  eight  feet  in  height,  with  single 
berths  on  each  side  for  thirty  persons.  They  are  drawn  by  three  horses,  and  proceed 
4ay  and  night  four  miles  an  hour ;  relays  are  furnished  every  eight  or  ten  miles. 
Boats  with  merchandise  go  about  fifty-five  miles  in  twenty-four  hours ;  the  passage 
f)oats  make,  including  delays,  eighty-five  miles  progress  in  the  same  time.  The 
«"vigatrn  upon  this  grej,t  canal  is  prodigious,  and  the  work  does  honor  to  the  saga- 
t*iy  and  enterprise  of  those  who  planned  it. 


CHESAPEAKE  AND  DELAWARE  CANAL. 

The  Chesapeake  and  Delaware  Canal  crosses  the  northern  part  of  Delaware,  uniting 
the  two  bays.  It  is  fourteen  miles  long,  sixty  feet  wide,  and  ten  feet  deep,  with  locks 
one  hundred  feet  in  length,  and  twenty-two  feet  wide.  It  begins  at  Delaware  city, 
forty-six  miles  below  Philadelphia,  and  passes  westerly  to  Back  Creek,  a  navigable 
branch  of  Elk  river.  The  Deep  Cut  is  the  name  given  to  the  passage  of  this  canal, 
for  four  miles,  through  a  hill  ninety  feet  in  height,  being  the  deepest  cut  upon  any 
canal  in  the  world.  The  Summit  Bridge,  which  crosses  the  canal  at  the  cut,  is  a 


THE    UNITED    STATES. 


509 


single  arch,  two  hundred  and  fifty-five  feet  in  length.    Here  the  sides  of  the  canal 
are  secured  by  walls  of  stone,  and  the  high  banks  are  in  some  places  thatched  with 


The  Deep  Cut  of  the  Delaware  Caual. 

straw  to  prevent  their  washing  into  the  canal.  East  of  this  spot,  the  canal  is  carne-i 
through  deep  marshes  ;  the  foundation  and  embankments  were  executed  at  great 
expense.  At  every  half  mile  are  recesses  for  the  passing  of  vessels,  where  the  width 
of  the  canal  is  increased  to  one  hundred  and  ten  feet.  At  its  junction  with  the  Dela- 
ware, is  an  artificial  harbor,  or  large  basin,  of  a  semicircular  shape.  This  canal  was 
begun  in  1823,  and  completed  in  six  years,  at  the  cost  of  more  than  two  million  of 
dollars.  The  navigation  upon  it  is  great  and  increasing.  In  the  tables,  towards  the 
close,  we  have  given  a  list  of  the  principal  canals  in  the  United  States,  with  their 
distances. 


COAL    MINES. 


COAL. 

In  no  part  of  the  world  is  anthracite  coal  found  so  abundantly  as  in  Pennsyl- 
vania. It  abounds  in  the  Wyoming  and  Lackawanna  valley,  between  the  Blue 
Ridge  and  the  Susquehanna.  The  anthracite  district  is  principally  occupied  by 
mountains  running  parallel  to  the  Blue  Ridge,  often  broad,  with  table  summits,  and 
rising  generally  about  fifteen  hundred  feet  above  the  ocean.  These  mountains  are 
mostly  in  a  state  of  nature,  harboring  wolves,  bears,  cougars,  deer,  and  other  wild 
animals. 

The  coal  occurs  in  the  greatest  quantity  in  those  parts  of  this  region  most  accessi- 
ble by  water.  Extensive  veins  and  beds  range  from  the  Lehigh  to  the  Susque- 
hanna, crossing  the  headwaters  of  the  Schuylkill  and  Swatara,  about  ten  miles 
north-west  of  the  Blue  Ridge.  It  is  abundant  near  the  Susquehanna,  and  Lacka- 
wanna, but  in  no  part  is  it  so  plentiful  as  at  Mauch  Chunk,  a  village  on  the  Lehigh, 
a  branch  of  the  Susquehanna. 

The  anthracite  region  of  the  Susquehanna  lies  in  the  valley  formed  by  the  Sus- 
quehanna and  the  Lackawanna,  one  of  its  branches  ;  this  region  is  distinguished  as 


510 


GENERAL    VIEW    OF 


the  valleys  of  the  Wyoming  and  Lackawanna,  but  is  in  fact  without  any  natural 
division,  and  constitutes  a  single  formation.  It  it  between  sixty  and  seventy  miles 
long,  and  five  broad.  The  double  barrier  of  nearly  parallel  mountains,  through 
whose  included  valley  flow  the  Susquehanna  and  Lackawanna,  is  a  perfectly  well 
defined  coal  formation,  and  its  geological  structure  is  very  interesting. 

The  coal  lies  in  beds,  and  not  as  commonly,  in  veins ;  these  are  of  every  thick- 
ness, from  a  foot  to  twenty-seven  feet :  none  are  much  esteemed  that  are  less  than 
three  or  four ;  few  are  wrought  that  are  less  than  six.  The  lateral  extent  of  the  beds 
is  immense  ;  they  break  out  in  the  precipices  and  hills,  and  upon 'the  banks  of  the 
Susquehanna  and  Lackawanna,  and  form  in  some  places  the  pavement  of  these 
rivers.  They  appear  in  the  sides  and  channels  of  almost  every  stream  from  the 
mountains  ;  they  blacken  the  soil  in  numerous  places,  and  wells  are  often  sunk  in 
the  coal. 


The  western  part  of  Pennsylvania  is  as  abundantly  supplied  with  bituminous  coal, 
as  the  eastern  is  with  anthracite.  It  is  found  on  the  rivers  Cortemaugh,  Alleghany, 
Monongahela,  and  Ohio,  and  in  numerous  places  west  of  the  Alleghany  ridge,  which 
is,  with  some  exceptions,  its  eastern  boundary.  The  veins  are  generally  narrow, 
rarely  above  six  feet  in  width.  The  coal  is  abundant,  and  of  excellent  quality,  near 
Pittsburg. 


COMMERCE. 

Exports  and  Imports  during1  the  year  ending-  Sept.  30,  1830. 
Imports, -. $70,876,920 

Exports  of  Domestic  Produce,        $59,462,029 

Exports  of  Foreign  Produce, 14,387,479 

Total  Exports,     ....     $73,849,508 

Domestic  Produce  exported  in  American  vessels, $51,106,189 

Domestic  Produce  exported  in  Foreign  vessels, 8,355,740 

Foreign  Produce  exported  in  American  vessels, $12,386,529 

Foreign  Produce  exported  in  Foreign  vessels, 1,610;950 


THE   UNITED   STATES. 


511 


WHITE   POPULATION   OF   THE   UNITED   STATES 


States  and  Territories. 

1st  Census. 
Population. 
1790. 

2<I  Census. 
Population. 
1800. 

3d  Census. 
Population. 
1810. 

4th  Census. 
Populaiion. 
IS*. 

5th  Censnn. 
Population. 
1830. 

Per.Ct. 
10 
Years. 

Maine,      

96,540 
141,885 
85,539 
378,787 
68,825 
237,946 
340,120 
184,139 
434,373 
59,096 
319,728 
747,610 
393,951 
249,073 
82,548 

73,677 

151,719 
183,858 
154,465 
422,845 
69,122 
251,002 
586,050 
211,149 
602,545 
64,273 
345,824 
880,200 
478,103 
345,591 
162,686 

8,350 

105,602 
220,959 
45,365 
4,651 
215 

15,093 
551 

228,705 
214,460 
217,895 
472,040 
76,931 
261,942 
959,049 
245,562 
810,091 
72,674 
380,546 
979,622 
555,500 
415,115 
252,433 

40,352 

76,556 
261,727 
406,511 
230,760 
24,520 
12,282 
19,783 
24,023 
4,762 
1,062 

298,335 
244,161 
235,764 
523,287 
83,059 
275,248 
1,372,812 
277,575 
1,049,313 
72,749 
407,350 
1,065,366 
638,829 
502,741 
240,989 
(  127,901 
<    75,448 
153,407 
420,813 
564,317 
581,434 
147,178 
55,211 
66,586 
33,039 
8,896 
14,273 

399,462 
269,533 
286,679 
610,014 
97,210 
297,711 
1,913,508 
320,779 
1,347,672 
76,739 
446,913 
1,211,272 
733,470 
581,458 
516,567 
308,997 
136,806 
215,575 
684,822 
688,344 
937,679 
341,532 
157,575 
140,074 
39,858 
31,260 
30,383 
34,723 

33,9 
10,4  • 
19,0 
16,6 
17,0 
8,2 
39,4 
15,6 
28,4 
5,5 
9,7 
13,7 
15,6 
15,7 
51,5 
14J,6 
80,1 
40,7 
62,7 
22,1 
61,2 
132,1 
185,4 
110,4 
20,1 
250,1 
113,3 

New  Hampshire,     .     . 
Vermont,      .... 
Massachusetts,    .    .    . 
Rhode  Island,    .     .     . 
Connecticut,    .... 
New  York,   .... 
New  Jersey,    .... 
Pennsylvania,    .    .    . 
Delaware,  

Maryland,     .... 
Virginia,    

North  Carolina,      .     . 
South  Carolina,  .     .     . 
Georgia,    

Alabama,      ) 
Mississippi,  $  '     ' 
Louisiana,     .... 
Tennessee,      .... 
Kentucky,     .... 
Ohio,     

Indiana,    

Illinois,       

Missouri,  

District  of  Columbia,    . 
Michigan  Territory,     . 
Arkansas  Territory, 
Florida  Territory,  .     . 

Total, 

3,929,328  |  5,309,758 

7,239,903  |  5,638,166  |  12,856,165  |    33,4 

SLAVES    IN    THE    UNITED    STATES. 


Names  of  States  and  Territories. 

Slaves. 
1790. 

Slaves. 
IbOO. 

Slaves. 
1810. 

Slaves.       1       Slaves. 
1820.                  1830. 

Maine,      

0 
158 
16 

0 
948 
2,764 
21,324 
11,423 
3,737 
8,887 
103,036 
292,627 
100,572 
107,094 
29,264 

12,430 
3,417 

0 

8 
0 
0 
380 
951 
20,613 
12,422 
1,706 
6,153 
108,554 
346,968 
133,296 
146,151 
59,699 

3,489 

13,584 
40,343 
0 
135 

0 
0 
0 
0 
108 
310 
15,017 
10,851 
795 
4,177 
•    111,502 
392,518 
168,824 
196,365 
105,218 

17,088 

4,660 
44,535 
80,561 
0 
237 
168 
3,011 
5,395 
24 

0 

0 
0 
0 

48 
97 
10,088 
7,557 
211 
4,509 
107,398 
425,153 
205,017 
258,475 
149,656 
$41,879 
(_  32,814 
69,064 
80,107 
126,732 
0 
190 
917 
10,222 
6,377 
0 
1,617 

0 
0 
0 
0 
14 
23 
46 
2,246 
386 
3,305 
102,878 
469,724 
246,462 
315,665 
217,470 
117,294 
65,659 
109,631 
142,382 
165,350 
0 
0 
746 
24,990 
6,050 
27 
4,57g 
15,51. 

New  Hampshire,      

Vermont,       

Massachusetts,    

Rhode  Island,    

',  Connecticut,    

New  York,    

Pennsylvania,    

'  Delaware,  

'  Maryland,      

1  Virginia,    

North  Carolina       

South  Carolina    

Georgia,    

Mississippi,  )  

Louisiana,     

Tennessee  

Kentucky,     

Ohio,     

Indiana,    

Illinois,  

Missouri,  

District  of  Columbia,    

Michigan  Territory,     .     .     .     .  ». 

Arkansas  Territory,      ... 

Florida  Territory,  

Total, 

697,697 

896,849 

1,191,364 

1,538,064 

2,010,431  1 

512 


GENERAL   VIEW   OF   THE    UNITED   STATES. 


APPORTIONMENT*    OF   REPRESENTATIVES   TO    CONGRESS. 


Maine,  .    .     .     .     i 8 

New  Hampshire, 5 

Massachusetts,  .    ^ 12 

Rhode  Island, 2 

Connecticut, 6 

Vermont 5 

New  York, 40 

New  Jersey, 6 

Pennsylvania, 28 

Delaware, 1 

Maryland, 


North  Carolina, 13 

South  Carolina 9 

Georgia 9 

Kentucky, 13 

Tennessee, 13 

Ohio, 

Indiana, 


19 
7 


Mississippi, 2 

Illinois, 3 

Louisiana, • ....  3 

Missouri, ....    2 

Virginia, ' 21  i  I  Alabama, 6 

*  Tjis  apportionment,  whioh  took  place  March  3d,  1833,  is  in  the  ratio  of  one  Representative  for  every  47,700  inhabitant*. 


LENGTH    OF    THE    PRINCIPAL    RAIL-ROADS, 

(Finished  or  in  Progress,) 

IN   THE    UNITED    STATES. 


Baltimore  to  the  Ohio  river,  at  or  near 

Wheeling,  Va 270 

Cattskill   to    Ithaca,  head  of  Cayuga 

Lake,  New  York, 167 

Charleston  to  Hamburg,  on  the  Savan- 
nah river,  •.     .135 

Columbia  and  Philadelphia;  from  Phi- 

.adelphia  to  York,  Penn 96 

Lexington  and  Ohio  ;  from  Lexington, 

Ken.  to  Cincinnati, 75 

Camden  and  Amboy, 60 

Baltimore  and  Susquehanna,    ....    48 

Boston  and  Providence, 43 

Boston  and  Worcester, 40 

Baltimore  and  Washington,     ....    38 


From  Hollidaysbur»  to  Johnstown,Penn.  37 

Ithaca  and  Owego,  IVew  York,     .     .     .  *  29 

Hudson  and  Berkshire,  Massachusetts,  26 

Boston  and  Lowell,  Massachusetts,  .     .  25 

Elizabeth  and  Somerville,  New  Jersey,  25 
Lackawaxen;  from  Honesdale  to  Car- 

bondale,  Pennsylvania,     .....  17 

Frenchtown  and  Newcastle,     .     .     .     .  16 

Albany  and  Schenectady, 14 

Philadelphia  and  Norristown,  Penn.     .  15 

Richmond  and  Chesterfield,  Virginia,    .  12 

Mauch  Chunk,  Pennsylvania,       ...  9 

Haerlem, 7 

CJuincy,  Massachusetts, 6 

New  Orleans, 5 


LENGTH    OF    THE    PRINCIPAL    CANALS, 

(Finished  or  in  Progress,) 

IN   THE   UNITED   STATES. 

Miles. 

Erie  Canal ;  from  Albany  to  Lake  Erie, 363 

Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal ;  from  Washington  City  to  Pittsburg, 341 

Grand  Pennsylvania  Canal ;  from  Columbia,  on  the  Susquehanna  River,  to  Holidays- 
burg,  172  miles — thence  to  Johnstown  by  a  Rail-road  of  37  miles,  over  the  Alleghany 

Mountains — from  thence  by  Canal  to  Pittsburg,  104  miles, Total,      313 

Ohio  State  Canal ;   from  Portsmouth,  on  the  Ohio  river,  to  Cleveland,  on  Lake  Erie,      306 

Miami  Canal ;  from  Cincinnati  to  Maumee  Bay,  Lake  Erie, 265 

Middle  Division,  Pennsylvania  Canal ;  from  the  mouth  of  the  Juniatta  River,  along 

the  North  Branch  of  the  Susquehanna  River,  to  the  southern  boundary  of  N.  York,      204 
Delaware  and  Hudson  Canal ;  from  the  Hudson  River  to  the  Delaware  River,  sixty 
miles— joins  the  Lackawaxen  Canal  of  36  miles  in  length — at  Honesdale  connects 

with  a  Rail-road  of  17  miles,  to  Carbondale, Total,      117 

Schuylkill  Canal  and  Navigation,  from  Philadelphia  to  Port  Carbon, 110 

Morris  Canal ;  from  Jersey  City,  opposite  New  York,  to  Easton,  Pennsylvania,  on 

the  Delaware  River, 101 

New  Orleans  and  Teche  River  Canal ;  from  opposite  New  Orleans  to  Berwicks  Bay, 
Attakapas, 100 


513 


POPULATION   OF   THE   UNITED   STATES. 


We  are  permitted  to  transfer  to  our  pages  the  following  very  interesting  statistics,  in 
regard  to  the  United  States,  which  appeared  in  the  Quarterly  Register,  for  August, 
1833,  through  the  kindness  of  the  editor  of  that  valuable  work. 

To  a  reflecting  man,  one  of  the  most  interesting  subjects  of  thought  is  the  rapid 
multiplication  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  country.  To  the  political  eccnomist,  the 
philanthropist,  or  the  Christian,  there  are  questions  connected  with  it  of  vital  impor- 
tance. In  respect  to  the  certainty  of  the  increase,  the  most  cautious  calculator  cannot 
be  sceptical.  We  know  not,  indeed,  what  causes  may  intervene,  in  the  providence 
of  God,  to  diminish  the  ratio  of  increase,  or  to  make  the  population  stationary.  Pes- 
tilences, servile  or  civil  wars,  may  be  commissioned  to  desolate  our  towns ;  still, 
judging  from  experience,  and  from  many  things  in  the  present  aspect  of  the  country, 
we  are  disposed  to  calculate  upon  a  vast  augmentation  of  the  existing  population. 

1.  There  is  yet  an  unmeasured  amount  of  rich  land  unoccupied.    The  regions  west 
and  north  of  St.  Louis,  Missouri,  have  hardly  been  visited  by  white  men.   The  extent  of 
the  country  may  be  seen  from  the  fact,  that  St.  Louis  is  considerably  east  of  the  real 
centre  of  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi.     Cincinnati  is  almost  a  frontier  town  on  the 
eastern  side. 

2.  All  the  old  states  can  support  a  far  greater  amount  of  population  than  now  exists 
in  their  limits.     Massachusetts,  which  has  about  eighty-one  inhabitants  to  a  square 
mile,  might  support  two  hundred  and  thirty,  with  the  same  ease  that  England  now 
does.     At  this  rate,  the  population  of  the  United  States  would  amount  to  more  than 
four  hundred  and  fifty  millions. 

3.  Lands,  which  are  now  tolerably  well  cultivated,  are  susceptible  of  a  far  higher 
degree  of  improvement,  and  could  support  a  far  denser  population  ;  while  vast  tracts 
of  stony,  mountainous,  and  swampy  land  may  be  reclaimed.     Old  England  herself 
has  yet  seven  millions  of  acres  of  uncultivated  land. 

4.  A  considerable  portion  of  the  unoccupied  territory  of  the  United  States  is  in  a 
climate  almost  tropical,  where  the  vegetable  productions  are  far  more  numerous  and 
nutritious  than  in  colder  climates.     Florida  has  hardly  one  inhabitant  to  a  square 
mile  ;  Mississippi,  but  three ;  Alabama,  but  six  or  seven ;  and  the  whole  southern 
country,  but  nine  or  ten. 

5.  From  late  experiments,  it  would  seem  that  the  land  in  the  slave  states,  which 
was  supposed  to  have  been  rendered  irreclaimably  barren  by  slave,  labor,  is  not  totally 
exhausted,  but  can,  by  good  management,  be  brought  again  into  a  highly  productive 
state. 

6.  There  is  a  strong  probability  that  Delaware,  Maryland,  the  District  of  Columbia, 
Virginia,  Kentucky,  and  perhaps  Missouri  and  Tennessee,  will  become,  in  the  lapse 
of  a  few  years,  free  states.     The  tendencies  to  the  extirpation  of  slavery  are  by  no 
means  equivocal.     Slave  labor  cannot  come  into  competition  with  free  labor,  in  any 
form,  or  in  any  kind  of  business.     The  farmer  in  Ohio  can  raise  many  articles,  and 
carry  them  into  Kentucky,  and  undersell  the  Kentucky  slaveholder,  and  yet  sell  pro- 
fitably.    There  is  a  competition  between  slave  and  free  labor  commenced,  from  the 
capes  of  Delaware  to  Missouri,  and  the  slaves  are  fleeing  before  it.     If  the  northern 
slave-holding  states  should  become  free,  of  course  they  would  admit  a  great  increase 
of  population. 

7.  The  comparative  absence  of  monopolies  and  large  incorporated  establishments, 
is  a  favorable  circumstance.    These,  as  it  is  well  known,  destroy  competition,  repress 
industry  and  invention,  and  throw  many  obstacles  in  the  way  of  an  increase  of  popu- 
lation.    The  monopolies  of  the  East  India  Company  in  England  have  doubtless,  in 
manv  forms,  diminished  the  population  of  the  mother  country,  and  of  the  colonies. 

65  42* 


514 


POPULATION   OF 


8.  Our  principal  reason  for  anticipating  a  large  increase  in  the  population  of  the 
country,  arises  from  the  influence  of  moral  causes.  It  is  righteousness  which  increases 
as  well  as  exalts  a  nation,  and  it  is  by  sin  that  they  are  diminished.  The  temperance 
reform  is  laying  the  axe  at  the  root  of  the  evil.  It  is  taking  array  the  CAUSES  of  sickness 
mid  of  premature  death.  It  is  multiplying  the  sources  of  wealth.  It  is  destroying  the 
hereditary  diseases  which  have  cursed  father  and  son,  mother  and  daughter,  to  the 
tenth  generation.  It  is  enabling  a  father  to  provide  for  a  large  family  of  children 
when  young,  and  for  children  to  provide  for  themselves  at  an  early  age.  It  is  culti- 
vating those  moral  habits,  and  that  sense  of  accountability  to  God,  which  are  highly 
favorable  to  the  happiness  and  enlargement  of  the  human  species.  It  is  saving  "a 
large  amount  of  national  wealth,  for  purposes  of  internal  improvement  and  social 
enjoyment.  The  same  might  be  said  of  other  departments  of  Christian  labor.  The 
circulation  of  the  Bible,  and  the  multiplication  of  Christian  ministers,  tend  most 
essentially  to  national  prosperity.  Christianity  is  the  friend  of  nations.  ' 

We  now  present  to  our  readers  some  calculations  and  details  on  the  subject  of  our 
population,  prepared  for  the  Register,  by  an  individual  well  acquainted  with  such 
subjects — the  Rev.  William  S.  Porter. 

Some  new  settlements,  and  some  manu- 
factories, will  make  the  increase  about  the 
same  as  from  1820  to  1830,  and  the  rate  a 
little  less. 

?>IASSACHUSETTS. 
Settled  1620. 


MAINE. 
Settled  1630. 

State  1820. 

Population. 

Inc. 
10  yrs. 

per  c 
lOy. 

MM. 

iy. 

Population 
inc.  3  per  cent. 

1790,      96,540 
1800,     151,719 
1810,    228.705 
1820,    293.335 
1830,    399J462 
;-.'.    .-,;;.->.!  HM 

55,179 
76,986 
69,630 
101,127 
135,533 

57,9 
50,7 
30,4 
33,9 
33,9 

4,7 

4.2 

•2.7 

3,0 
3,0 

1SJ1,      411,400 
1832,     423,500 
1833,     436,100 
1834,     449,000 
1335,     462.300 

The  rate  of  inc/ease,  from  1830  to  1840, 
is  taken  the  same  as  from  1820  to  1830.  — 
The  physical  resources  are  great,  as  fo- 
rests, water  power,  fisheries,  &c.  ;  conse- 
quently, the  increase  of  population  must 
continue  about  the  same,  at  the  annual 
rate  of  somewhat  less  than  three  per  cent. 

Population. 

Inc. 
10  years. 

per  ( 
10  y. 

,ent. 

iy. 

Population 
inc.  1.5  perct. 

1790,  373,737 
1800,  422.345 
1810,  472.040 
1S20,  5i:>.^r 
1830,  610.014 
1840,  :•>-  ...   . 

44.0.5-j 
49,195 
51,247 

11.6 
11,6 
10,9 
166 

15.1 

1.1 
1,1 
1,0 
1,5 
1,5 

1831,  619,000 
1-32.  628,000 
1333,  633,000 

!<;!.  1 
1  .-:"!.-).  657.      i 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 
Settled  1623.  Gor't.  1680. 


Population. 

Inc. 
10  years. 

per 
10  y. 

:ent. 

iy. 

Population 
incr.  3,000. 

1790,     141,885 
1800,     183,858 
1810,    214,460 
1820,    244.161 
1830,    269,533 
1840,    300,000 

41,973 
30,602 
29,701 
25,372 
30,467 

29,6 
16,6 
13,8 
10,4 
11,3 

2,6 
1,5 
1,3 
1,0 
1,1 

1331,  273,000 
1832,  276,000 
1833,  279,000 
1834,  232,000 
1835,  235,000 

The  rate  of  increase  in  such  old  states 
as  New  Hampshire,  with  small  physical 
resources,  must  be    arithmetical   rather 
than  geometrical.     It  is  probable,  howev- 
er, that  the  manufacturing  districts  will 
justify  the  small  increase  of  three  thou- 
sand a  year. 

The  annual  rate  of  increase  is  taken  at 
1,5  per  cent,  a  trifle  less  than  it  was  from 
1820  to  1830.  The  increase  of  manufac- 
tories, the  ready  market  for  the  produce  of 
farms  and  the  fisheries,  will  warrant  such 
an  estimate. 

RHODE  ISLAND. 
Settled  1636.  Govt.  1646. 


Population. 

Inc. 
10  years. 

per 
10  y. 

:ent. 

iy. 

Population 
inc.  1,5  perct. 

1790,     6-J.325 
1300,     69.122 
1810,     76,931 
1820,    83.059 
1830,    97.212 
1840,  113.000 

297 
7,809 
6,123 
14.153 
15,788 

4 
11,3 
8,0 
17,0 
16.1 

1,1 
8 
1,6 
1,5 

!-:!!,      98,7l*J 
1832,    100,100 
1533,    101,600 
1834,    103.100 
1335,    10-1.700 

Settled  1749. 


VERMONT. 
Govt.  1777. 


State  1791. 


The  increase  is  confined  to  the  manu- 
facturing districts  ;  and  as  the  principal 
streams  are  now  occupied,  and  the  district 
of  which  Providence  is  the  centre,  is  ex- 
tending more  into  Massachusetts,  the  rate 
of  increase  will  probably  be  not  greater 
than  1,5  per  cent. 

CONNECTICUT. 
Settled  1636.  Govt.  1639. 


Population. 

Inc. 
10  years. 

per 
10  y. 

:ent. 

1  V. 

Population 
inc.  1,5  per  ct. 

Population. 

Inc. 
10  years. 

per 
Hly. 

cent. 

iy. 

Population, 
increase  2,500 

1790,     85.539 
1ROO,  154^65 
1810,  217,395 
1820,  235.764 
1830,  280;679 
1840,  326,000 

1790,  237.U46 
1300,  2'>1  002 
1310,  261.9-12 
275,248 
1330,  297.  Til 
1-40.  323.0i  n 

63,926 
63.430 
17,369 
44,915 
45.321 

81,0 
41,0 
8,2 
19,0 
16,1 

6,1 
3,5 

8 

1.8 
1.5 

1SU.  234,900 
I-:):.'.  239,200 
1333,  293.500 
133},  297,900 
1835,  .••.utUOO 

13.056 
10.940 
13.306 
22,463 

5.5 
4,3 

.VI 
8,2 

S:4 

" 

4 
5 
8 

8 

1331,   3U0.200 
1332,   3021700 
1833.   305.200 
1-:',K    307,700 
1-::-..    310.200 

THE    UNITED   STATES. 


515 


(See  New  Hampshire.)  Notwithstand- 
ing the  increase  of  manufactories,  the 
constant  emigration  to  the  west,  and  to 
New  York  city,  will  prevent  any  conside- 
rable alteration  in  the  increase. 


NEW  YORK. 


Settled  1614. 


Govt.  1629. 


Population. 


1790.  340,120 

1800,  586,050 

1810.  959,049 

1820,  1,372,812 

1830,  1,913,508 

1840,  2,500,000 


Inc. 

10  years 


245,930 
372,999 
413,763 
540,696 
586,492 


per  cent. 


10y.ll 


72,3 
63,7 
43,1 
39,4 

:-!().  7 


Population 
increase  1 ,6  per 
cent. +27,000 


1831,  1,961,000 

1832,  2,019,000 

1833,  2,077,000 

1834,  2,136,000 

1835,  2,196,000 


The  resources  of  New  York  are  very 
great ;  but  as  most  of  the  productive  land 
has  been  taken  up,  the  rate  of  increase 
cannot  be  as  great  as  at  former  periods. 
The  increase  will  probably  continue  at 
something  more  than  arithmetical  ratio. 
Hence  the  two  are  blended  by  adding  1,6 
per  cent,  the  half  rate  of  3,2  per  cent,  to 
27,000,  the  half  arithmetical  increase  of 
54,000. 

NEW  JERSEY. 
Settled  1664. 


Population. 
1790,  184,139" 
1800,  211,149 
1810,  245,562 
1820,  277,575 
1830,  320,779 
1840,  371,000 


Inc. 
10  years. 


27,010 
34,413 
32,013 
43,204 
50.221 


per  cent. 


IQy. 
14,7 
16,3 
13,0 
15,6 
15,6 


Population 
inc.  1,5  per  ct 


1831,  325.000 

1832,  330,000 

1833,  335,000 

1834,  340,000 

1835,  345,000 


The  rate  of  increase  cannot  be  materi- 
ally altered.  It  has  been  very  uniform 
since  1790.  Those  parts  in  the  vicinity 
of  New  York  and  Philadelphia,  and  the 
manufacturing  community  at  Patterson, 
will  continue  to  increase  sufficiently  to 
keep  up  the  same  ratio,  nearly  1,5  per  cent. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Settled  1682. 


Population. 


1790,  434,373 
1,300,  602,545 
1810,  810,091 
1820,  1,049,313 
1830,  1,347,672 
1840,  1,700,000 


Inc. 

10  years. 


168,172 
207,546 
239,222 
298,359 
352,328 


per  cent. 


10  y. 


34,5 
29,5 
28,5 
26,1 


Population 
inc.  2,3  per  ct. 


1831,  1,380,000 

1832,  1,412,000 

1833,  1,445,000 

1834,  1,479,000 

1835,  1,514,000 


The  rate  of  increase  has  been  very  uni- 
form in  Pennsylvania.  The  physical  re- 
sources of  this  state  have  not  been  so 
much  developed  as  New  York.  They  are 
probably  as  great ;  but  the  enterprise  neces' 
sary  to  bring  them  out,  has  not  yet  been 
exerted.  The  present  rate  of  increase 


will  probably  continue  for  many  years,  a 
little  more  than  2,3  per  cent. 


Settled  1788. 


OHIO. 

Govt.  1789. 


State  1802. 


Population. 


1790,-'  3,000 
1800,  45,365 
1810,  230,760 
1820,  581,434 
1830,  937,679 
1840,  1,300,000 


Inc. 

10  years, 


42,365 
185,395 
350,674 
356,245 
362,321 


per  cent. 


10  y. 

409, 
152, 
61,3 
38,6 


LL 

17.7 
9,7 

4;9 
3.3 


Population 
inc.  36,200 


1831,  974.000 
1832, 1,010,000 
1833, 1,047,000 
1834, 1,083,000 
1835, 1,120,000 


The  resources  of  Ohio  are  by  no  means 
yet  developed.  The  soil  is  extremely  fer- 
tile, and  very  little  waste  land.  The  ca- 
nals will  produce  a  great  increase  of 
population,  as  well  as  the  enterprise  of 
free,  industrious,  and  ingenious  inhabi- 
tants. This  state  is  capable  of  supporting 
as  dense  a  population  as  Ireland  or  Hol- 
land. No  inland  country  in  the  world 
has  greater  commercial  privileges.  By 
the  Welland  canal,  they  communicate 
with  lake  Ontario  and  Lower  Canada ;  by 
the  Erie  canal,  with  the  eastern  and  u  id- 
die  states,  and  by  the  Ohio  river,  with  *I;3 
south-western.  Nothing  is  wanting  out 
the  wealth  of  New  York,  to  render  this,  at 
no  distant  period,  the  first  state  in  the 
union. 


INDIANA. 


Govt.  1800. 


State  1816. 


Population. 


1800,  5,641 

1810,  24,520 

1820,  147,178 

1830,  341,582 

1840,  606,000 


Inc. 
10  years, 


18,879 
122,658 
194.404 
264,418 


per  cent. 
10  y. 

335, 

500, 
132,1 
77.4 


in.*; 
8,8 
5.9 


Increase  4  per 
cent. +  10,000 


1831,  365,000 

1832,  389,000 

1833,  414,000 

1834,  440,000 

1835,  466,000 


The  extreme  fertility  of  Indiana  will 
insure  a  great  increase  of  population. 
Doubtless,  canals  will  soon  be  constructed 
in  this  level  state,  which  will  bring  the  in- 
terior nearer  to  market.  The  resources 
are  yet  but  little  brought  out. 


ILLINOIS. 


Gon.  1809. 


State  1818. 


Population. 

Inc. 
10  years. 

per  < 
10  y. 

-ent. 

iy. 

Population 
inc.  10  per  ct. 

1800,        215 
1810,    12.282 
1820,    55,211 
1830,  157,575 
1840,  403.000 

183!,  173,000 
1832,  191,000 
1833,  210,000 
1834,  231.000 
1835,  2.54,000 

12,067 
42,929 
102,364 
2M,425 

350, 

185,5 
153,9 

16,2 
11,1 
10,0 

The  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  contiguity 
to  great  rivers,  and  the  mines,  must  pro- 
duce a  great  increase  of  population  in  Il- 
linois. 


516 


MICHIGAN. 


Settled  1670. 


Govt.  1805. 


more  than  formerly,  so  that  u  may  b« 
safely  estimated  at  a  thousand. 


Population. 

Inc. 
10  years. 

per 
10  y. 

764, 
87, 
251, 
519, 

^ent. 

lv- 

24,1 
6,4 
13,4 
20,0 

Inc.  29  per  ct. 

1800,         551 
1810,      4,762 
1820,      8,896 
1830,    31,260 
1840,  184,000 

1831,  36,000 
1832,  43,000 
1833,  51,000 
1334,  62,000 
1835,  74,000 

4,211 
4,134 
22,364 
152,740 

VIRGINIA. 
Settled  1607. 


In  calculating  the  increase  since  1830, 
1,500  have  been  deducted  out  for  that  pe- 
riod, as  the  population  of  the  N.  W.  Ter- 
ritory, which  is  now  nominally  a  part  of 
Michigan,  but  will  probably  be  separated 
when  the  latter  becomes  a  state.  Michi- 
gan is  well  situated,  and  is  now  probably 
increasing  faster  than  any  other  part  of 
the  Union. 


Population. 

Inc. 
10  years. 

per  c 
10  y. 

era. 

iy. 

Population 
inc.  12,500 

1790,     747,610 
1800,    880.200 
1810,    974',622 
1820,  1,065.366 
1830,1,211,272 
1840,1,336.000 

132,590 
94.422 
90^44 
145,906 
124,728 

17,7 
10,7 
9,3 
13,7 
10.3 

i,t 

1,0 
9 
1,3 

1,0 

1631,  1,224.000 
1832,1,236^500 
1833,  1,249,000 
1834,  1,251,500 
1835.  1,264.000 

The  whole  increase  is  taken  somewhat 
less  than  from  1820  to  1830.  The  princi- 
pal increase  is  west  of  the  Blue  Ridge. 
But  as  this  is  distant  from  market,  and 
other  states,  having  similar  products,  have 
better  water  communications  with  mar- 
kets, settlers  will  prefer  the  latter  ;  conse- 


WISCONSIN,  not  an  incorporatec  territory,  but 
probably  will  very  soon  be.     Supposed  population  in 

quently  the  increase  of  the   state  must 
decline. 
NORTH  CAROLINA. 

183ft,     1,500  ~ 
18?'      2  000  - 

Increase  36  per  cent. 

1S3SJ,    2,800 
1333,    3,800 
1S34,    5,:00  ^ 

1>>35,    6W.  •.   - 
jK40,  32,IK,f<  , 

The  mines  in  this  territory 
vill  attract  some  settlers,  and 
•oine  towns  will  spring  up  on 
ue  water  courses,  and  produce 
increase  in  the  population. 

DELAWARE. 
17.                             Govt.  1704. 

Population. 

Inc. 
10  years. 

per  c 
10  y. 

ent. 

iy. 

Population 
inc.  10,000 

1790,  393,951 
1800,478,103 
1810,  555.500 
1820,  638^829 
1830,  738,470 
i-  in.  <KOI>O 

84,152 
77,397 
83,329 
99,641 
99.530 

21,4 
16,2 
15,0 
15,6 
13.5 

2,0 
1,5 
1.4 
1,5 
1.3 

1831,  748,000 
1832,  758,000 
1833,  768,000 
1834,  778,000 
1835,  788.000 

considf-  ibie 
Settled  16! 

The  gold  mines  in  this  state  will  pro-, 
duce  considerable  increase  in  those  dis- 
tricts.    The  western  parts  are  far  distant 
from  market,  and  the  eastern  parts  are  so 
much  poorer  land  than  Alabama,  Missis- 
sippi, Tennessee,   Missouri,   &c.,  whose 
products  are  the  same,  that  they  can  in- 
crease but  little.      The  increase  in  this 
state  has  been  very  uniform. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

Population. 

Inc. 

per 
10  y. 

cent. 

iy. 

Population 
increase  400 

1790,    59,094 
1800,    64,273 
1810,     72,674 
1820,    72,749 
18:30,    76,739 
1840,    81,000 

10  years. 

5,179 
8,401 
75 
3,990 
4,261 

8,8 
13,1 
1 
5,5 
5,2 

8 
1,2 
0 
5 
6 

1831,  77,100 
1832,  77,500 
1833,  77:900 
1834,  78^300 
1835,  78,700 

MARYLAND. 
Settled  1634. 

Population. 

Inc. 

10  years. 

per  c 

10  y. 
8,2 
10,0 
7,0 
9,7 
9,0 

ent. 

iy. 

Population 
ncrease  4,000 

Population. 

Inc. 

10  years. 

per 
10  y. 

cent. 

iy. 

Population, 
increase  7,000 

1790,  319,728 
1800,  345,824 
1810,  380,546 
1820,  407,350 
1830,  446.913 
1840,  487,000 

1790,    219.07: 
1800,    345,591 
1810,   415.115 
1820,    502,741 
1830,    581,458 
1840,    651.000 

26,096 
34.722 
26,804 
39,563 

40,087 

8 
1,0 
7 
9 
9 

1831,  451,000 
1832,  455,000 
1833,  459,000 
1834,  463.000 
1835.  467,1100 

96,618 

G9,524 
87,626 
78^717 
69.542 

3S.7 
20,1 
21.1 

15,7 
12.0 

3,3 
1,8 
1,9 
1,5 
1.1 

1331,  588,000 
1832,  595,000 
1833,  602,000 
1834,  609,000 
1835,  61(5.000 

The  rail  road  will  produce  some  increase 
in  Baltimore  and  the  western  parts  of  the 
state  ;  but  the  decrease  of  slaves  will  pre- 
vent any  additional  increase  in  the  whole 
state. 

DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 

Ceded  1790. 


Population. 

Inc. 
10  years. 

per  ( 
10  y. 

70,5 
37,6 
20.6 

25,4 

,ent. 

i  y- 

K    K 

3^2 
L9 

2.3 

Increase  1,000 

J800,     14,093 
1810,    24,023 
1820,    33,039 
1830,    39,858 
1840,    50,000 

1831,  41,000 
1832,  42.000 
1833,  43.000 

ias4, 

1835.  45.0;X) 

9,930 
9,016 
9,819 
10.142 

The  canal  will  produce  some  increase, 

The  south-western  states  compete  still 
more  with  South  Carolina  than  with  North ; 
consequently  the  increase  must  be  less ; 
the  rail  road  and  canals,  however,  will 
have  some  effect  in  raising  it,  so  that 
7,000  may  be  taken  as  a  medium. 

GEORGIA. 

Settled  1733. 


P.'.M'ilation. 

Inc. 
10  years. 

per 
10  y. 

;ent. 

i  y. 

Population 
inc.  3.1  per  ct. 

1790,    82,548 
1300.  10-2,686 
;-.2.433 
:'.  laP89 
Ix'i'i,  516,567 
1840,  701,000 

80,138 
89,747 
88,556 
175,578 
184,433 

97.1 
55,1 

35,1 
51,1 
35.7 

7.0 
4.5 
3.1 
4,2 
3.1 

1831,  533,000 
1832,  549,000 
183:?,  566.000 
1834,  534.000 
,  1835^  602.000 

THE  UNITED  STATES. 


517 


The  new  lands  of  Georgia  acquired 
from  the  Indians,  have  been  so  quickly 
taken  up,  that  the  population  has  increas- 
ed very  rapidly.  Henceforth  the  increase 
cannot  be  as  great.  The  policy  of  the 
State  government  in  distributing  the  new 
lands  by  lottery,  must  have  an  injuri- 
ous effect  on  the  permanent  prosperity 
and  increase  of  population  in  the  state. 
Care  is  not  taken  to  preserve  the  land  in  a 
productive  condition.  By  the  method  of 
cultivation,  the  soil  is  soon  exhausted, 
and  the  planter,  by  lottery,  draws  another 
plantation,  or  purchases  one  at  a  low 
price,  and  leaves  his  own  exposed  to  the 
washings  of  heavy  raias,  which  soon  ru- 
ins much  of  the  uplands.  The  new  lands 
of  Alabama  and  Mississippi  are  more 
productive  and  less  liable  to  injury  ;  hence 
new  settlers  will  prefer  these  states.  The 
acquisition  of  new  lands  will  secure  a 
large  increase  for  the  present. 

ALABAMA. 

Govt.  1817.  State  1820. 


Population. 


1816,  29,683 

1813,  70,542 

1820,  144,041 

1830,  308,997 

1840,  527,400 


Inc. 

2  years. 

40,859 
73,499 

10  years 


1C,  1.956 
218.403 


137,7 
104.1 

10  y. 
114,0 


54,2 
42,9 


7,9 


70.7     5,5 


Population 
inc.  4  percent. 
.    -f8,000 


1831,  329,000 
1S32,  350,000 

1833,  372,000 

1834,  394.000 

1835,  410,000 


The  increase  of  this  state  for  a  few  of 
the  first  years  of  its  settlement  was  very 
rapid.  The  rate  hereafter  will  not  be  so 
great,  as  the  staple  productions  are  not  so 
valuable ;  and  slaves  are  not  allowed  to 
be  brought  in  from  other  states  for  sale. 
But  as  the  soil  is  very  good,  and  cotton 
can  be  raised  at  half  the  expense  it  costs 
in  Carolina,  the  increase  will  continue 
very  great. 

MISSISSIPPI. 
Settled  1716.        Govt.  1798.        State  1817. 


Population. 


1816,  4.5.929 

1820,  75,448 

1830,  130.806 

1840,  355.000 


Inc. 
4  years. 


29,519 


10  years 


61,358 
218,194 


per  cent. 

ly 

13,2 


64.3 
10  y 

81,3 
159,4 


6,1 

10.0 


Inc.  10  per  ct. 


1831,  150,000 

1832,  165,000 

1833,  182,000 

1834,  200,0')') 

1835,  220.000 


The  recent  acquisition  of  the  productive 
land  from  the  Indians,  and  its  vicinity  to 
the  Mississippi  river,  will  insure  a  large 
increase  of  population.  Still  the  estimate 
must  be  doubtful,  for  it  is  uncertain  how 
rapidly  these  lands  may  be  vacated  by  the 
Indians  and  brought  into  the  market. 


LOUISIANA. 
Settled  1699.        Govt.  1804. 


State  1812. 


Population. 

Inc. 
10  years. 

per  i 
10  y. 

100,4 
40,5 
34,8 

ent. 

ly. 

7,2 
3,5 
3, 

Increase  7,500 

1831,  223,000 
1832,  230,500 
1833,  238,000 
1834,  245,500 
1835,  253,000 

1810,    76,556 
1820,  153,407 
1830,  215,575 
1840,  291,000 

76,851 
62,168 
75,425 

The  increase  of  this  state  will  not  mate- 
rially vary.  Slaves  are  not  allowed  to  be 
brought  in  for  sale,  and  it  is  not  a  climate 
to  which  whites  will  emigrate. 

FLORIDA. 
Govt.  1822. 


Population  increase  about  15  per  cent,   _ 


1830, 
1831, 


34,725 
40.000 


1832,  46.000 

1833,  53,000 

1834,  61,000 

1835,  70,000 
1840,  141,000 


The  increase  of  population 
is  uncertain ;  though,  from 
the  adaptedness  of  the  soil  to 
the  cultivation  of  sugar  and 
tropical  productions,  the  in- 
crease will  probably  not  be 


far  from  the  estimate. 

TENNESSEE. 
Settled  1770.        Govt.  1790. 


State  1796. 


Population. 

Inc. 
10  years. 

per 
10  y. 

:ent. 

ly. 

12,4 
9,5 
4,9 
5,0 
3,3 

Increase  26500 

1790,     32,691 
1800,  105.602 
1810,  261,727 
1820,  422,813 
1830,  684,822 
1840,  950,000 

73,01  1 
156,125 
261,086 
262,009 

265,178 

223,0 
147,8 
60,8 
62,7 

38,8 

1831,  711,500 
1832,  738,000 
1834,  764,500 
1834,  791,000 
1835,  817,500 

Tennessee,  from  its  water  communica- 
tions and  good  soil  in  the  western  parts, 
will  continue  to  increase  ;  but  rather  in  an 
arithmetical  ratio,  as  most  of  the  new 
lands  are  taken  up,  and  the  production  of 
cotton  is  not  so  profitable  as  formerly. 

KENTUCKY. 
Settled  1775.  State  1792. 


Population. 

Inc. 
10  years. 

per 

10  y. 

200,0 
84,0 
33,8 
22,1 
17,3 

;ent. 

i  y- 

Population 
inc.  12,000 

1790,     73,677 
1800,  220,959 
1810,  406,511 
1320,  564,317 
1830,  688,844 
1840,  803.000 

147,232 
185,552 
157,806 
124,527 
119,156 

11,6 
6,3 
3,3 
2,0 
1,6 

1831,  700,000 
1832,  712,000 
1833,  724,000 
1834,  736,000 
1835,  748,000 

The  increase  in  Kentucky  has  been 
very  uniform,  in  an  arithmetical  ratio. 
There  is  much  waste  land  in  the  south  and 
middle  parts  of  this  state,  and  the  inhabi- 
tants, from  the  influence  of  slavery,  are 
deficient  in  that  enterprise,  that  is  found 
in  the  adjoining  state  of  Ohio,  which  will 
prevent  a  great  increase  of  population. 
The  rail  road  and  other  internal  improve- 
ments may  give  some  impulse. 


518 


POPULATION   OF 


MISSOURI. 
Settled  1764.       Govt.  1804.       State  1821. 

DELAWARE,  MARYLAND,  DISTRICT  OF 
COLUMBIA,  AND  VIRGINIA. 

Population.          In< 
my*. 

per  ( 
irs.   10  y. 

,ent 
13 

Inc.  7,5  per  ct. 

Population. 

Increase 
10  years. 

per  ce 
10  y. 

nt. 

IT- 

,     1831,  151,000 
'    1832.  162.000 

1790,     1,126,432 
1800,     1,304,390 
1810,     1,451,865 
1820,     1,578,504 
1830,     1,774,782 
1840,     1,954,000 

1810,     19,833 

177,958 
147,475 
126,639 
196,278 
179,218 

15,8 
11,3 
8,8 
12,4 
10.1 

1,5 
1,1 
,8 
1,2 
1,0 

1820!    66,586      46,753   235,8 
1830,  140,074      73,488    110,4 
1840,  289,000    143,936    106.1 

12,9     1833,  174,000 
7,7     1834,  187,000 
7,5     1835,  201,000 

The  mines  and  water  communications 
of  this  state  must  produce  a  pretty  uniform 
rate  of  increase. 
ARKANSAS. 
Govt.  1819. 

NORTH  CAROLINA,  SOUTH  CAROLINA,  AND 
GEORGIA. 

Population. 

Increase 
10  years. 

per  ce 
10  y. 

nt. 

i  y- 

1790,       725,572 
1800,       986,380 
1810,     1,223,048 
1820,     1,482,559 
1830,     1,836,495 
1840,    2,190,000 

Population.         Inc. 

10  yexi 

per  c 
*•    10  y. 

ent 
1  3 

2if 
7, 

10 

Inc.  10  per  ct. 

260,808 
236,668 
259,511 
353,936 
353,505 

35,9 
24,0 
21,2 
23,9 
19,3 

3,1 
2,2 
1,9 

2.2 

l',8 

,      1831,    33,400 
1   1832,    36,800 
7     1833.    40,400 
8     1834,    44,500 
0     1835,    48,900 

1310,      1,062          " 

1820,  14,273    13,211      1344,0 
1830,  30,383    16,110        112,9 
1840,  79,000    48,617        159,4 

ALABAMA,  FLORIDA,  MISSISSIPPI,  AND 
LOUISIANA. 

The    increase  of   Arkansas,   from  its 
proximity  to  navigable  waters,  must  be 
considerable,   though  not  so  great  as  in 
territories  bordering  on  more  thickly  set- 
tled states,  as  Michigan. 

Population. 

Increase 
10  years. 

per  c 
10  y. 

;nt. 

iy. 

1790,           0,000 
1800,           8,850 
1810,       116,908 
1820,       372,896 
1830,       696,101 
1840,     1,314,000 

8,850 
108,058 
255,988 
323,205 
617,899 

1,221, 
219, 
86.6 

88,8 

29,4    ' 
12,3 
6,4 
6,6 

RECAPITULATION. 

NEW  ENGLAND  STATES. 

TENNESSEE,  KENTUCKY,  MISSOURI,  ARK. 
TER.  AND  W.  TER. 

Population. 

Increase 
10  years. 

per  cent. 
10  y.        1  y. 

Population. 

Increase 
10  years. 

per  C( 
10  y. 

nt. 

iy. 

1790,     1,009,522 
1800,     1,233,011 
1810,     1,471,973 
1820,     1,659,854 
1830,     1,954,609 
1840,    2,305,000 

1790,        106,168 
1800,       326,561 
1810,       689,083 
1820,     1,067,989 
1830,     1,544,123 
1840,'  2,136,000 

223,489 
238,962 
187,881 
294,755 
350,391 

22,2         2,0 
19,4          1,8 
12,8          1,2 
17,8          1,7 
17,9          1,7 

220,393 
362,522 
378,906 
476,134 
591,877 

207,5 
111,0 
55,0 
44,6 
38,3 

11,9 
7,8 
4,5 
3.S 

?. 

N.  YORK,  N.  JERSEY,  AND  PENN. 

•  Allowing  10,000  for  Western  Territories. 

SLAVE-HOLDING  STATES  AND  TER. 

Population. 

Increase 
10  years. 

per  cent. 
10  y.        1  y. 

1790,       958,632 
1800,    1,399,744 
1810,    2,014,702 
1820,    2,699,700 
1830,    3,581,959 
1840,    4,571,000 

Population. 

Increase 
10  years. 

per  c 
10  y. 

;nt. 

iy. 

3;0 
2,9 
2,6 

2,7 
2,6 

441,112 
614,958 
684.998 
882:259 
989J041 

46,0         3,9 
43,9          3,7 
34,0          3,0 
32,7          2,9 
27,6'         2,5 

1790,     1,958,172 
1800,    2,626.181 
1810,    3,480^04 
1820,    4,501,948 
1830,    5,851,501 
1840,    7,594,000 

668,009 
854,723 
1,021,044 
1.349,553 
1,742,499 

34,1 
32,6 
29,3 
30,0 

29,8 

STATES  AND  TERRITORIES  N.  W.  OF  THE 
OHIO. 

UNITED  STATES. 

Population. 

Increase 
10  years. 

per  cent. 

10  y.        1  y. 

1790,           3,000 
1800,         51,772 
1810,       272,324 
1820,       792,719 
1830,     1,468,096 
1S40,    2,530.000 

48,772 
220,552 
520.395 
675377 
1,061,904 

1,726,        33.0 
426,        18,1 
191,1       11,3 
85,2        6,4 
72.3        5,6 

Population. 

Increase 
10  years. 

per  c 
10  y. 

;nt. 

iy. 

1790,     3,929.326 
1800,    5,309,758 
1810,     7,239,903 
1820,     9,654,221 
1830,  12,856,165 
1840,  17,000,000 

1,380,430 
1,930,145 
2,414,318 
3,201,944 
4,143,835 

35,1 
36,3 
33,3 
33,2 
32,2 

3,06 
3,15 
2,92 
2,91 
2,83 

NON  SLAVE-HOLDING  S.  AND  TER. 

Populat  on. 

10  vears. 

10  y.        1  y. 

Population.          Inc.         Population. 

Inc. 

1800,    2,684,527 
1810,    3,758,999 
1820,    5,152,273 
1830,    7,004,664 
1840,    9,406,000 

713,373 
1,074,472 
1,393,274 
1,852,391 
2,401,336 

36,2           3,1 
40,0           3,4 
34,4           3,0 
38,7           3,3 
34,3           3,0 

lt>31,  13,220,000  361.000  1836,  15,202,000 
1832    13,595,000  375,000  1637,  15.633,000 
1SB3,  13,980,000  385,000  1838,  16,976,000 
1834    14.376.000  396,000  1839,  16.532,000 
1835,  14.783;000  107.000  1840,  17,000.000 

119,000 
131,000 
143,000 
156,000 
168,000 

THE  UNITED  STATES. 


519 


ANNUAL  RATE  OP  INCREASE  PER  CENT. 


States  and  Territo- 
ries. 

^s 

o 

03  °2 

si 

fl)  ^ 

KM 

o' 

«3! 

05  00 

Square 
miles. 

Population  to  square  mils. 

estimated 
pop.  1840, 

£3 

S? 

II 

23 

CO 

g3 

CO 

§2 

1790. 

1800. 

1810. 

1820. 

1830. 

1840. 

fr- 

t—  1 

2 

CO 

oo 

2 

Maine,  .... 
New  Hampshire,  . 
Vermont,    .    .    . 
Massachusetts, 
Rhode  Island,  .    . 
Connecticut,     .     . 

4,7 
2,6 
6,1 

1,1 
,0 
,5 

4,2 
1,5 
3,5 

1,1 
1,1 

,4 

2,7 
1,3 
,8 
1,0 
,8 
,5 

TJT 

3,0 
1,0 
1,8 
1,5 
1,6 
,8 
1,7 

3,0 

1,1 
1,5 
1,5 
1,5 

,8 

32,000 
9,500 
10,200 
7,500 
1,350 
4,700 

3,0 
14,9 

8,4 
50,5 
51,0 
50,6 

4,7 
19,4 
15,1 
56,4 
51,2 
53,4 

7,1 
22,6 
21,4 
62,9 
57,0 
55,7 

9,3 
25,7 
23,1 
69,8 
61,5 
58,6 

12,2 
28,3 
27,5 
81,3 
72,0 
63,3 

16,7 
31,6 
31,9 
94,4 

83,7 
68,7 

535,000 
300,000 
326,000 
708,000 
113,000 
323,000 

Eastern  States, 

2,0 
~5^F 
1,4 
3,3 

1,8 

1,7 
2,7 
1,5 
2,3 

65,250 

15,5 

19,0 

22,6 

25,5 

30,1 

35,5 

2,305,000 

New  York, 
New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, 

5,0 
1,5 
3,0 

3,7 
1,2 
2,6 

3,0 

3,4 
1,5 
2,5 

46,000 
8,000 
44,000 

7,4 
23,0 
9,9 

12,7 
26,4 
13,7 

20,8 
30,7 
18,4 

29,8 
34,7 
23,8 

41,7 
40,1 
30,6 

54,3 
46,3 
38,6 

2,500,000 
371,000 
1,700,000 

N.  Middle  States, 

3,9 

3,7 

2,9 

2,5 

98,000 

9,7 

14,2 

20,6 

27,6 

36,7 

46,6 

4,571,000 

Ohio, 
Indiana, 
Illinois, 
Michigan  Ter. 
Wisconsin  Ter. 

33, 
33T 

17,7 
15,8 

24,1 

9,7 
19,6 
16,2 
6,4 

4,9 
8,8 
11,1 
13,4 

~<M~ 

3,3 
5,9 
10,0 
20,0 
36,0 

39,000 
37,000 
55,000 
40.000 
omitted 

,1 

1,2 
,2 

5,9 
,7 
,2 
,1 

0 

12,3 
4,0 
1,9 
,2 
mitt 

24,0 
9,2 
2,8 
,8 
ed 

33,3 
16,4 
7,4 
4,6 

1,300,000 
606,000 
408,000 
184,000 
32,000 

N.  W.  States  &  Ter. 

18,1 

11,3 

5,6 

171,000 

,0 

,3 

1,6 

4,6 

8,6 

14,8 

2,530.000 

NonS.-hold.  S.  &T. 

3,1 

3,4 

3,0 

3,3 

3,0 

334,250 

5,9 

8,0 

11,2 

15,1 

21,0 

28,2 

9,406,000 

Delaware, 
Maryland, 
Dist.  Columbia, 
Virginia, 

,8 
»8 

3,7 

1,2 
1,0 
5,5 
1,0 

,0 
,7 
3,2 
,9 

,5 
,9 
1,9 
1,3 

,5 
,9 
2,3 
1,0 

2,100 
11,000 
100 
64,000 

28,1 
29,1 

11,7 

30,6 
31,4 
140,9 
13,8 

34,6 
34,6 
240,2 
15,2 

34,6 
37,0 
330,4 
16,6 

36,5 
40,6 
393,6 
18,9 

38,4 
44,3 
500,0 
20,9 

81,000 
487,000 
50,0u> 
1,336,000 

S.  Middle  States, 

1,5 

2,0 
3,3 

7,0 

~3TT 

1,1 
1,5 

1,8 
4,5 

,8 

1,2 

1,0 

77,200 

14,6 

16,9 

18,8 

20,4 

23,0 

~5$ 
20,8 
8,4 

25,3 

1,954,000 

North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina, 
Georgia, 

1,4 
1,9 
3,1 

1,5 
1,5 
4,2 

1,3 
1,1 
3,1 

48,000 
28,000 
62,000 

8,2 
8,9 
1,3 

10,0 
12,3 
2,6 

11,6 
14,8 
4,1 

13,3 
18,0 
5,7 

17,5 
23,2 
10,6 

838,000 
651,000 
701,000 

Southern  Slates, 

2,2 

1,9 

2,2 

1,8 

138,000 

5,2 

7,1 

8,8 

10,7 

13,3 

14,2 

2,190,000 

Alabama,     ) 
Mississippi,  $ 
Louisiana, 
Florida  Ter. 

29,4 

20,4$ 
7,2 

7,9 
6,1 
3,5 

5,5 
10,0 
3,0 
15,0 

46,000 
46,000 
48,000 
50,000 

i-' 

>4\ 
1,6 

3,1 
1,6 
3,2 

6,9 
3,0 
4,5 

,7 

11,5 

7,7 
6,0 

2,8 

527,000 
355,000 
291,000 
141,000 

S.  W.  States  &  Ter. 

29,4 

12,3 

6,4 

6,6 

190,000 

,0 

,6 

2,0 

3,7 

6,9 

1,314,000 

Tennessee, 
Kentucky, 
Missouri, 
Arkansas  Ter. 

12,4 
11,6 

9,5 
6,3 

4,9 
3,3 
12,9 

5,0 
2,0 

7,7 
7,8 

3,3 
1,6 

7,5 
10,0 

40,000 
42,000 
60,000 
60,000 

,8 
1,8 

2,6 
5,3 

6,5 
9,7 
,3 

10,5 
13,4 
1,1 
,2 

17,1 
16,4 
2,3 
,5 

23,7 
19,2 
4,8 
1,3 

950,000 
808,000 
289,000 
79,000 

W.  Middles.  &  Ter. 

11,9 

7.8 

4,5 

3,8 

3,3 

202,000 

,5 

1,6 
4,3 

3,4 

5,3 

7,6 

10,6 

2,136,000 

Slave-holdS.  &Ter. 

3,0 
3i06 

2,9 
lM5 

2,6 

2,7 

2,6 

607,200 

3,2 

5,7 

7,4 

9,6 
13,5 

12,5 

7,594,9C"> 

United  States  &  Ter. 

2,9  |2,92 

2,83 

951,450 

4.1 

5.6 

8,0 

10,1 

17,9 

17,000,0-'  '' 

520 


CHRONOLOGICAL  LIST 

OF  THE  OFFICERS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


GEORGE  "WASHINOTON,  . 

Virginia, 

John  Adams, 

Massachusetts, 

Thomas  Jefferson, 

Virginia, 

EdiD'tnd  Randolph, 

do. 

Timothy  Pickering, 

Massachusetts, 

Alexander  BaTiiltou, 

New  York, 

Oliver  Wcicott, 

Connecticut, 

Heriry  Knox, 

Massachusetts, 

Timothy  Pickering, 

do. 

James  M'lienry, 

Maryland, 

FIRST  ADMINISTRATION— 1789  TO  1797—8  YEARS. 

April  30,  1789.      President, 
do.         1789.      Vice  President. 
Appointed. 
Sept.  26,  1789. 
Jan.      2,  1794. 
Dec.  10,  1795. 
Sept.  11,  1789. 
Feb.     3,  1795. 
Sept.  12,  1789. 
Jan.     2,  1795. 
Jan.   27,  1796. 

SECOND  ADMINISTRATION— 1797  TO  1801—4  YEARS. 
Massachusetts,       March  4,  1797.      President. 
Virginia,  do.        1797. 

Appointed. 

Timothy  Pickering,        Massachusetts  (continued  in  office.) 
.ohn  Marshall,     '          Virginia,  May   13,  1800. 

Oliver  "Wolcott,  Connecticut,     (continued  in  office.) 

Samuel  Dexter,  Massachusetts,      Dec.  31,  1800. 

James  M'Henry,  Maryland,        (continued  in  office.) 

Samuel  Dexter,  Massachusetts,      May  13,  1800. 

Roger  Griswold,  Connecticut,          Feb.     3,  1801. 

George  Cabot,  Massachusetts,      May    3,  1798. 

Benjamin  Stoddert,        Maryland,  May  21,  1798. 

THIRD   ADMINISTRATION— 1801  TO  1809—8  YEARS. 
THOMAS  JEFFERSON,        Virginia,  March  4,  1801.      President. 

Aaron  Burr,  New  York  do.        1801. 

George  Clinton,  do.  do.        1805. 

Appointed. 

James  Madison,  Virginia,  March  5,  1801. 

Samuel  Dexter,  Massachusetts,  (continued  in  office.) 

Albert  Gallatin,  Pennsylvania,        Jan.   26,  1802. 

Henry  Dearborn,  Massachusetts,      March  5,  1801. 

Benjamin  Stoddert,        Maryland,        (continued  in  office.) 
Robert  Smith,  do.  Jan.   26,  1802. 


Secretaries  of  State. 

Secretaries  of  the 
Treasury. 

Secretaries  of  "War* 


Vice  President. 

Secretaries  of  State. 

Secretaries  of  the 
Treasury. 

Secretaries  of  War. 
Secretaries  of  the  Nary. 


Vice  Presidents. 

Secretary  of  State. 
Secretaries  of  the 

Treasury. 
Secretary  of  War. 

Secretaries  of  the  Navy 


FOURTH   ADMINISTRATION— 1809  TO  1817—8  YEARS. 


JAMES  MADISON, 
George  Clinton, 
Elbridge  Gerry, 

Robert  Smith, 
James  Monroe, 
James  Monroe, 


Virginia,  March  4,  1809. 

N.  Y.,   1809,  (d.  April  20,  1812.) 
Mass.,    1813,  (d.  Nov.  23,  1814.) 

Appointed. 

Maryland,  March  6,  1809. 

Virginia,  Nov.  25,  1811. 

do.  Feb.  28,  1815. 


President. 
Vice  Presidents 

Secretaries  of  State. 


OFFICERS    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES. 


Albert  Gallatin,             Pennsylvania,  (continued  in  office.) 

Secretaries 

George  W.  Campbell,    Tennessee, 

Feb.     9,  1814. 

of  the 

Alexander  J.  Dallas,      Pennsylvania, 

Oct.      6,  1814. 

Treasury. 

William  Eustis,             Massachusetts, 

March  7,  1809.  ^ 

John  Armstrong,           New  York, 
James  Monroe,               Virginia, 

Jan.   13,  1813. 
Sept.  27,  1814. 

•  Secretaries  of  War. 

William  H.  Crawford,  Georgia, 

March  2,  1815.  ; 

Paul  Hamilton,              South  Carolina, 

March  7,  1809. 

1 

William  Jones,              Pennsylvania, 

Jan.   12,  1813. 

Secretaries  of  the  Navy. 

B.  W.  Crowninshield,    Massachusetts, 

Dec.  19,  1814. 

1 

FIFTH   ADMINISTRATION—  1817  TO  1825-S  YEARS. 

JAMES  MONROE,              Virginia, 

March  4,  1817. 

President. 

Daniel  D.  Tompkins,     New  York, 

do.        1817. 

Vice  President. 

Appointed. 

John  Q.  Adams,            Massachusetts, 

March  5,  1817. 

Secretary  of  State. 

William  H.  Crawford,   Georgia, 

March  5,  1817. 

Secretary  of  the  Treas. 

Isaac  Shelby,                  Kentucky, 
John  C.  Calhoun,           South  Carolina, 

March  5,  1817. 
Dec.    16,  1817. 

Secretaries  of  War. 

B.  W.  Crowninshield,    Massachusetts,  (continued  in  office.} 

Smith  Thompson,          New  York, 

Nov.  30,  1818. 

Secretaries  of  the  Navy 

Samuel  L.  Southard,     New  Jersey, 

Dec.     9,  1823. 

JOHN  Q.  ADAMS, 
John  C.  Calhoun, 

Henry  Clay, 
Richard  Rush, 
James  Barbour, 
Peter  B.  Porter, 
Samuel  L.  Southard, 


SIXTH  ADMINISTRATION— 1825  TO  1829—4  YEARS. 
Massachusetts,      March  4,  1825.      President. 
South  Carolina,         do.        1825. 

Appointed. 

Kentucky,  March  8,  1825 ; 

Pennsylvania,       March  7,  1825. 
Virginia,  do.         1825. 

New  York,  May  26,  1828. 

New  Jersey,     (continued  in  office.} 


Vice  President. 

Secretary  of  State 
Secretary  of  the  Treas. 

Secretanes  of  War. 
Secretary  of  the  Navy. 


SEVENTH  ADMINISTRATION— 1829  TO  1837-8  YEARS. 
ANDREW  JACKSON,  Tennessee,  March  4,  1829.      President. 

South  Carolina,         do.         1829. 
New  York,  do.        1833. 

New  York, 


John  C.  Calhoun, 
Martin  Van  Buren, 
Martin  Van  Buren, 
Edward  Livingston, 
Louis  McLane, 
John  Forsyth, 
Samuel  D.  Ingham, 
Louis  McLane, 
William  J.  Duane, 
Roger  B.  Taney, 
Levi  Woodbury, 
John  H.  Eaton, 
Lewis  Cass, 


Vice  Presidents. 


Secretaries  of  S«a,e. 


Georgia, 

Pennsylvania,     ] 

Delaware, 

Pennsylvania,     I  Secretaries  of  the  Treasury. 

Maryland, 

N.  Hampshire,  J 

Tennessee, 

Michigan, 

Benj.  F.  Butler,  (acfc'reg)New  York, 
John  Branch,  North  Carolina,  1 

Levi  Woodbury,  N.  Hampshire,   >  Secretaries  of  the  Navy. 

Mahlon  Dickerson,        New  Jersey,        ) 
John  McLean,  Ohio, 

William  T.  Barry,        Kentucky, 
Amos  Kendall,  Kentucky, 

66 


Secretaries  of  War. 


Postmasters  General ;  now  first  con- 
sidered as  Cabinet  Officers. 


522  OFFICERS    OF   THE    UNITED   STATES. 

EIGHTH  ADMINISTRATION— 1837. 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN,  New  York,  March  4,  1837.    President. 

Richard  M.  Johnson,  Kentucky,  do.        1837.    Vice  President. 

John  Forsyth,  Georgia,  (continued  in  office.)  Secretary  of  State. 

Levi  Woodbury,  New  Hampshire,  (continued  in  office.)  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

Joel  R.  Poinsett,  South  Carolina,     March  5,  1837.    Secretary  of  "War. 

Mahlon  Dickerson,  New  Jersey,  (continued  in  office.)      Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

Amos  Kendall,  Kentucky,  (continued  in  office.)         Postmaster  General. 


THE    UNITED    STATES. 

The  thirteen  United  Colonies,  which  first  adopted  and  issued  the  immortal  Decla- 
ration of  Independence,  entered  into  the  confederation  of  1778,  and  formed  the  Con- 
stitution of  1780,  were  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut, 
New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Caro- 
lina, South  Carolina,  and  Georgia.  All  the  other  States  which  are  now  members  of 
the  Union  have  been  since  admitted,  in  the  following  order,  viz  : 

Vermont,  which  was  separated  from  New  York,  was  admitted  into  the  Union  in 
the  year  1794. 

Tennessee,  which  was  separated  from  North  Carolina,  was  admitted  1796. 

Kentucky,  originally  a  part  of  the  territory  of  Virginia,  was  admitted  1798. 

Ohio,  which  was  formed  from  land  north-west  of  the  Ohio  river  that  had  been 
ceded  to  the  General  Government  by  the  States  to  which  it  belonged,  was  admitted 
1802. 

Louisiana,  formed  from  the  Louisiana  purchase,  admitted  1812. 

Indiana,  from  a  portion  of  what  is  called  the  North-West  Territory,  admitted  1815. 

Mississippi,  from  part  of  the  territory  of  Georgia,  admitted  1817. 

Illinois,  from  the  North- West  Territory,  admitted  1818. 

Alabama,  from  part  of  Georgia,  admitted  1818. 

Maine,  which  was  separated  from  Massachusetts,  admitted  1820. 

Missouri,  formed  from  a  part  of  the  Louisiana  purchase,  admitted  1820. 

Arkansas,  from  a  portion  of  the  Louisiana  purchase,  admitted  1836. 

Michigan,  which  was  constituted  a  territory  in  1805,  admitted  1837. 


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